The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by President Obama in an Exchange of Dinner Toasts -- Dar es Salaam, Tanzania

State House
Dar es Salaam, Tanzania

8:58 PM EAT
 
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  President Kikwete, Madam First Lady, distinguished guests -- on behalf of myself and Michelle, our delegation, our daughters -- we want to thank you for the incredible warmth and hospitality with which you've greeted us throughout the day.  We could not be more grateful.
 
I am not the first American leader to visit this beautiful country.  Other Presidents and prominent citizens have come before me.  We just came from South Africa, where Robert Kennedy famously spoke of how every time we stand up for an ideal, we send out a "tiny ripple of hope."  Less known is that after that trip to South Africa, Robert Kennedy also came here to Tanzania.  It was a little different back then.  Kennedy and his wife, Ethel, rode in the back of an open truck.  The Secret Service has me and Michelle inside a fortified limousine.  We call it "The Beast."  (Laughter.)  As Kennedy's truck made its way through the crowds, he picked up two boys and let them ride alongside them.  The Secret Service doesn't let me do these things.  (Laughter.)  When Kennedy came, it was a public holiday here.  I apologize to Tanzanians that you all had to work today.  (Laughter.) 
 
But while these times have changed, the good feelings stay the same.  We've been deeply touched by the welcome and the warm wishes from the Tanzanian people along the streets as we came in here with you tonight.  Dar es Salaam means "harbor of peace," and we thank you for sharing that sense of peace and brotherhood for which this country and its people have long been known. 
 
Mr. President, you've shown wisdom and strength in seeking reforms so that more Tanzanians can enjoy progress, more opportunity.  And like me, you're strengthened by a woman who is a leader in her own right.  (Applause.)  I am told that Mama Kikwete is fond of a traditional Tanzanian saying -- "My neighbor's child is my child."  And that sentiment I think also captures the feeling, the partnership between -- our two countries must have.  We live thousands of miles apart, but as fellow human beings, we share a sense of obligation to each other, especially to the youngest among us. 
 
So you might say an American child is my child.  We might say a Tanzanian child is my child.  In this way, both of our nations will be looking after all of our children and we'll be living out the vision of President Nyerere.  The core values that he proclaimed for Tanzania also describe what both our countries seek -- wisdom, unity, and peace -- Hekima, Umoja, na Amani.  (Applause.)
 
So what I'd like to do is to propose a toast -- if I can get my water here -- to our gracious Tanzanian hosts, to our Tanzanian friends and to wisdom, unity and peace that we all seek in the world.  Cheers.  
 
END
9:01 P.M. EAT
 

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by President Obama at Business Leaders Forum

Hyatt Kilimanjaro
Dar es Salaam, Tanzania

7:30 P.M. EAT

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you.  (Applause.)  Please have a seat.  I apologize that we were a little bit late, but some of your colleagues had many things to say, and they were all extremely valuable.  And I wanted to spend at least as much time listening as I was speaking.

Let me begin by expressing our gratitude to President Kikwete and the people of Dar es Salaam and Tanzania for their incredible hospitality.  Thank you to our hosts -- the Corporate Council on Africa -- for bringing us here together.  I want to acknowledge the Secretary General of the East African Community, Richard Sezibera; and the President of the African Development Bank, Donald Kaberuka.  I want to thank both of them for their incredible leadership.  So please give them a round of applause.  (Applause.) 

I want to welcome all of you who have come from across the region -- Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi -- and beyond, including the United States. 

I’m pleased to be joined by leaders from across my administration, including my new U.S. Trade Representative, Mike Froman.  Mike, where are you?  Stand up so everyone knows.  (Applause.)  Because Mike will be very busy working to increase trade and commerce between the United States and Africa.  We’ve also got USAID Administrator Raj Shah.  (Applause.)  We’ve got a son of Ethiopia who achieved great success in America and now leads our Millennium Challenge Corporation, Daniel Yohannes.  (Applause.)  And President of the Export/Import Bank, Fred Hochberg.  (Applause.)  Director of U.S. Trade and Development Agency, Lee Zak.  (Applause.)  And our Executive Vice President of OPIC, Mimi Alemayehou.  (Applause.)  

Now, we just had an opportunity to have a terrific conversation with some of you about what we can be doing together -- investment between our countries and economic growth here in Africa.  And that’s what I want to just speak on briefly today.

This is the final leg of my visit to Africa.  And at every stop, one of my main messages has been that, even as this continent faces great challenges, this is also a moment of great promise for Africa.  And it’s a tribute to the extraordinary drive, and talents, and determination of Africans all across the continent.  So, yesterday, in Cape Town, I said that I believe this creates opportunities for a new kind of relationship between the United States and Africa -- a partnership rooted in equality and shared interests.  And it starts by building on the progress that we’re seeing and empowering Africans to access even greater economic opportunity. 

And that’s a worthy goal in its own right, but I’m also here because, in our global economy, our fortunes are linked like never before.  So more growth and opportunity in Africa can mean more growth and opportunity in the United States.  And this is not charity; this is self-interest.  And that’s why a key element of my engagement with Africa, and a key focus during this trip, has been to promote trade and investment that can create jobs on both sides of the Atlantic.  And I believe we can accomplish that, because we’ve got an enormous opportunity to unleash the next era of African growth.  And many of you know it better than I because you’re at the forefront of it. 

Africa is home to many of the world’s fastest-growing economies.  Sectors like retail, telecom and manufacturing are gaining speed.  And here in East Africa, over a decade, the region’s economy quadrupled.  The world is investing in Africa like never before.  In fact, we’re close to reaching a historic milestone where foreign aid to Africa is surpassed by foreign investment in Africa.  And that’s great news.

And that growth is changing lives.  Poverty rates are coming down.  Incomes are going up.  More Africans are joining a growing middle class.  African consumers are spending more and creating new markets where we can all sell our goods. 

So I see Africa as the world’s next major economic success story.  And the United States wants to be a partner in that success.  That’s why OPIC has tripled its investments in Africa, from hospitals in Ghana to biomass power generation right here in Tanzania.  We launched a campaign to encourage more American companies to do business here.  And we’ve increased the value of our financing and support for trade and investment dramatically -- to more than $7 billion.

And we’ve seen progress.  Over the past decade, under the African Growth and Opportunity Act, African exports to the U.S. have surged, and support jobs across the continent.  Our exports to Africa have tripled -- with Caterpillar, for example, from my home state of Illinois, selling mining trucks to Mozambique.  Boeing is selling airplanes to Kenya -- Kenya Airways.  American-made solar-powered water treatment systems sold in Senegal and Cameroon, they’re supporting jobs back in Pennsylvania. 

So we’re making progress, but we’re here because we know there’s a lot more work that has to be done.  There’s a lot of untapped potential.  The entire GDP of sub-Saharan Africa is still less than $2 trillion -- which is about the same as Italy.  Our entire trade with Africa is about the same as our trade with Brazil or South Korea -- countries with a fraction of Africa’s population.  Of all our exports to the world, only about two percent goes to Africa.  So I know we could be doing much more together.  And let me suggest a few ways where we can make progress.

First, to keep our trade growing, we need to renew AGOA.  But we’ve also got to make some decisions about how we can make it more effective.  Today, the vast majority of our trade with Africa is with just three countries -- South Africa, Nigeria and Angola.  We need to broaden that.  We need to make sure more Africans are taking advantage of the opportunity to export to the United States.  And one of the best ways to do that is to make sure more African goods can compete in the global marketplace.  And that means more opportunities for small and medium-sized companies, and entrepreneurs, and merchants and farmers, including women.  And so I’m pleased that Mike Froman will kick off this process at the next AGOA Forum next month in Addis.

But let me be candid -- improving AGOA is not going to be enough.  The real answer to unlocking the next era of African growth is not in Washington, it’s here in Africa.  And during the discussion with business leaders, we've got some terrific ideas about how we can release that energy. 

First of all, African governments are going to have to take the lead -- not because the United States says so, but because that’s what works best.  And for those willing to do the hard work of the necessary reforms to create a vibrant market economy and business environment, the United States is going to be a steady and eager partner.

So, for example, the vast majority of Africans working in agriculture, that’s potential that has not been fully tapped.  So we need country-led plans that can attract private capital so we’re boosting the income of small farmers, which can fuel broad-based economic growth and lift 50 million Africans from poverty, putting some money in the pockets of the agricultural sector -- small farmers, small shareholders.  Suddenly, you've got customers for a whole range of products, and that gives additional opportunities for African manufacturers or telecom companies or insurance.  Tidjane, he always wants me to talk about insurance.  (Laughter.)   

For the overwhelming number of Africans who are young, we've got to make sure they've got skills and the networks and the capital to realize their ambitions.  So that’s one of the reasons I'm announcing the expansion of my Young African Leaders Initiative, so we’re investing in the next generation of African leaders in government and non-profits, but also in business. 

We know that it has to become easier to do business in Africa.  This is something that we had extensive conversations about, and all of you know this better than anyone -- you've figured out how to work around the constraints, but we need to tear down these constraints.  It still takes way too long -- too many documents, too much bureaucracy -- just to start a business, to build a new facility, to start exporting.  And one of the useful comments that came during our discussion is, if we're going to, for example, build a lot of power around Africa, we can't have a seven-year timeframe for building a power plant.  We've got to move.  Things have to go faster.  And government can have an impact on that -- for good or for ill.

So as part of our partnership for growth, we're working with countries like Tanzania and Ghana to make sure rules and regulations are encouraging investment, not scaring it away.  And, by the way, if we can synchronize regionally between countries so that there is some standardization of how business gets done, that’s helpful too, because then people don’t have to try to figure out and unlock a different bureaucracy and a different system, different paperwork for even the most routine tasks.  

We know that strengthening good governance is good business as well -- and this is something that I've been emphasizing throughout my tour with leaders and with citizens in Senegal and South Africa, and now in Tanzania.  No one should have to pay a bribe to start a business or ship their goods.  You should have to hire somebody's cousin who doesn’t come to work just to get your job -- get your business done.  You shouldn’t have to do that.  (Applause.) 

So as part of our global effort against corruption, we're working with countries across Africa to improve governance, enhance open government, uphold the rule of law.  Because trade will flow where rules are predictable and investment is protected.

We also know that unleashing Africa's economic potential demands more access to electricity.  That’s how businesses keep the light on.  That’s how communities can literally connect to the global economy.  And more than two-thirds of the people in sub-Saharan Africa have no access to electricity, even as Africa's potential to produce energy is vast.  And that’s unacceptable in 2013. 

So that’s why, yesterday, I announced Power Africa -- our initiative to double access to electricity in sub-Saharan Africa.  I want to thank the African Development Bank for its partnership, as well as many companies that have stepped up with commitments, including some here.  And I have to say, those who are involved in this process, they continually tell us the problem is not going to be private-sector financing.  The problem is going to be getting the rules right, creating the framework whereby we can build to scale rapidly.  That's what we're committed to doing. 

We’re starting with countries that are making progress already with reforms in the energy sector -- Tanzania, Ethiopia, Kenya, Nigeria, Ghana, Uganda, Mozambique and Liberia.  And with a focus on cleaner energy, we will initially add 10,000 megawatts of new electricity generation, which expands electricity to 20 million homes and businesses.

We also know that many of the greatest opportunities for growth are often in markets right next door, right across the border.  But if it's easier for you to sell to Europe than it is the folks right next door, we've got a problem.  That's a constraint on Africa development and growth.  So here in East Africa, by reducing tariffs and pursuing a customs union, you’ve doubled trade between your countries in recent years.  But we've got to keep working.  It should not take longer to ship products between African countries than it does to ship to Europe.  A company like Ford shouldn't have to transport cars to Kenya from South Africa by airplane because it's so expensive or unreliable to do it by road or by rail.  So you've got to create a situation which is easier to trade within Africa. 

So today, I’m announcing a new initiative -- Trade Africa -- to boost trade with and within Africa, starting with the East African Community.  (Applause.)  And as part of this effort, we’ll negotiate a regional investment treaty with the EAC.  We’ll launch a new program to facilitate trade by focusing on moving goods across borders faster and cheaper.  We’ll work with the countries involved to modernize customs, move to single more efficient border crossings, reduce bottlenecks, reduce the roadblocks that stymie the flow of goods to market.

And we’re focused on specific goals.  So moving goods faster between ports like Dar es Salaam and Mombasa to Burundi and Rwanda in the interior; or reducing the wait times that truckers endure at the border; increasing East African exports to the United States under AGOA by 40 percent and not simply increasing trade within East Africa -- doubling it.  That’s our aim.  Those are the goals we're setting for ourselves under Trade Africa and here in East Africa.  And we intend to be -- we intend this to be the foundation for similar progress regionally that we can do across the continent in years to come.

And, finally, we’re going to sustain our efforts.  I’m making this trip early in my second term, because I intend for this to be the beginning of a new level of economic engagement with Africa.  So I’m announcing today that my new Commerce Secretary, Penny Pritzker, will lead a major trade mission to Africa in her first year.  My Treasury Secretary and my Energy Secretary will come to the region as well.  We will bring American investors and businesses together in a major conference on doing business in Africa.  Other American trade missions next year will focus on forging new partnerships in agriculture and energy and infrastructure.  So, across the board, we want to step up our game.

And the bottom line is this:  I want to make sure we’re doing everything we can to encourage the new growth we’re seeing across Africa, and more trade between our countries.  And that’s what your companies represent.  That’s what the incredible young men and women from across Africa who I met at our town hall in Soweto represent.  I was hearing their stories and the impact they’re already having, and listening to their hopes and seeing their determination to build their lives and their communities and their countries.  And it just reinforced everything I believe about Africa and its people. 

If people across this continent are just given a chance, if they're just empowered with the skills and the resources and the capital -- and government is accelerating and advancing their opportunities as opposed to it being an impediment -- they can achieve extraordinary progress.  And that’s what I believe.  And I know that's what you believe. 

And that's why the United States is going to keep investing in efforts that unleash that potential and its greatest natural resource, which is its citizens.  When we do, I'm absolutely convinced it won’t just mean more growth and opportunity for Africa, it will mean greater prosperity for the United States and indeed the world.  So thank you very much for participating.  I appreciate it.  (Applause.) 

END
7:50 P.M. EA

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by President Obama and President Kikwete of Tanzania at Joint Press Conference

State House
Dar es Salaam, Tanzania

5:09 P.M. EAT

PRESIDENT KIKWETE:  You Excellency, Barack Obama, President of the United States of America -- Mr. President, let me once again welcome you and the U.S. First Lady, and your entire delegation to Tanzania.   
 
I thank you, Mr. President, for accepting my invitation to visit Tanzania.  The people of Tanzania love you.  (Applause.)
 
You have seen the outpouring of warmth.  There has never been a visit by head of state to Tanzania that has attracted such big crowds like the one -- the first one of its kind.  Thank you for coming. 
 
Mr. President, Tanzania and the United States enjoy an excellent relationship.  We see eye to eye on many regional and global issues.  We have been receiving invaluable support in our development endeavors.  The lives of the people of Tanzania are different today thanks in many ways to the support and engaging from the United States of America -- support in health care, support in education.  And health care has made many people, many lives to be saved.  In education, many young men and women of Tanzania had to get -- education. 
 
Support in food security, nutrition security is increasingly building Tanzania’s capacity for self-sufficiency and food supply.  And we’re already getting there with regards to rice. 
 
Support in infrastructure development, in the road sector, in electricity, in the water sector has made many Tanzanians get these services, which otherwise they would not have been getting them.  We applaud programs like the Millennium Challenge compact; PEPFAR, against HIV/AIDS and malaria.  And your own brainchild, Feed the Future; Partnership for Growth; New Alliance for Food and Nutrition Security -- these have proven to be very useful in supporting the development efforts.
 
Mr. President, we had very fruitful discussions today.  We discussed many issues of mutual interest and mutual concern.  Again, I will say, President, thank you for coming.  And your words of support during the official talks, and readiness to continue to support Tanzania in our development endeavors goes a long way.  It was assuring us in you, and in the United States, we have a true friend indeed.
 
Mr. President, welcome.  (Applause.)
 
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you so much.  Thank you.  Well, thank you so much, President Kikwete, for your very kind words and for the incredible welcome that I’ve received here in Dar es Salaam.  This is my first visit to Tanzania, but I feel a special connection to this country.  Obviously, my family on my father’s side is from East Africa.  They spent some time actually in Tanzania.  And so, the love Michelle and I and the girls have felt on our arrival, I want to assure you that love is reciprocated and given back in return.  So, habari zenu.  (Applause.) 
 
Now, President Kikwete was the first African leader I welcomed to the White House after I took office.  I was pleased to welcome him to Washington last year for the launch of our New Alliance on Food Security.  And as the President indicated, we had excellent discussions today.  Our visits and work together reflect the long relationship between our countries and our shared commitment to the development and the dignity of the people of Tanzania.
 
My visit comes on the 50th anniversary of a key moment in our relationship -- when President Kennedy welcomed to the White House the father of your nation, President Julius Nyerere.  Tanzania was one of the first countries to welcome the Peace Corps.  That spirit of friendship continues.  Tanzania is a close partner, as the President indicated, on almost all our major development initiatives.  And this reflects our confidence in the people of Tanzania that, with the right steps, Tanzania has the potential to unlock new economic growth not only in this country but all across East Africa.
 
For example, Tanzanians continue to work to strengthen their democracy.  Parliament, opposition groups, civil society groups, and journalists are all doing their part to advance the good governance and transparency upon which democracy and prosperity depend.
 
And I want to commend President Kikwete on your reform efforts to strengthen institutions, improve the delivery of basic services, and make government more responsive to the Tanzanian people.  And I also want to salute you and President Shein of Zanzibar and the Tanzanian people for embarking on a vital constitutional process that will determine the future of this nation and its democracy.
 
President Kikwete and I agreed to keep tackling the hurdles of greater economic growth, starting with the sector where the vast majority of Tanzanians work, and that’s in the agricultural sector.  As has been mentioned, our Feed the Future program has allowed us to work together to help more than 14,000 farmers here to better manage their crops and increase their yields by almost 50 percent.  That means higher incomes and a ladder for families and communities to greater prosperity.  And we're very proud of the work we've done with the Tanzanian government.
 
We discussed the importance of creating opportunities for Tanzanian youth, and I’m hopeful that young men and women here will apply for the new fellows program that I've announced this week so that we can partner with them as we seek new ways to serve, working with young people, their communities, and to help them start new companies and create new jobs.
 
I want to congratulate Tanzania on nearing completion of the largest Millennium Challenge compact in the world, which has benefited millions of Tanzanians with new roads and improved access to water and electricity.  And Tanzania is also one of the first four countries selected for our Partnership for Growth, and its investments in key areas -- new and improved roads, reforms to the energy sector -- that can help lift people out of poverty and unlock economic growth.
 
And I’m also pleased that Tanzania is going to be one of the first participants in the new effort that I announced yesterday -- Power Africa -- with its goal of doubling access to electricity.  (Applause.)  This will mean more reliable and affordable electricity for more Tanzanians, and it's something that we want to spread all across the continent.  Later today, I’ll be announcing another initiative to improve trade with and within Africa, starting here with the East African Community.
 
On health, we’re going to continue our efforts, which are saving lives.  Here in Tanzania, we're working together; we’ve seen dramatic decreases in malaria and child deaths in part because of the support that we've been able to provide.  Fewer people are being infected with HIV, more people are being treated.  We’re reaching more than 1.2 million Tanzanians with care and support through PEPFAR, including more than 500,000 vulnerable children and orphans.  So we’re going to keep up that fight.
 
Regionally, I thanked President Kikwete for Tanzania’s contribution to security, including its peacekeepers in Darfur and the Congo.  On the Congo, we agreed that all parties need to implement their commitments under the Framework for Peace, that armed groups need to lay down their arms, and human rights abusers need to be held accountable.  And I very much want to commend President Kikwete as well for the leadership role that he's played in the Southern African Development Community on the issue of Zimbabwe.  (Applause.)  We agree that the threats and intimidation of citizens are unacceptable and must stop, and that further reforms are needed to create the conditions for free, fair, and credible elections that will put Zimbabwe on a path of success and prosperity.

And finally, we discussed an issue that’s inseparable from Africa’s identity and prosperity -- and that’s its wildlife.  Tourists from around the world, including the United States, come here -- especially to Tanzania -- to experience its natural beauty and its national parks, and that’s obviously an important part of the economy of this country.  But poaching and trafficking is threatening Africa’s wildlife, so today I issued a new executive order to better organize U.S. government efforts in this fight so that we can cooperate further with the Tanzanian government and others.  And this includes additional millions of dollars to help countries across the region build their capacity to meet this challenge, because the entire world has a stake in making sure that we preserve Africa's beauty for future generations.
 
So, again, Mr. President, thank you so much for your leadership and for your commitment to the partnership between our two nations.  We've covered a lot of ground today.  One last point I need to make, and that is the President and I are both basketball fans.  We did not discuss Hasheem Thabeet, who plays in the NBA, but maybe next time we'll have a chance to talk about that.  (Laughter and applause.)  So, asante.  (Applause.)  Asante sana.
 
Q    Your Excellencies, my name is Peter Ambilikile from Jamboree Newspaper.  My question is for both of you, starting with President Obama.  President Obama, are you satisfied with the aid that your country provides to Tanzania, especially the MCC?  Second question goes to President Kikwete.  Do you believe that U.S.A. is doing enough to support our country, Tanzania?  That’s all, thanks.
 
 PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, not only do I think that what we're doing is important, but we have proof that U.S. assistance is making a difference.  Because of our programs, you've reduced incidents of malaria.  Because of our programs, you've reduced child and infant mortality.  Because of our programs, there are roads that are being built here; farmers are seeing crops with better yields and are better able to get them to market because of new roads. 
 
The MCC I think has been so successful here in Tanzania that phase one is near completion, and I know that Tanzania is going to be eligible for applying for phase two.  And when it comes to Power Africa, the new program that I'm announcing, I think there's enormous potential here in Tanzania to start getting electricity out into villages in rural areas, more reliable service that can then power manufacturing, power new businesses which creates more jobs, creates more demand.  And we can do it using clean energy and not just some of the traditional sources.
 
Now, what I would say is -- and I've said this throughout Africa -- we are looking at a new model that’s based not just on aid and assistance, but on trade and partnership.  And increasingly, what we want to do is use whatever monies that we're providing to build capacity.  So we don’t want to just provide the medicine, we want to help build the health infrastructures that allow Tanzanians to improve their overall health systems. 
 
We don’t want to just provide food, we want to increase food self-sufficiency.  When it comes to power, we're not just building power plants ourselves -- we're working with the various governments that are involved to think about what are the laws and regulations that are required to sustain it, and how do we leverage the private sector to put more money in.  So we're coming up with $7, $8 billion of U.S. government money on our Power Africa program but we're also already obtaining about $9 billion worth of commitments from the private sector. 
 
So ultimately, the goal here is for Africa to build Africa for Africans.  And our job is to be a partner in that process, and Tanzania has been one of our best partners.
 
PRESIDENT KIKWETE:  I think the issue of satisfied with MCC should have been asked me.  MCC has been a great assistance from the United States government to the people of Tanzania.  There are three sectors here. 
 
There is the road sector.  And a good thing about the MCC is that we decide on the areas or the sectors that we need assistance.  But even we decide on where.  For example, in the case of roads, there are roads that we've talked to many donors who are not ready to support us.  But when you said there is going to be support on roads, I said, let's try these roads.  Let's see what the Americans are going to say.  The Americans said, fine -- if you think you need these roads, fine, we'll give you the money.
 
Those, Tanzanians, fellow Tanzanians know Namtumbo, Songea, Binga, Tunduma, Sumbawanga, Tanga, Horo Horo -- the roads in Pemba.  But we chose those roads, because these roads are actually in our breadbasket areas.  This is where we get the corn -- Ruvuma, Rukwa, Mbeya.  We decided -- we chose the U.S. to assist us to increase water supply to Dar es Salaam.  It was our decision.  The project is now being implemented.  With electricity, we said one of our biggest problems is access to electricity for people in the rural areas.  The U.S. said, fine.  We have grid in 10 regions of Tanzania.  Coverage of electricity has increased from 10 percent to 21 percent.  It's a phenomenal increase.
 
So I want to underscore the fact that I'm satisfied with the support from MCC.  Is the U.S. doing enough?  The U.S. has done a lot.  But if I say they have done enough, then the President will not listen to my new requests.  (Laughter.)  But so far, so good.  (Laughter.)
 
Death from malaria has declined by over 50 percent.  Infant mortality rates have declined.  HIV infections have declined.  Through the PMTCT, Prevention of Mother-to-Child Transmission, more children born by HIV-infected mothers are born free of the disease. 
 
The U.S. has supported us with over 2 million books.  And today, I asked the President we want another 2 million.  He says, you talk to -- and I have seen from their faces that they are in agreement with the President.  (Laughter.)  So that when it comes to science and mathematics books, we'll have every Tanzanian child have a book of his or her own, instead of the ratios they are talking today, 5 to 1 -- now 3 to 1.  So the list is endless.  We have a lot of support.  We are very appreciative, very thankful.  It has really helped change the lives of our people.  But if they can do more, please.
 
Q    Mr. President, President Kikwete, thank you very much.  Mr. President, these scenes in Egypt suggest that Mohamed Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood government have lost the support of the Egyptian people.  When we saw similar protesting against Mubarak, you called on Mubarak to step down.  By all accounts, these protests are even bigger.  So my question is, is it time for Morsi to go?  And does any of this cause you to reconsider the hundreds of millions of dollars -- even billions of dollars -- in aid the United States gives Morsi’s government?
 
And, President Kikwete, if I can ask you -- actually both of you -- to comment on the significance of President Obama’s trip here to Africa and the fact that tomorrow we will see in what I believe is a first of two U.S. Presidents, President Bush and President Obama together in a public appearance here in Tanzania.
 
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Obviously, we’re all concerned about what’s happening in Egypt, and we’ve been monitoring it very closely.  Our commitment to Egypt has never been around any particular individual or party.  Our commitment has been to a process.  And when I took a position that it was time for Egypt to transition, it was based on the fact that Egypt had not had a democratic government for decades, if ever.  And that’s what the people were calling for. 
 
They went through an election process that, by all accounts, were legitimate.  And Mr. Morsi was elected.  And the U.S. government’s attitude has been we would deal with a democratically elected government.  What we’ve also said is that democracy is not just about elections, it’s also about how are you working with an opposition; how do you treat dissenting voices; how do you treat minority groups.  And what is clear right now is that although Mr. Morsi was elected democratically, there’s more work to be done to create the conditions in which everybody feels that their voices are heard, and that the government is responsive and truly representative. 
 
And so what we’ve encouraged the government to do is to reach out to the opposition and work through these issues in a political process.  It’s not the U.S.’s job to determine what that process is.  But what we have said is, go through processes that are legitimate and observe rule of law.
 
Now, obviously, we’ve been watching these big protests.  Our number-one priority has been making sure that our embassies and consulates are protected.  Number two, what we’ve consistently insisted on is that all parties involved -- whether it’s members of Mr. Morsi’s party or the opposition -- that they remain peaceful.  And although we have not seen the kind of violence that many had feared so far, the potential remains there, and everybody has to show restraint.
 
I should add, by the way, we have seen many reports of women being assaulted in these protests.  And for those who are participating in these protests or marches, assaulting women does not qualify as peaceful protests. 
 
So we’re going to continue to work with all parties inside of Egypt to try to channel this through legal, legitimate processes.  But I do think that if the situation is going to resolve itself for the benefit of Egypt over the long term, then all the parties there have to step back from maximalist positions.  Democracies don’t work when everybody says it’s the other person’s fault and I want 100 percent of what I want.
 
And the good thing about the United States and other mature democracies is you work through processes that force compromise, and those get institutionalized.  But, look, we’ve had 200-plus years of practice at it.  This is still new in Egypt.  And so they’re going to have to work through these things.  The key is making sure that they don’t work through them in a violent fashion.  But our position has always been it’s not our job to choose who Egypt’s leaders are.  We do want to make sure that all the voices are heard and is done in a peaceful way.
 
I know you directed the question to President Kikwete, but my appearance with President Bush tomorrow -- and I know the First Lady is going to be seeing Laura Bush -- I think this is just another opportunity for me to reiterate what I said in South Africa yesterday when we were at an HIV/AIDS clinic that has saved lives because of the U.S. PEPFAR program that President Bush started.  I think this is one of his crowning achievements. 
 
Because of the commitment of the Bush administration and the American people, millions of people’s lives have been saved.  Antiretroviral drugs have been made available to people who didn’t have them before, and they, even if they were infected with the disease, could look forward to a decent life.  Children have been able to avoid infection because of that work.  And we've continued that work, and we are going to continue that work.
 
One thing I do think is worth mentioning is that there's been some suggestion that somehow we've reduced our commitment there.  The fact of the matter is, is that we are serving four times the number of people today than we were when PEPFAR first began.  But because we've gotten better at it and more efficient at it, we're doing it at reduced costs, and then we're not taking that money out of global health; what we're doing is we're putting it back into things like tuberculosis and malaria alleviation, which is making sure that more people's lives are saved because HIV/AIDS is not the only disease that is affecting people here in Africa.  And you have public health crises in some of these other areas as well.  
 
But this indicates how timely the PEPFAR program was.  And the bipartisan support that it has received has been extraordinary, and President Bush deserves enormous credit for that.  And so, I'm looking forward to being able, on African soil, to once again thank him on behalf of the American people for showing how American generosity and foresight could end up making a real difference in people's lives. 
 
Q    And the U.S. aid to Egypt?
 
 PRESIDENT OBAMA:   Well, Jonathan, I have to say that your numbers on U.S. aid to Egypt were a little bit imprecise.  We have some regular assistance that we provide Egypt.  We have some dollars that have been held up and have to be approved by Congress.  But the way we make decisions about assistance to Egypt is based on are they in fact following rule of law and democratic procedures.  And we don’t make those decisions just by counting the number of heads in a protest march, but we do make decisions based on whether or not a government is listening to the opposition, maintaining a free press, maintaining freedom of assembly, not using violence or intimidation, conducting fair and free elections.  And those are the kinds of things that we're examining, and we press the Egyptian government very hard on those issues.
 
PRESIDENT KIKWETE:  Is President Obama's visit significant?  Very significant.  Why am I saying so?  Africa needs the United States.  The United States needs Africa.  And the only way you can build this relationship is through exchange of visits, and visits at the highest level speaks volumes about doing that.
 
So I would say the visit of President Obama to Africa consolidates existing relations, but also advances them to greater heights for the mutual benefits of our two countries and our two peoples.
 
President Bush and Madam Laura Bush are visiting Tanzania.  The George Bush Foundation has programs supporting African first ladies in the work that they do in their respective countries, particularly supporting women groups and supporting girls with regards to education and empowerment. 
 
Were we excited?  We have the President and the former President in Tanzania at the same time.  It's a blessing to this country. 
 
Q    My question to President Obama -- Mr. President, there has been no peace in Congo for almost 20 years now.  As a powerful nation in the world and a permanent member of the Security Council with a lot of influence to major players of the Congo conflict, how is the U.S. going to assist the DRC and Great Lakes to reach a permanent peace?  Thank you. 
 
 PRESIDENT OBAMA:   Well, the people of Congo need a chance.  They need a fair chance to live their lives, raise their families.  And they haven't had that opportunity because of constant conflict and war for way too many years.  And of course, the tragedy is compounded by the fact that Congo is so rich in natural resources and potential, but because of this constant conflict and instability, the people of Congo haven't benefitted from that. 
 
I want to congratulate, again, President Kikwete and others who have helped to shape a peace framework.  Because one of the things that I've said throughout this trip is, the United States doesn’t seek to impose solutions on Africa.  We want to work with Africans to find solutions to some of these ongoing security and regional problems.
 
And so, the fact that you now have a peace framework that the various parties have signed onto is critical.  But it can't just be a piece of paper; there has to be follow-through.  And so, one of the things that I discussed with President Kikwete is how we can encourage all the parties concerned to follow through on commitments that they've made in order to bring about a lasting solution inside of Congo.  That means, for example, that President Kabila inside of Congo, he has to do more and better when it comes to dealing with the DRC's capacity on security issues and delivery of services.  And that’s very important, because if there's a continuing vacuum there, then that vacuum sometimes gets filled by actors that don’t have the best interests of Congo at heart.  And we're prepared to work the United Nations and regional organizations and others to help him build capacity.
 
The countries surrounding the Congo, they've got to make commitments to stop funding armed groups that are encroaching on the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Congo.  And they've signed onto a piece of paper now, now the question is do they follow through. 
 
And so, we're prepared to work with anybody to try to make this happen.  Ultimately, though, the countries involved have to recognize it is in their self-interest to do so.  We can't force a solution onto the region.  The peoples of the region have to stand up and say that’s enough; it's time to move forward in a different way.  And, by the way, that means holding those who've committed gross human rights abuses accountable for what they've done.
 
But there's an opportunity for peace here.  And the countries surrounding the Congo should recognize that if the Congo stabilizes, that will improve the prospects for their growth and their prosperity, because right now, it's as if you have a millstone around your neck.  If you have one of the biggest countries in terms of geography in all of Africa with all these natural resources, but it's constantly a problem as opposed to being part of the solution, everybody suffers. 
 
Tanzania should be doing more trade with the DRC.  Rwanda should be doing more trade and commerce with the DRC.  One of the things we're talking about it how do we get more inter-Africa trade, because if countries like Tanzania are going to improve their economic position in the globe, the first thing they have to do is to make sure they can trade with each other more effectively. 
 
Right now, in Africa -- this is true not just in Tanzania, but in Kenya and Uganda and other places -- it's easier to send flowers or coffee to Europe than it is to send it across the way.  And that means that fewer businesses are getting started and fewer jobs are being created.
 
So we want to work with the existing international structures like the United Nations, and we're supportive of the brigade that’s been shaped and in which Tanzania is making a contribution.  But ultimately, it's going to be the African countries themselves that have to follow up on the commitments that they've already made. 
 
Q    President Obama, President Kikwete, thank you very much.  President Obama, the first question goes to you, and I want to get your reaction to a breaking news alert that just came in a few minutes ago.  According to Reuters, a senior Russian security official says that you and President Putin have asked the FBI and FSB to seek a solution on Snowden, so can you confirm that report? 
 
Also, the latest leaks by Edward Snowden suggest the United States have been monitoring the phone and email records of its allies in the EU.  So is the United States spying on its European allies?  Also, France and other countries are demanding an explanation with France saying that free trade talks could be threatened.  So how can you reassure your allies to make sure that free trade talks aren't threatened and that your relations abroad are not threatened?  And what will the federal response be to the 19 firefighters who were killed in Arizona?  Thank you. 
 
 And to President Kikwete, did you discuss with President Obama the Tanzanian diplomat who was stationed in Washington, D.C. and fined a million dollars for holding a woman against her will as a domestic servant?  Is this person still an advisor to you, and does this issue in any way undercut your ability to fight human trafficking in your great country?  Thank you, to both of you. 
 
 PRESIDENT OBAMA:   Well, I can confirm -- because I said so I think at the beginning of this trip in one of the first questions that was asked -- that we have gone through regular law enforcement channels in enforcing the extradition request that we've made with respect to Mr. Snowden.  And that’s been true with all the countries that have been involved, including Russia.  And so, there have been high-level discussions with the Russians about trying to find a solution to the problem. 
 
We don't have an extradition treaty with Russia.  On the other hand, Mr. Snowden, we understand, has traveled there without a valid passport, without legal papers.  And we are hopeful that the Russian government makes decisions based on the normal procedures regarding international travel and the normal interactions that law enforcement have.  So I can confirm that.
 
With respect to the latest article that in part I gather is prompted by Mr. Snowden's leaks, we're still evaluating the article because the problem is that these things come out in dribs and drabs.  We don't know necessarily what programs they're referring to, we don’t know how they're sourced.  And so, what I've said is, to my team, take a look at this article, figure out what they may or may not be talking about, and then what we'll do is we'll communicate to our allies appropriately.
 
But I'll make some general points.  So I'm not going to comment on any particular allegation, but I'll make a couple of general points.  Number one, the Europeans are some of the closest allies that we have in the world.  And we work with them on everything, and we share intelligence constantly.  And our primary concerns are the various security threats that may have an impact on both our countries. 
 
The initial two programs that were of concern as a consequence of the Snowden leak had to do with a very particular issue, and that is, were we going around snooping and reading people's emails and listening to people's phone calls, whether that was in the United States or in Europe.  And I responded to that when I was in Europe, in Germany, explaining that one program had to do with telephone numbers that were exchanged without content.  The other was very narrowly tailored to deal with threats like terrorism, proliferation -- and that all of this was done legally and under the supervision of the FISA Court.  So that's one set of issues.
 
Now, there's a second set of issues that this article seems to be raising, and that is how our intelligence services operate generally around the world.  And I think we should stipulate that every intelligence service -- not just ours, but every European intelligence service, every Asian intelligence service, wherever there's an intelligence service -- here's one thing that they're going to be doing:  they're going to be trying to understand the world better and what's going on in world capitals around the world from sources that aren't available through the New York Times or NBC News; that they are seeking additional insight beyond what's available through open sources. 
 
And if that weren't the case, then there would be no use for an intelligence service.  And I guarantee you that in European capitals, there are people who are interested in, if not what I had for breakfast, at least what my talking points might be should I end up meeting with their leaders.  That's how intelligence services operate. 
 
So I don't know what is precisely in this article.  I've asked my team and the NSA to evaluate everything that's being claimed.  When we have an answer, we will make sure to provide all the information that our allies want and what exactly the allegations have been.
 
But I can -- here's one last thing I'll say.  I'm the end user of this kind of intelligence.  And if I want to know what Chancellor Merkel is thinking, I will call Chancellor Merkel.  If I want to know what President Hollande is thinking on a particular issue, I'll call President Hollande.  If I want to know what David Cameron is thinking, I'll call David Cameron.  Ultimately, we work so closely together that there's almost no information that's not shared between our various countries. 
 
But I do think it's important for everybody analytically to separate this issue, which is how our intelligence service is gathering information about the world versus the particular programs that were initially the cause of this controversy, which I was responding to when I was in Germany.
 
Q    And the wildfires?
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Oh, thank you.  See, this is what happens when I've got too many questions.  Obviously, the news is heartbreaking.  And our thoughts and prayers go out to the families of the brave firefighters who are out there. 
 
This is one more reminder of the fact that our first responders, they put their lives on the line every single day.  And every time we have a community in crisis, a disaster strikes, we've got people in need -- firefighters, law enforcement officers, they run towards the danger.  And so we are heartbroken about what happened.  Obviously, we're prepared to provide any support we can in investigating exactly how this took place.
 
I think we're going to have to ask ourselves a set of broader questions about how we're handling increasingly deadly and difficult firefights.  Wildfires have been continually escalating at higher and higher cost, and putting more and more pressure not only the federal fire services, but also on state and local fire services.  And we're going to have to think about what more we can do on that front.  But for now, I think what we're most concerned about is how painful these losses are.
 
PRESIDENT KIKWETE:  The question that was directed to me -- yes, I am aware of a situation in Washington that involved one of our diplomats who later we recalled.  This incident involves a young sister of the wife of this diplomat.  They took her with them to help her get education and support -- make it in life.  And then I think there was a conflict within the family, and then this young lady accused the brother-in-law and the sister of using her for cheap labor.
 
The court decided on a one million fine, an amount which, for a Tanzanian, there is no way that he can afford to pay.  See, even the President here -- the President -- when I retire, my retirement benefits cannot pay that, because we get far less.  Then, I think there was reconsideration for this gentleman to pay $175,000, which, as far as I know, has already been paid.  So that matter has been put to rest.
 
END 
5:55 P.M. EAT

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Press Gaggle by Press Secretary Jay Carney, Deputy National Security Advisor for Strategic

Aboard Air Force One
En Route Dar es Salaam, Tanzania

10:26 A.M. SAST
   
MR. CARNEY:  We have a very exciting briefing for you today with some guests.  Let me just begin by welcoming you aboard Air Force One and thanking you for traveling with us today as we go to Tanzania.  I hope you enjoyed our stop in South Africa -- two stops.
 
Did everyone see the statement from the President about the wildfires?  Okay, so I don’t need to read that to you.  Obviously, the President is being updated on that situation regularly, and you saw his statement about the tragic loss of so many firefighters who were selflessly combating these fires on behalf of the residents of Arizona. 
 
What I’d like to do is organize this sequentially.  We have -- in addition to Ben Rhodes, we have Grant Harris, Senior Director at the NSS for African Affairs.  He’s going to brief you, give you a quick overview of some of what the President will be doing in Tanzania, and one of the initiatives that we’ll be putting forward.  Then we have Mike Froman, the newly confirmed Mike Froman, the newly confirmed USTR, who can talk to you about a trade initiative.
 
As those guys talk to you, ask them questions on their subjects, then we’ll let them head back upfront and then Ben and I can take questions on some other matters.  Before we get to Grant and Mike, Ben will give you a brief overview of today’s schedule.
 
MR. RHODES:  As you know, we have a bilateral meeting when you land and then a press conference.  Then we have the roundtable with business leaders, and the President will then speak to a forum of a larger group of business leaders.  Mike can talk to you about who is going to be attending and what the goals are for the event with business leaders as well as some of our trade initiatives here in East Africa.  Grant can speak to you about an executive order that the President is signing on wildlife protection today. 
 
So then picking up the schedule again, after that CEO forum, there will be a state dinner tonight.  Then just a scheduling update -- tomorrow, President Bush will be joining President Obama at the wreath-laying ceremony at the embassy, where they will be marking the tragic loss of life at the U.S. Embassy in Tanzania, meeting with some of the embassy staff there.  So the two Presidents will be together at that event.  Then the President will have his own independent event at the Ubungo power plant, which actually Mike can talk to you about as well.  And as you know, the First Lady is joining Mrs. Bush’s forum -- not today but tomorrow as well.
 
Q    Are there going to be -- are the two Presidents going to make any remarks whatsoever at that wreath-laying?  Or is it a silent event, essentially?
 
MR. RHODES:  I’m not anticipating -- I think this is just a wreath-laying.  We can take questions on that.  Why don’t we have these guys go -- so Grant can help you on the wildlife EO.
 
MR. HARRIS:  Hi.
 
Q    Would you just introduce yourself so we can have it on tape?
 
MR. HARRIS:  Sure.  My name is Grant Harris.  I’m the Senior Director for African Affairs at the National Security Staff.  I wanted to take a moment and discuss some of the wildlife trafficking issues, including -- because it’s hitting Southern Africa and Eastern Africa so hard.  And the President will be speaking about this today and also signing an executive order.
 
Just one moment on what the problem is, is that in the last few years, wildlife trafficking has really exploded in terms of scale and also in terms of the types of poachers and organized crime networks that are involved in this activity.  And it’s decimating the populations of some of Africa’s iconic animals, including rhinoceros and elephants as well.  Some estimates put this trade at $7 to $10 billion a year. 
 
Some of the reasons why we think that this is so important -- first is because of the conservation angle and that some of these iconic animals are actually on the verge of extinction or heading in that direction.  To give you a sense in terms of the value, a rhinoceros horn is worth $30,000 per pound on this black market, which is literally worth greater than its weight in gold.  And ivory is trading at $1,000 per pound. 
 
The second reason is it’s a security issue.  As we see criminal networks getting increasingly involved -- you see poachers with night-vision goggles and high-powered rifles.  You see also some rebel militias trading in ivory and rhinoceros horns as a source of currency and value, and so that’s fueling some of the problems and conflicts that we’re seeing.
 
The third is that it’s degrading good governance, because this is fueling corruption and money laundering, and it’s degrading some of the strong institutions that we’re trying to partner to actually build.
 
The fourth is that there’s an economic angle and an economic threat here as well -- both for the communities and the countries -- including because these animals are important for communities and livelihood, but also for tourism, for the countries themselves.
 
And then fifth and finally, it’s a health threat because this wildlife, as it’s trafficked, obviously is not being properly inspected at borders.  And so we’ve seen disease spread through this, including some links to SARS, Avian Influenza, and other issues like that. 
 
So I wanted to give you a quick sense as well of what the President will be talking about and what we’re doing for the U.S. effort.  One thing that we’ve been doing so far is raising the global profile of how bad this issue is and the international efforts underway to try to improve the situation.  For instance, in 2012, we worked very hard in a Leaders Declaration coming out of APEC, which addressed this issue.  We’ve also had a massive diplomatic campaign, including under the leadership of former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton when she was at the State Department, convening people at State and making this a big diplomatic element of our policy. 
 
The second thing that we’re doing is providing training and assistance.  And one thing that -- for instance, in Botswana, we have an international law enforcement academy that helps provide technical assistance and build capacity.  Today, the President is going to be announcing a new $10 million to support these efforts, which is going to help both the region across the board --
 
Q    Ten billion or ten million?
 
MR. HARRIS:  Ten million, yes, with an “m."  Yes, million -- $10 million.  That’s going to help Tanzania, in particular, but especially South Africa and Kenya and countries across the region.  He’s also going to be talking about how we’re working with Tanzania to help them develop a strategy, and he’ll be detailing an employee from the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service to help them develop an effective national strategy on this.
 
Thirdly is we’re supporting global networks.  And some of the funding that we’ve been developing in our diplomatic efforts are designed precisely to better network the law enforcement professionals and everyone involved in preventing this wildlife trafficking so that across the globe we’ve got a more effective response.
 
Fourth is on trying to reduce demand through public awareness about the effects of this trafficking and also making people really aware, as well as honoring activists and people in the field.
 
And then fifth, in terms of organizing the U.S. response, we’re tightening all regulations, which is something that is, in connection with this trip as well, taking a fresh look at, domestically, do we have all the right regulations on the books to prevent this.  As Ben mentioned as well, the President is signing an executive order which is going to create a Presidential Task Force that will be looking at this issue and developing a national strategy to make sure that as the United States, we’re organized in the right way and that we’re being strategic about how to do this.
 
It’s also going to take a look at the organized crime angle and see whether there are additional steps under our national organized crime strategy that we should be taking with respect to this problem in particular.
 
With those tightened regulations and with this taskforce, we’ll also have an advisory committee that is going to be providing additional advice.  These are outsiders -- people outside government, I should say, to lend their perspective as well.  So with that activity across the board, we’re hoping to up our game to try to have an even more effective response on this issue.
 
Q    Would you call it -- say it’s a $7 to $10 billion a year industry, what’s the country breakdown -- where they’re being sent, basically?
 
MR. HARRIS:  A lot of the markets are in Asia, in the Pacific.  At the same time, the United States is the second-biggest market, lamentably, and so that’s another reason that we want to look at our regulations and everything that we’re doing.  And we’ve also -- in terms of where this is coming from, as I mentioned, particularly in Southern Africa and East Africa, it’s reaching epidemic proportions in terms of the loss of wildlife.
 
Q    What kind of regulations are enforced in other countries?  Is this something you’re going to -- that the administration will discuss, for example, with China and its outreach to those other countries?  I mean, do you need -- if the U.S. does it on its own, can it be effective?
 
MR. HARRIS:  Absolutely.  We cannot be effective on this by ourselves, and it’s something that we -- that’s why we have such a strong diplomatic push, including through APEC, including in our bilateral and our multilateral diplomacy. 
 
It’s an issue we’ve discussed with China, with Russia, with international partners around the globe.  And it’s another reason that we’re focused on these wildlife networks, because the short answer is we need this to be a global focus if we’re going to be effective.
 
Q    Did this come up in meetings between the President and President Xi, for example, the other week?
 
MR. RHODES:  I know that the President has raised this issue and -- I’ll have to check whether it specifically came up with President Xi.  I know it has come up at the presidential and secretary-of-state level with the Chinese.  A lot of these syndicates are based in Asia, and China is a significant destination for some of this wildlife trafficking.
 
So what the intent here today is, essentially, how can we change our regulatory structure to prevent these goods from being imported in the United States; how can we provide resources and assistance to governments that want to do more but don’t necessarily have that capacity.  Because what you’re dealing with here is if you have significant national parks here, there’s a capacity issue in terms of how do you provide security. 
 
There’s a corruption issue in so far as some of these syndicates come with more money than governments have to pay their own staff.  So you have to put in place protections, both in terms of securing these parks, but also improve the methods that they use to ensure that their police forces are educated, and understand what the threat is, and what to look out for.
 
Q    Are you getting the cooperation you want from other countries in this?  China, for example?
 
MR. RHODES:  We’ve gotten good cooperation from some countries.  I think we could do better, though.  I mean, I think this is an area where we could have better cooperation from China.  We’ve sought to put it on multilateral agendas in the Asia Pacific.  As Grant mentioned, it comes up at APEC, for instance.  So we’ve sought to bring it into particularly our Asian multilateral forums.
 
Q    Can you say also which species in particular are the worst impacted by this?
 
MR. HARRIS:  Absolutely -- rhinoceros and elephant are the two species in particular that are being decimated.  For instance, for a rhinoceros there are about 50,000 right now left in the world.  That number was about 600,000 in the mid-20th century, and so you’ve seen a dramatic drop.  And a rhinoceros is killed every 13 hours in South Africa, for instance.
 
Q    What’s the dollar value --
 
MR. HARRIS:  It’s about $30,000 per pound for a rhinoceros horn, which is literally more valuable than its weight in gold.  And ivory is trading at about $1,000 -- I shouldn’t say trading because this is -- our estimates of the black market worth is $1,000 per pound for ivory.  And the total estimates, which we think may even be conservative, is $7 to $10 billion globally for this black market.
 
Q    I’m sorry if you answered this in response to Julianna already, but did you say how much of that $7 to $10 billion is going to the United States?
 
MR. HARRIS:  We don’t have numbers on the breakdown precisely in terms of countries, particularly since it’s an estimate.  We just know that there’s more that we can be doing domestically, which was another reason that we’ve got various agencies, including the Department of Interior, making sure that with the statutes we have on the books that we have the most effective regulations possible to prevent the U.S. from being a market for this.
 
Q    Would you say that’s more than half?  Or more than a quarter of that?  Just how to gauge what percent of that $7 to $10 billion goes to the U.S.
 
MR. RHODES:  We believe that we’re the second-largest after China in terms of the market for these goods.  So that gives you a sense of it.  China is the largest market, the U.S. is second, and there are significant other places in Asia.
 
Q    So U.S. is second to China, not second to Asia, right?

China is the largest market for wildlife trafficking.

MR. RHODES:  Yes, that’s correct -- right?
 
MR. HARRIS:  We’ll double-check.
 
MR. RHODES:  We’ll fact check it.

Q    U.S. experience with the drug trade suggests that if there’s a lucrative market for something, the trade will continue no matter what.  Why do you believe this can be stopped?
 
MR. HARRIS:  We think that it can be stopped because there’s a strong interest, particularly in the region, in doing so.  And if we’re able to build capacity to do it and increase political will and be a strong partner, we think that we can make a big dent. 
 
We’re also trying to have a multifaceted approach, including for the reasons that you mentioned, because you’ve got to be holistic.  That means both going after the sources and the causes; it also means building capacity to try to prevent it, and it means going after demand as well with the awareness campaigns to make sure that the effects of this loss of wildlife are well-known publicly.
 
Q    Thank you.
 
MR. FROMAN:  Good morning.
 
Q    Good morning, sir.
 
MR. FROMAN:  Am I to identify myself?  My name is Mike Froman, I’m the U.S. Trade Representative. 
 
Throughout this whole trip, you’ve heard from the President about the importance of trade and investment, what a key part of our overall development strategy it is, and a key part of our engagement with the region.  And there has been substantial progress over the last several years on the trade and investment front -- trade between the U.S. and sub-Saharan Africa is up about 2.5 times over the last decade.  We export about $22 billion of goods, and we import about $50 billion -- mostly oil and minerals.
 
Q    Five-zero?
 
MR. FROMAN:  Five-zero, $50 billion.  Mostly oil and related products.  And when you look at AGOA, which the President talked a little bit about yesterday, the non-oil trade of AGOA has tripled, but it’s still quite small.  And as we’ve reached the period of time where we want to renew AGOA, we’re going to take a hard look at what has worked well, what hasn’t worked well, how to improve upon our experience with AGOA so that we can increase the non-oil related trade between the U.S. and sub-Saharan Africa.
 
As part of that, one thing we’ve looked at are these regional economic communities across Africa.  There’s the East African community, there’s South African -- Southern African community, there’s ECOWAS in West Africa.  And each of these communities have made progress in terms of reducing barriers amongst themselves and are now working amongst themselves to link the various economic communities. 
 
So there’s a tripartite FTA process going on and there’s a continental-wide FTA process going on.  And some of this will take a number of years to happen.  We have focused in particular on the East African community, and that will be a major focus of the President’s attention and remarks in Tanzania.
 
The East African community -- it’s five countries.  It represents about 130 million consumers, $80 billion of GDP.  They actually have a customs union, which is a very advanced form of cooperation with a common external tariff.  And yet, there’s a lot of work to be done to actually see them implement their regional integration and see the benefits of that fully realized.
 
As part of that, you heard the President refer yesterday that we’ll be announcing a Trade Africa initiative here.  And that really has three or four parts.  One is to increase trade between the U.S. and sub-Saharan Africa.  And we’re starting with the EAC as an initial partner, but see ourselves doing this with other parts of Africa as well.  And that will go to looking at AGOA and seeing how we can improve things. 
 
We’re negotiating a regional investment treaty with the EAC.  We’ve agreed to negotiate a trade facilitation agreement, and I’ll say more about that in a minute, to figure out how to reduce barriers at the borders and help their -- help facilitate trade.  We’ve created a commercial dialogue so that the private sector in East Africa can begin to articulate its concerns to the regional organizations to address that.
 
And we’ve taken these trade hubs, which have been around for about a decade, and are looking now to expand them and make them two-way trade and investment promotion agencies.  And USAID is putting resources towards that, and we’re using all the agencies to do that.
 
The second part of the initiative is to help support them on regional integration.  As I mentioned, they have a customs union, but the implementation of that is still to be fully done.  Right now, a product that comes in through the Port of Mombasa and wants to make its way to Kigali, you run into 47 roadblocks between Mombasa and Kigali.
 
Q    Physical roadblocks?
 
MR. FROMAN:  Physical roadblocks.  It can take a month -- on average, it takes a month to get a product from the port to Kigali.  When you get to the border, there are -- trucks will wait for oftentimes days, get through the border crossing, cross into the next country and face another border crossing with a different customs system. 
 
All of these things add cost and create a lack of competitiveness for products coming out of this region.  And just as an example, coffee coming out of Rwanda takes 42 days -- to export coffee out of Rwanda.  It takes 14 days to export coffee out of Colombia.  And so these are the sort of things, as important as AGOA is -- and we do think it is important -- reducing the tariffs to the United States -- our tariffs are relatively low, on average about 3.5 percent -- that’s a fairly minor cost compared to all the costs that these inefficiencies create in their system.
 
So one thing we’ll be doing on Trade Africa is working with them on moving towards single-border crossings, moving towards systems -- literally IT systems -- that will allow customs organizations to speak to each other, moving ultimately, ideally, towards a single customs organization.  Working with them on this issue of roadblocks, the first step has been literally to map out where the roadblocks are and then help them address them.  All these things will help make their products more competitive and it will allow them to trade more amongst themselves, which is very important, but also with the rest of the world.
 
And then, finally, we’ll work on other issues of their competitiveness, including linking up their various trade associations with trade associations in the United States trying to do matchmaking, trying to help them have a bigger impact on the global market. 
 
The President will announce that.  There will be, as Ben said, there will be a CEO forum this afternoon with about 20 U.S. and African CEOs, including companies like GE and Microsoft, and Coca-Cola, but also companies -- we’ll be talking about more tomorrow in the power sector like Symbion and Contour Global that are doing major power projects on the continent. 
 
And on the African side, a number of financial firms, investors, banks, entrepreneurs, telecom companies who are very interested in expanding the relationship between the United States and sub-Saharan Africa.  He’ll give an address at a business forum with about 150 business leaders from around the region, not just in Tanzania but from around the region. 
 
And then tomorrow, he’ll go to the Ubungo power plant.  And this is a great story in terms of what we’re trying to do between our development policy and, as the President talked about, sort of our new model and our new approach.  This project began with an MCC grant -- a Millennium Challenge Corporation grant.  And MCC brought in Symbion and GE to stand up this power plant. 
 
And I’ll just give the example of Symbion.  Based on that experience -- that was their first experience in sub-Saharan Africa -- they are now, on their own, going around the continent bidding for projects and winning projects, including in Nigeria.  So it’s bringing U.S. companies to the continent using, in this case, MCC as a catalyst.
 
You’ll also see there -- and this is a project that -- Symbion is the developer and GE provides the turbines.  And GE is very, among others, are very eager to expand their role on the Power Africa initiative.  You’ll also see there the demonstration of an off-grid solution.  Because as important as power generation and transmission, and distribution is, there will always be villages -- and perhaps a significant number of villages -- in Africa that are off the grid.  And the question is how do you bring electricity to them as well?  There are mini grid solutions, there are geothermal solutions throughout the Rift Valley, but you’ll see tomorrow also an example of U.S. ingenuity trying to address this problem. 
 
Two women from Harvard who have invented this soccer ball that you -- as you kick the soccer ball, inside is an electricity generator and battery.  And so it’s called Uncharted Play.  It’s called the SOCCKET Ball, and what they are planning on doing is distributing these to kids.  Kids play soccer all day long.  They take the ball home and you can plug a lamp into it, and they can read at night, or they can plug a cell phone charger into it.
 
MR. RHODES:  Froman and I have actually done this.  Froman and I have kicked the SOCCKET --
 
Q    Is there going to be some -- we can take photos of that?
 
MR. FROMAN:  You’ll see tomorrow.  And they, by the way, invented a football and a jump rope.
 
Q    Has the President?
 
MR. RHODES:  Froman and I tried it out for him.
 
MR. FROMAN:  We tried it, we test drove it.
 
Q    Mike, if you’re a company like Coca-Cola, you can get around some of these roadblocks by just building plants in African countries.  But if you’re a mid-size company in the U.S. or another company that maybe doesn’t want to invest that infrastructure on the ground, how do you convince them to start investing here now before you take care of some of these roadblocks when you say things like it’s going to take 40 days to get your product through?
 
MR. FROMAN:  Well, one thing we’ve done is launched a -- last year and we’ll be escalating that now -- is a Doing Business in Africa campaign in the U.S. to make people more aware of what the opportunities are here, including making small and medium-sized businesses aware of what the opportunities are, and then providing them whatever assistance we can through these trade hubs and a whole government approach with Commerce, SPA, Ex-Im, OPIC, and others working with them to try and help facilitate their entry into the continent.
 
Q    So along those same lines, you talked a lot about kind of the African goods and the problems that they have.  Is this as much about getting U.S. goods in there?  And if so, are there kinds -- particular kinds of industries -- U.S. industries that the U.S. thinks are particularly -- would be particularly good for the African markets that are there?  You think about different countries, certain industries -- Asia, you think of the high-tech stuff.  Are there particularly U.S. industries that are better for this?
 
MR. FROMAN:  This is really a two-part problem.  One is -- and a two-part opportunity.  We want to increase U.S. exports to the region and imports from the U.S. -- imports to the U.S. from Africa under AGOA. 
 
But it is equally if not more so a problem of, and a challenge of regional trade -- intraregional trade.  African countries trade substantially less with each other, I think it’s less than 20 percent, than similar regional communities -- so obviously in Europe, in Asia, elsewhere.  And that’s in part due to these roadblocks, physical roadblocks, as well as regulatory issues and other problems that we’re going to try and address through this Trade Africa initiative in part. 
 
In terms of U.S. sectors of interest, really it’s across the board.  There’s an emerging middle class.  They, as in many other parts of the world, have leapfrogged certain technologies -- great use of mobile technology, for example, across Africa.  Farmers being able to download market information in many parts of Africa, you’ll see it in Tanzania, it originated in Kenya, much of the financial system is mobile-based, M-PESA, this system of transferring payments around the world.
 
So there’s a lot to be done there in terms of not just extractive industries and not just resources, but consumer products, light manufacturing and, increasingly, services.
 
Q    China surpassed the United States as the principal trading partner for Africa in 2009.  Why do African consumers seem to prefer importing goods from China versus those of the United States?  And how do you -- is that something you’re going to see to reverse?
 
MR. FROMAN:  I think once you take a hard look at those numbers, one reason China’s trade relationship with Africa is going up compared to ours is we’re not importing as much oil, period, let alone from Africa, as we used to.  Our imports are going down as we produce more and our efficiencies go up. 
 
China, obviously, is importing more energy, including or especially from Africa.  I think, as the President said yesterday, having China involved here and others involved here -- Brazil, India, Turkey, others -- is a very positive thing.  So this is not a zero-sum game.  And I think the key thing is for to make it possible for our businesses to come in, help them understand the opportunities are, help address the risks that they see, and have people compete for African consumers.  That’s a good thing.
 
Q    And I want to follow up on that on the China thing -- are these other countries -- China, Brazil, India -- are they helping too?  I mean, to be sort of parochial, why should the U.S. help reduce that number, the roadblocks, so that Chinese goods can get into -- you know what I mean?
 
MR. FROMAN:  We are already working with some of the other donors.  For example, the UK has been very active in similar efforts here in East Africa, and we’re coordinating with them.  We would welcome other donors and other parties focusing on these sorts of issues as well, because these roadblocks are obviously not only -- not only create delays, but they create costs.  At every roadblock, there is usually a cost involved and if we can reduce those, it’s a very positive development.
 
Q    Can I ask you two questions?  Do you have a list of the CEOs that are going to be there?  Because it is -- Jeff -- you said the CEO of GE and Coke, but is it Jeff Immelt?
 
MR. FROMAN:  I believe Jay Ireland will be there from GE -- he is the international head of General Electric.  I’m sure we’ll get you a final list.  There have been some ins and outs.
 
Q    One other question.  What exactly are these executives looking to hear from the President in terms of the influence that he can have in tearing down some of those roadblocks, other barriers like corruption?  I mean, what exactly are they looking for?  And what can you guys deliver?
 
MR. FROMAN:  Well, look, I think the President is looking forward from hearing from them -- of what their concerns are, what they see the opportunities as well as the challenges on the ground, what role they think we can play in facilitating.  And that is something he does frequently with meeting with business people in the U.S. as well as when he travels.
 
I think these companies will give us a good understanding from the ground of what they’re seeing and where we could have an impact, and also what messages they’d like us to carry to the government of Tanzania, the other East African Community governments as we work with them going forward.
 
Q    Do you have any sense of what they’re looking for yet?
 
MR. FROMAN:  I think we’ll find more when we get there.  I think in general they’ve been very focused on these trade facilitation issues because they see them in real terms.  They’re focused on infrastructure as well, as we heard in South Africa too -- the importance of building out infrastructure.  There’s a lot of enthusiasm by them for the Power Africa initiative -- both for those involved in the power sector but also because each of them oftentimes have to provide their own power for their own factories and not being able to rely on the local utility for power.  So they see this as a key part of their competitiveness as well.
 
Q    -- and the border issue -- I mean, customs and border issues have been very complicated in Europe, for example, where you’ve got westernized market democracies.  How much more complicated is it in Africa when you’ve got some democracies, authoritarian governments, or even no effective governments at all in some countries?
 
MR. FROMAN:  There’s been progress in a number of African countries.  Angola, for example, as I understand it, has moved towards a more computerized customs system -- as a result, has raised the revenue it collects but also has made the passage through its borders more efficient than it used to be.
 
I think there’s a great deal of interest among the East Africa Community countries who are already cooperating on a number of different areas.  This is their plan.  They’ve laid out a plan for a customs union, for going to single-border crossing, for moving towards harmonized customs. 
 
Our job is to be supportive of them.  And so I think there’s a lot of political will here.  There’s a good regional organization.  We’ll be seeing the head of that regional organization.  He’ll be attending the CEO forum as well -- and we’re working very closely with them to do this.  So I think there’s good prospects for making progress.
 
Q    Mike, the President was asked the other day about whether he would extend the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act, and he said that it would depend on whether he was confident that U.S. firms would be getting a level playing field.  What does he need to see?  What stands in the way of extending it?  And what are the problems with it?
 
MR. FROMAN:  Well, I think just to -- I think to correct you, I think the President said he does want to renew AGOA, but with regard to South Africa, where that question was raised, he is also saying as we look to AGOA and how to build upon the successes of AGOA, looking ahead, we also have to take into account how things have changed in the global economy.
 
In the case of South Africa, the issue is that South Africa also has an FTA with Europe, and so now as that gets implemented, European firms have an advantage over U.S. firms in access to the South African market and there are people in the United States raising the question why should we allow South Africa’s goods to come into the U.S. duty-free when our companies are at disadvantage vis-à-vis their European counterparts. 
 
So that’s more of a South Africa-specific issue, but as a general matter, the President has been very supportive of renewing AGOA.
 
Q    Thank you.
 
MR. CARNEY:  Okay, I hope you enjoyed our guest gagglers.  Any questions on other subjects?
 
Q    Jay, on the NSA issue with the EU -- some U.S. officials say that they are going to have some conversations with their European counterparts.  What exactly are they going to tell them?   And how concerned are you guys about kind of the response from the Europeans?  And I don’t know if -- I think Ben has said this and the President may have said this -- there is a sense that sometimes the Europeans use your intelligence to their benefit.  Do you feel like they’re being hypocritical at all in their response?
 
MR. CARNEY:  We’ve seen the report and, obviously, things that have to do with classified programs are matters that are best addressed to the DNI and I just don’t have anything to add to what we’ve said about it.  And so I’m not sure that there’s anything I can add from here.
 
Q    But this is something that the U.S. clearly feels like it needs to as least discuss with its European counterparts, right?
 
MR. CARNEY:  Well, there’s a report out there and that’s something that we would look at, and that’s part of our normal consultations with our allies, with whom we have excellent intelligence relationships -- would have discussions with them about.  But I don’t have any specifics about those conversations.
 
Q    Since that report came out, has the President had any communication with any of his counterparts in Europe?
 
MR. CARNEY:  Not that I’m aware of, no.
 
Q    Can we ask both of you -- could you see this becoming a diplomatic problem on any level?
 
MR. RHODES:  Look, we have established intelligence channels with all of our European partners.  There’s also a U.S.-EU intelligence dialogue that exists that provides opportunities for us to work through these types of issues.  Like we said, we have very close intelligence-sharing relationships with these governments insofar as their questions and concerns raised about these various reports we can discuss that with the Europeans through those close relationships that we have. 
 
I think that at the end of the day, we cooperate with Europe on so many issues and are so closely aligned in terms of our interests in the world that those relationships are going to stay strong and we’re going to cooperate with them on security issues, economic issues and, frankly, obviously also share a set of democratic values with them that I think can transcend any controversy.
 
Q    How optimistic are you that Secretary Kerry is making progress in the Middle East versus sort of acting on his own hopes that there will be progress without evidence that there really is?
 
MR. RHODES:  Well, first of all, Secretary Kerry has been very active in the Middle East at the direction of the President.  When the President went to Israel and met with Israeli and Palestinian leaders, gave a speech in Jerusalem that touched upon the importance of making peace, he then signaled that Secretary Kerry would take the lead on this issue for the administration going forward.
 
And the fact of the matter is, there’s no more difficult issue in the world.  There’s a reason why it has not been solved for decades.  But its importance is indisputable to U.S. interest, to Israel’s interest and security, to the Palestinian interest in achieving an independent state.
 
And what Secretary Kerry has been able to do over the course of the last several weeks is methodically work with both parties to try to bring them closer together so that if they get into a negotiation, it can deal with the core, fundamental issues.  And so the point here is what can be done so that if the parties do come back into talks, there’s a chance that those can succeed and that we know that they’re focused on the final status issues that need to be addressed for there to be a resolution.  And so we want to make sure that work is done before you would have that type of formal negotiation, and that’s what he’s been doing.  And as he indicated yesterday, he believes that the parties have come much closer together, that they have reached, through their discussions with him, a better understanding of what would have to inform talks between Israelis and Palestinians, but he’s going to keep at it.  He’ll be returning to the region in the near future.
 
Q    Are Abbas and Netanyahu going to meet?
 
MR. RHODES:  I will leave that to them to announce.  I think right now the focus, though, is to figure out a way not just for them to meet, but to make sure that any negotiation addresses final status issues so that it has the potential to actually solve this very protracted issue.
 
Q    Thanks, guys.
 
MR. CARNEY:  Thanks very much.
 
END
11:05 A.M. SAST

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Executive Order -- Combating Wildlife Trafficking

EXECUTIVE ORDER

- - - - - - -

COMBATING WILDLIFE TRAFFICKING

By the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, and in order to address the significant effects of wildlife trafficking on the national interests of the United States, I hereby order as follows:

Section 1. Policy. The poaching of protected species and the illegal trade in wildlife and their derivative parts and products (together known as "wildlife trafficking") represent an international crisis that continues to escalate. Poaching operations have expanded beyond small-scale, opportunistic actions to coordinated slaughter commissioned by armed and organized criminal syndicates. The survival of protected wildlife species such as elephants, rhinos, great apes, tigers, sharks, tuna, and turtles has beneficial economic, social, and environmental impacts that are important to all nations. Wildlife trafficking reduces those benefits while generating billions of dollars in illicit revenues each year, contributing to the illegal economy, fueling instability, and undermining security. Also, the prevention of trafficking of live animals helps us control the spread of emerging infectious diseases. For these reasons, it is in the national interest of the United States to combat wildlife trafficking.

In order to enhance domestic efforts to combat wildlife trafficking, to assist foreign nations in building capacity to combat wildlife trafficking, and to assist in combating transnational organized crime, executive departments and agencies (agencies) shall take all appropriate actions within their authority, including the promulgation of rules and regulations and the provision of technical and financial assistance, to combat wildlife trafficking in accordance with the following objectives:

(a) in appropriate cases, the United States shall seek to assist those governments in anti-wildlife trafficking activities when requested by foreign nations experiencing trafficking of protected wildlife;

(b) the United States shall promote and encourage the development and enforcement by foreign nations of effective laws to prohibit the illegal taking of, and trade in, these species and to prosecute those who engage in wildlife trafficking, including by building capacity;

(c) in concert with the international community and partner organizations, the United States shall seek to combat wildlife trafficking; and

(d) the United States shall seek to reduce the demand for illegally traded wildlife, both at home and abroad, while allowing legal and legitimate commerce involving wildlife.

Sec. 2. Establishment. There is established a Presidential Task Force on Wildlife Trafficking (Task Force), to be co-chaired by the Secretary of State, Secretary of the Interior, and the Attorney General (Co-Chairs), or their designees, who shall report to the President through the National Security Advisor. The Task Force shall develop and implement a National Strategy for Combating Wildlife Trafficking in accordance with the objectives outlined in section 1 of this order, consistent with section 4 of this order.

Sec. 3. Membership. (a) In addition to the Co-Chairs, the Task Force shall include designated senior-level representatives from:

(i) the Department of the Treasury;

(ii) the Department of Defense;

(iii) the Department of Agriculture;

(iv) the Department of Commerce;

(v) the Department of Transportation;

(vi) the Department of Homeland Security;

(vii) the United States Agency for International Development;

(viii) the Office of the Director of National Intelligence;

(ix) the National Security Staff;

(x) the Domestic Policy Council;

(xi) the Council on Environmental Quality;

(xii) the Office of Science and Technology Policy;

(xiii) the Office of Management and Budget;

(xiv) the Office of the United States Trade Representative; and

(xv) such agencies and offices as the Co-Chairs may, from time to time, designate.

(b) The Task Force shall meet not later than 60 days from the date of this order and periodically thereafter.

Sec. 4. Functions. Consistent with the authorities and responsibilities of member agencies, the Task Force shall perform the following functions:

(a) not later than 180 days after the date of this order, produce a National Strategy for Combating Wildlife Trafficking that shall include consideration of issues relating to combating trafficking and curbing consumer demand, including:

(i) effective support for anti-poaching activities;

(ii) coordinating regional law enforcement efforts;

(iii) developing and supporting effective legal enforcement mechanisms; and

(iv) developing strategies to reduce illicit trade and reduce consumer demand for trade in protected species;

(b) not later than 90 days from the date of this order, review the Strategy to Combat Transnational Organized Crime of July 19, 2011, and, if appropriate, make recommendations regarding the inclusion of crime related to wildlife trafficking as an implementation element for the Federal Government's transnational organized crime strategy;

(c) coordinate efforts among and consult with agencies, as appropriate and consistent with the Department of State's foreign affairs role, regarding work with foreign nations and international bodies that monitor and aid in enforcement against crime related to wildlife trafficking; and

(d) carry out other functions necessary to implement this order.

Sec. 5. Advisory Council on Wildlife Trafficking. Not later than 180 days from the date of this order, the Secretary of the Interior (Secretary), in consultation with the other Co-Chairs of the Task Force, shall establish an Advisory Council on Wildlife Trafficking (Advisory Council) that shall make recommendations to the Task Force and provide it with ongoing advice and assistance. The Advisory Council shall have eight members, one of whom shall be designated by the Secretary as the Chair. Members shall not be employees of the Federal Government and shall include knowledgeable individuals from the private sector, former governmental officials, representatives of nongovernmental organizations, and others who are in a position to provide expertise and support to the Task Force.

Sec. 6. General Provisions. (a) This order shall be implemented consistent with applicable domestic and international law, and subject to the availability of appropriations.

(b) Nothing in this order shall be construed to impair or otherwise affect:

(i) the authority granted by law to an executive department, agency, or the head thereof, or the status of that department or agency within the Federal Government; or

(ii) the functions of the Director of the Office of Management and Budget relating to budgetary, administrative, or legislative proposals.

(c) This order is not intended to, and does not, create any right or benefit, substantive or procedural, enforceable at law or in equity by any party against the United States, its departments, agencies, or entities, its officers, employees, or agents, or any other person.

(d) Insofar as the Federal Advisory Committee Act, as amended (5 U.S.C. App.) (the "Act"), may apply to the Advisory Council, any functions of the President under the Act, except for that of reporting to the Congress, shall be performed by the Secretary in accordance with the guidelines issued by the Administrator of General Services.

(e) The Department of the Interior shall provide funding and administrative support for the Task Force and Advisory Council to the extent permitted by law and consistent with existing appropriations.

BARACK OBAMA

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

FACT SHEET: U.S. Efforts to Combat Wildlife Trafficking

Wildlife trafficking is a multi-billion dollar illicit business that is decimating Africa’s iconic animal populations.  Many species -- most notably elephants and rhinoceroses -- now face the risk of significant decline or even extinction.  Like other forms of illicit trade, wildlife trafficking undermines security across nations.   Well-armed, well-equipped, and well-organized networks of poachers, criminals, and corrupt officials exploit porous borders and weak institutions to profit from trading in illegally taken wildlife.  

The United States is committed to combating wildlife trafficking, related corruption, and money laundering.  With our international partners, we are working to reduce demand, strengthen enforcement, and building capacity to address these challenges bilaterally, regionally, and multilaterally. 

A New Executive Order to Better Coordinate the U.S. Response

Today the President will sign an Executive Order (E.O.) to enhance coordination of U.S. Government efforts to combat wildlife trafficking and assist foreign governments in building the capacity needed to combat wildlife trafficking and related organized crime. 

The E.O. establishes a Presidential Task Force on Wildlife Trafficking charged with developing a National Strategy for Combating Wildlife Trafficking.  It also establishes an Advisory Council on Wildlife Trafficking comprised of eight individuals with relevant expertise from outside the Government to make recommendations to the Task Force.

New Assistance to Support Regional Partners

As the President will announce today in Tanzania, the U.S. Department of State will provide an additional $10 million in regional and bilateral training and technical assistance in Africa to combat wildlife trafficking.  This will include approximately $3 million in bilateral assistance to South Africa, $3 million in bilateral assistance to Kenya, and $4 million in regional assistance throughout sub-Saharan Africa.

This training and technical assistance aims to:

1) Strengthen policies and legislative frameworks;

2) Enhance investigative and law enforcement functions;

3) Support regional cooperation among enforcement agencies; and,

4) Develop capacities to prosecute and adjudicate crimes related to wildlife trafficking.

In addition, USAID will launch a wildlife technology challenge, which will promote the use of innovative technologies like mobile phone applications and wildlife DNA analysis techniques to assist in combating wildlife trafficking.

The State Department, USAID, and the Department of Interior U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service (USFWS) will also assign a USFWS official to our Embassy in Dar es Salaam to support the Government of Tanzania's efforts to develop an overarching wildlife security strategy.  

New U.S. Enforcement and Regulatory Efforts to Combat Wildlife Trafficking

The Transnational Organized Crime Rewards Program, which was signed into law on January 2013, enables the Secretary of State to offer rewards up for information leading to the arrest, conviction, or identification of significant members of transnational criminal organizations who operate primarily outside the United States. 

The law also allows for rewards for information that dismantles such organizations or leads to the disruption of their financial mechanisms.  The United States intends to leverage this new authority, as appropriate, to combat the most significant perpetrators of wildlife trafficking.

In addition, the Department of Interior will enhance regulations that directly affect illegal wildlife trafficking of elephants and rhinoceroses.  These regulations pertain to U.S. federal laws including the Endangered Species Act, the African Elephant Conservation Act, and the Rhinoceros and Tiger Conservation Act. 

Successes to Date and Building on On-going Activities

These new commitments build on on-going efforts within the U.S. Government, and with foreign governments, international organizations, nongovernmental organizations, and the private sector to reduce demand and strengthen enforcement and institutional capabilities.  Representative examples include:

Capacity Building from Asia to Africa

  • USAID supports over $12 million per year in counter-wildlife trafficking activities, including support for anti-poaching activities in Africa and Asia, capacity building, and demand reduction campaigns in Asia. 
  • The State Department and Department of the Interior / USFWS support the International Law Enforcement Academy in Gaborone, Botswana, which has trained 350 law enforcement officers in wildlife crime investigations since 2002.  
  • To specifically address transcontinental trafficking, USAID is funding a three-year program with the International Union for the Conservation of Nature and the wildlife trade monitoring network TRAFFIC to improve understanding of current trends in wildlife trafficking and identify priority wildlife trafficking issues on behalf of the broader law enforcement and security communities. 
  • The State Department is providing more than $2 million to support investigation, interdiction, and prosecution efforts in East Asia and the Pacific, including park ranger training and special investigative training for wildlife managers at the U.S. International Law Enforcement Academy in Bangkok.  
  • The USFWS is providing an additional $2 million annually to support the Wildlife Without Borders capacity building program, which aids government agencies and non-governmental partners in enhancing wildlife law enforcement training, promoting best practices for community stewardship of wildlife resources, and addressing other critical conservation needs. 
  • The Department of Justice and the USFWS jointly investigate and prosecute wildlife trafficking cases, working alongside international partners, to provide training and state-of-the-art forensic support for investigating and prosecuting wildlife crimes. 

Conservation and Demand Reduction

  • The USFWS provides $10 million annually to enhance and support wildlife conservation throughout Africa and Asia.  The funds support essential wildlife protection activities in 25 African countries, including improving capacity to carry out investigations and prosecutions of wildlife crime; developing effective park law enforcement and management to deter illegal hunting; improving management of key wildlife species and protected areas; and developing community management schemes.  
  • USAID invests $200 million a year in biodiversity conservation, $70 million of which is in Africa.  These investments provide support for community-based approaches to natural resources management in Africa, including community-scouting and ranger programs.  
  • In consumer nations in Asia, USFWS supports government partners in awareness and demand reduction campaigns, which include public outreach to discourage consumption, noting the cost to wildlife of purchased exotic items, and highlighting criminal consequences of consuming illegally trafficked or purchased wildlife products.  

Building a Coalition of Partnerships

  • The United States is working with the International Consortium to Combat Wildlife Crime and other interested partners to support the creation of a global network of regional and national Wildlife Enforcement Networks to improve communication and strengthen response actions across enforcement agencies globally.  USAID has invested $17 million since 2005 to specifically support improving these regional networks of wildlife enforcement officials, as well as increasing public awareness, reducing demand for wildlife products, and building political will.  The United States is also supporting the creation of new networks in central Africa and the Horn of Africa, among others in Asia and South America.  
  • Additionally, the United States encourages participation by governments, civil society, and the private sector in existing partnerships that combat wildlife crime, such as the Coalition Against Wildlife Trafficking (CAWT). 

Raising the Issue in International Fora

  • The United States successfully co-sponsored a resolution at the 2013 UN Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice encouraging UN Member States to classify wildlife trafficking as a “serious” crime as defined in the UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime.  This will facilitate further international cooperation among states that have ratified or acceded to the treaty, and will lead to increased penalties for traffickers. 

Through U.S. advocacy, the 2012 APEC Leaders Declaration included commitments to address both the supply and demand for endangered and protected wildlife, including through capacity building and increased enforcement.

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

FACT SHEET: Trade Africa

Today the President will announce the launch of Trade Africa, a new partnership between the United States and sub-Saharan Africa that seeks to increase internal and regional trade within Africa, and expand trade and economic ties between Africa, the United States, and other global markets.

Trade Africa will initially focus on the member states of the East African Community (EAC) -- Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, and Uganda.  The EAC is an economic success story, and represents a market with significant opportunity for U.S. exports and investment.  The five states of the EAC, with a population of more than 130 million people, have increasingly stable and pro-business regulations.  They are home to promising local enterprises that are forming creative partnerships with multinational companies.  And EAC countries are benefiting from the emergence of an educated, globalized middle class.  Intra-EAC trade has doubled in the past five years, and the region’s GDP has risen to more than $80 billion – quadrupling in only 10 years.

In its initial phase, Trade Africa aims to double intra-regional trade in the EAC, increase EAC exports to the United States by 40%, reduce by 15% the average time needed to import or export a container from the ports of Mombasa or Dar es Salaam to land-locked Burundi and Rwanda in the EAC’s interior, and decrease by 30% the average time a truck takes to transit selected borders.

The United States also hopes to expand its collaboration with other regional economic communities in Africa, including in cooperation with other partner nations.  Increasing trade between the United States and Africa will be the focus of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) Forum in Addis Ababa on August 9 - 13.  The Forum will celebrate the progress achieved through AGOA since it was signed into law in 2000, and will help pave the way to AGOA’s renewal by 2015.

Increase U.S.-EAC Trade and Investment

Trade Africa will help mobilize resources to support increased U.S.-EAC trade and investment, building upon the U.S.-EAC Trade and Investment Partnership (TIP) announced in June 2012.  Activities underway include:

  • Exploration of a U.S.-EAC Investment Treaty to contribute to a more attractive investment environment; 
  • Launch of negotiations on a Trade Facilitation Agreement and expansion of the TIP to include regulatory issues that affect the competitiveness of EAC regional and global trade (including with the United States), particularly the development of product standards, and regulatory systems related to food safety and plant and animal health; 
  • Establishment of a new U.S.–EAC Commercial Dialogue to bring the private sector together with policy makers and increase opportunities for trade and investment; 
  • Transformation of the U.S.–Africa Trade Hubs into U.S. Trade and Investment Centers to provide information, advisory services, and risk mitigation and financing to encourage linkages between U.S. and East African investors and exporters; and, 
  • Advancing the “Doing Business in Africa” campaign to encourage U.S. businesses to take advantage of growing trade and investment opportunities and to promote trade missions, reverse trade missions, trade shows, and business-to-business matchmaking in key sectors. 

Support EAC Regional Integration

The United States is also supporting the EAC’s efforts to advance regional integration, through bilateral and regional trade facilitation and a new partnership with TradeMark East Africa, with specific focus on:

  • Reducing barriers at borders, including by moving to single border crossings and implementing customs modernization programs using innovative technologies that allow customs services to communicate with each other; 
  • Supporting the transition to a single EAC customs and revenue sharing authority; and, 
  • Addressing barriers to transit that constrain the region’s competitiveness, including by reducing the number of roadblocks and the amount of time spent and fees paid to move products from the ports to neighboring borders.   

Increase EAC Trade Competitiveness

The United States will also form public-private partnerships with East African and U.S. industries and trade associations to stimulate greater trade in goods under the African Growth and Opportunity Act and, specifically, to:

  • Build the capacity of private sector associations in Africa to provide sustainable business services and promote investment in key growth sectors in Africa, including agriculture, health, clean energy, environment and trade-related infrastructure; 
  • Formalize partnerships between American and African associations to increase trade through collaboration on trade shows and business-to-business matchmaking; 

Work with governments and National Export Associations to develop export strategies and establish export resource centers across the EAC to provide sustainable services for firms looking to export under AGOA.

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Statement by the President on the Wildfire in Arizona

Yesterday, nineteen firefighters were killed in the line of duty while fighting a wildfire outside Yarnell, Arizona. They were heroes -- highly-skilled professionals who, like so many across our country do every day, selflessly put themselves in harm's way to protect the lives and property of fellow citizens they would never meet. In recent days, hundreds of firefighters have battled extremely dangerous blazes across Arizona and the Southwest. The federal government is already assisting, and we will remain in close contact with state and local officials to provide the support they need. But today, Michelle and I join all Americans in sending our thoughts and prayers to the families of these brave firefighters and all whose lives have been upended by this terrible tragedy.

President Obama Speaks at the University of Cape Town

June 30, 2013 | 46:02 | Public Domain

In his remarks, President Obama says that America's relationship with Africa is moving beyond the simple provision of assistance, foreign aid, to a new model of partnership between America and Africa --- a partnership of equals that focuses on opportunity, democracy, and peace.

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Read the Transcript

Remarks by President Obama at the University of Cape Town

6:14 P.M. SAST

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you!  (Applause.)  Thank you very much.  Thank you.  (Applause.)  Please, please, everybody have a seat.  Hello Cape Town! 

AUDIENCE:  Hello!

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thobela.  Molweni.  Sanibona.  Dumelang.  Ndaa.  Reperile.  

AUDIENCE:  Reperile!

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  See, I’ve been practicing.  How-zit?  (Applause.)  Did I leave anybody out?  All right, well, I didn’t want to leave anybody out here. 

I want to thank Vice Chancellor Max Price, who’s here, as well as Archbishop Njongonkulu.  It’s wonderful to have them in attendance. 

I am so happy to be here today.  It is wonderful to see all of these outstanding young people.  I just had the honor of going to Robben Island with Michelle and our two daughters this afternoon.  And this was my second time; I had the chance to visit back in 2006.  But there was something different about bringing my children.  And Malia is now 15, Sasha is 12 -- and seeing them stand within the walls that once surrounded Nelson Mandela, I knew this was an experience that they would never forget.  I knew that they now appreciated a little bit more the sacrifices that Madiba and others had made for freedom.  

But what I also know is that because they’ve had a chance to visit South Africa for a second time now, they also understand that Mandela’s spirit could never be imprisoned -- for his legacy is here for all to see.  It’s in this auditorium:  young people, black, white, Indian, everything in between -- (laughter) -- living and learning together in a South Africa that is free and at peace.

Now, obviously, today Madiba’s health weighs heavily on our hearts.  And like billions all over the world, I -- and the American people -- have drawn strength from the example of this extraordinary leader, and the nation that he changed.  Nelson Mandela showed us that one man’s courage can move the world.  And he calls on us to make choices that reflects not our fears, but our hopes -- in our own lives, and in the lives of our communities and our countries.  And that’s what I want to speak to all of you about today.

Some of you may be aware of this, but I actually took my first step into political life because of South Africa.  (Applause.)  This is true.  I was the same age as some of you -- 19 years old, my whole life ahead of me.  I was going to school on a campus in California -- not quite as pretty as this one -- (laughter) -- but similar.  And I must confess I was not always focused on my studies.  (Laughter.)  There were a lot of distractions.  (Laughter.)  And I enjoyed those distractions.

And as the son of an African father and a white American mother, the diversity of America was in my blood, but I had never cared much for politics.  I didn’t think it mattered to me.  I didn’t think I could make a difference.  And like many young people, I thought that cynicism -- a certain ironic detachment -- was a sign of wisdom and sophistication.

But then I learned what was happening here in South Africa.  And two young men, ANC representatives, came to our college and spoke, and I spent time hearing their stories.  And I learned about the courage of those who waged the Defiance Campaign, and the brutality leveled against innocent men, women and children from Sharpeville to Soweto.  And I studied the leadership of Luthuli, and the words of Biko, and the example of Madiba, and I knew that while brave people were imprisoned just off these shores on Robben Island, my own government in the United States was not standing on their side.  That’s why I got involved in what was known as the divestment movement in the United States.

It was the first time I ever attached myself to a cause.  It was the first time also that I ever gave a speech.  It was only two minutes long -- (laughter) -- and I was really just a warm-up act at a rally that we were holding demanding that our college divest from Apartheid South Africa.  So I got up on stage, I started making my speech, and then, as a bit of political theater, some people came out with glasses that looked like security officers and they dragged me off the stage.  (Laughter.)  Fortunately, there are no records of this speech.  (Laughter.)  But I remember struggling to express the anger and the passion that I was feeling, and to echo in some small way the moral clarity of freedom fighters an ocean away.

And I’ll be honest with you, when I was done, I did not think I’d made any difference -- I was even a little embarrassed.  And I thought to myself -- what’s a bunch of university kids doing in California that is somehow going to make a difference?  It felt too distant from what people were going through in places like Soweto.  But looking back, as I look at that 19-year old young man, I'm more forgiving of the fact that the speech might not have been that great, because I knew -- I know now that something inside me was stirring at that time, something important.  And that was the belief that I could be part of something bigger than myself; that my own salvation was bound up with those of others.

That’s what Bobby Kennedy expressed, far better than I ever could, when he spoke here at the University of Cape Town in 1966.  He said, “Each time a man stands up for an ideal, or acts to improve the lot of others, or strikes out against injustice, he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope, and crossing each other from a million different centers of energy and daring, those ripples build a current which can sweep down the mightiest walls of oppression and resistance.”

Now, the world was very different on that June day in 1966 when Bobby Kennedy spoke those words.  Mandela faced many more years as a prisoner.  Apartheid was entrenched in this land.  In the United States, the victories of the Civil Rights Movement were still uncertain.  In fact, on the very day that Kennedy spoke here, the American civil rights leader, James Meredith, was shot in Mississippi, where he was marching to inspire blacks to register to vote.  

Those were difficult, troubled, trying times.  The idea of hope might have seemed misplaced.  It would have seemed inconceivable to people at that time -- that less than 50 years later, an African American President might address an integrated audience, at South Africa’s oldest university, and that this same university would have conferred an honorary degree to a President, Nelson Mandela.  (Applause.)  It would have seemed impossible.

That’s the power that comes from acting on our ideals.  That’s what Mandela understood.  But it wasn’t just the giants of history who brought about this change.  Think of the many millions of acts of conscience that were part of that effort.  Think about how many voices were raised against injustice over the years -- in this country, in the United States, around the world.  Think of how many times ordinary people pushed against those walls of oppression and resistance, and the violence and the indignities that they suffered; the quiet courage that they sustained.  Think of how many ripples of hope it took to build a wave that would eventually come crashing down like a mighty stream.

So Mandela’s life, like Kennedy’s life, like Gandhi's life, like the life of all those who fought to bring about a new South Africa or a more just America -- they stand as a challenge to me.  But more importantly, they stand as a challenge to your generation, because they tell you that your voice matters -- your ideals, your willingness to act on those ideals, your choices can make a difference.  And if there’s any country in the world that shows the power of human beings to affect change, this is the one.  You’ve shown us how a prisoner can become a President.  You've shown us how bitter adversaries can reconcile.  You've confronted crimes of hatred and intolerance with truth and love, and you wrote into your constitution the human rights that sustain freedom.

And those are only the most publicized aspects of South Africa’s transformation, because alongside South Africa’s political struggle, other battles have been waged as well to improve the lives of those who for far too long have been denied economic opportunity and social justice. 

During my last journey here in 2006, what impressed me so much was the good works of people on the ground teaching children, caring for the sick, bringing jobs to those in need.  In Khayelitsha Township -- I'm still working on some of these -- (laughter) -- I met women who were living with HIV.  And this is at a time back in 2006, where there were still some challenges in terms of the policies around HIV and AIDS here in South Africa.  But they were on the ground, struggling to keep their families together -- helping each other, working on behalf of each other.  In Soweto, I met people who were striving to carry forward the legacy of Hector Pieterson.  At the Rosa Parks Library in Pretoria, I was struck by the energy of students who -- they wanted to capture this moment of promise for South Africa.

And this is a moment of great promise.  South Africa is one of the world’s economic centers.  Obviously, you can see it here in Cape Town.  In the country that saw the first human heart transplant, new breakthroughs are being made in the treatment of HIV/AIDS.  I was just talking to your Vice Chancellor.  People come to this University from over 100 countries to study and teach.  In America, we see the reach of your culture from “Freshly Ground” concerts to the -- (applause) -- we've got the Nando’s just a couple of blocks from the White House.  (Laughter and applause.)  And thanks to the first World Cup ever held on this continent, the world now knows the sound of the vuvuzela.  (Applause.)  I'm not sure that's like the greatest gift that South Africa ever gave.  (Laughter.)

But progress has also rippled across the African continent.  From Senegal to Cote D’Ivoire to Malawi, democracy has weathered strong challenges. 

Many of the fastest-growing economies in the world are here in Africa, where there is an historic shift taking place from poverty to a growing, nascent middle class.  Fewer people are dying of preventable disease.  More people have access to health care.  More farmers are getting their products to market at fair prices.  From micro-finance projects in Kampala, to stock traders in Lagos, to cell phone entrepreneurs in Nairobi, there is an energy here that can't be denied -- Africa rising. 

We know this progress, though, rests on a fragile foundation.  We know that progress is uneven.  Across Africa, the same institutions that should be the backbone of democracy can all too often be infected with the rot of corruption.  The same technology that enables record profits sometimes means widening a canyon of inequality.  The same interconnection that binds our fates makes all of Africa vulnerable to the undertow of conflict.

So there is no question that Africa is on the move, but it's not moving fast enough for the child still languishing in poverty in forgotten townships.  It's not moving fast enough for the protester who is beaten in Harare, or the woman who is raped in Eastern Congo.  We've got more work to do, because these Africans must not be left behind.

And that’s where you come in –- the young people of Africa.  Just like previous generations, you've got choices to make.  You get to decide where the future lies.  Think about it -- over 60 percent of Africans are under 35 years old.  So demographics means young people are going to be determining the fate of this continent and this country.  You’ve got time and numbers on your side, and you’ll be making decisions long after politicians like me have left the scene.

And I can promise you this:  The world will be watching what decisions you make.  The world will be watching what you do.  Because one of the wonderful things that’s happening is, where people used to only see suffering and conflict in Africa, suddenly, now they're seeing opportunity for resources, for investment, for partnership, for influence.  Governments and businesses from around the world are sizing up the continent, and they're making decisions themselves about where to invest their own time and their own energy.  And as I said yesterday at a town hall meeting up in Johannesburg, that’s a good thing.  We want all countries -- China, India, Brazil, Turkey, Europe, America -- we want everybody paying attention to what's going on here, because it speaks to your progress.

And I've traveled to Africa on this trip because my bet is on the young people who are the heartbeat of Africa’s story.  I'm betting on all of you.  As President of the United States, I believe that my own nation will benefit enormously if you reach your full potential. 

If prosperity is broadly shared here in Africa, that middle class will be an enormous market for our goods.  If strong democracies take root, that will enable our people and businesses to draw closer to yours.  If peace prevails over war, we will all be more secure.  And if the dignity of the individual is upheld across Africa, then I believe Americans will be more free as well, because I believe that none of us are fully free when others in the human family remain shackled by poverty or disease or oppression.

Now, America has been involved in Africa for decades.  But we are moving beyond the simple provision of assistance, foreign aid, to a new model of partnership between America and Africa -– a partnership of equals that focuses on your capacity to solve problems, and your capacity to grow.  Our efforts focus on three areas that shape our lives:  opportunity, democracy, and peace.

So first off, we want a partnership that empowers Africans to access greater opportunity in their own lives, in their communities, and for their countries.

As the largest economy on the continent, South Africa is part of a trend that extends from south to north, east to west -- more and more African economies are poised to take off.  And increased trade and investment from the United States has the potential to accelerate these trends –- creating new jobs and opportunities on both sides of the Atlantic.

So I’m calling for America to up our game when it comes to Africa.  We’re bringing together business leaders from America and Africa to deepen our engagement.  We’re going to launch new trade missions, and promote investment from companies back home.  We’ll launch an effort in Addis to renew the African Growth and Opportunity Act to break down barriers to trade, and tomorrow I’ll discuss a new Trade Africa initiative to expand our ties across the continent, because we want to unleash the power of entrepreneurship and markets to create opportunity here i Africa.

It was interesting -- yesterday at the town hall meeting I had with a number of young people, the first three questions had to do with trade, because there was a recognition -- these young people said, I want to start a -- I want to start something.  I want to build something, and then I want to sell something.  Now, to succeed, these efforts have to connect to something bigger. 

And for America, this isn’t just about numbers on a balance sheet or the resources that can be taken out of the ground.  We believe that societies and economies only advance as far as individuals are free to carry them forward.  And just as freedom cannot exist when people are imprisoned for their political views, true opportunity cannot exist when people are imprisoned by sickness, or hunger, or darkness.

And so, the question we've been asking ourselves is what will it take to empower individual Africans?

For one thing, we believe that countries have to have the power to feed themselves, so instead of shipping food to Africa, we’re now helping millions of small farmers in Africa make use of new technologies and farm more land.  And through a new alliance of governments and the private sector, we’re investing billions of dollars in agriculture that grows more crops, brings more food to market, give farmers better prices and helps lift 50 million people out of poverty in a decade.  An end to famine, a thriving African agricultural industry –- that’s what opportunity looks like.  That’s what we want to build with you.

We believe that countries have to have the power to prevent illness and care for the sick.  And our efforts to combat malaria and tropical illness can lead to an achievable goal:  ending child and maternal deaths from preventable disease.  Already, our commitment to fight HIV/AIDS has saved millions, and allows us to imagine what was once unthinkable:  an AIDS-free generation.  And while America will continue to provide billions of dollars in support, we can’t make progress without African partners.  So I’m proud that by the end of my presidency, South Africa has determined it will be the first African country to fully manage its HIV care and treatment program.  (Applause.)  That’s an enormous achievement.  Healthy mothers and healthy children; strong public health systems -- that’s what opportunity looks like.

And we believe that nations must have the power to connect their people to the promise of the 21st century.  Access to electricity is fundamental to opportunity in this age.  It’s the light that children study by; the energy that allows an idea to be transformed into a real business.  It’s the lifeline for families to meet their most basic needs.  And it’s the connection that’s needed to plug Africa into the grid of the global economy.  You’ve got to have power.  And yet two-thirds of the population in sub-Saharan Africa lacks access to power -- and the percentage is much higher for those who don’t live in cities.

So today, I am proud to announce a new initiative.  We’ve been dealing with agriculture, we’ve been dealing with health.  Now we’re going to talk about power -- Power Africa -- a new initiative that will double access to power in sub-Saharan Africa.  Double it.  (Applause.)  We’re going to start by investing $7 billion in U.S. government resources.  We’re going to partner with the private sector, who themselves have committed more than $9 billion in investment.  And in partnership with African nations, we’re going to develop new sources of energy.  We’ll reach more households not just in cities, but in villages and on farms.  We’ll expand access for those who live currently off the power grid.  And we’ll support clean energy to protect our planet and combat climate change.  (Applause.)  So, a light where currently there is darkness; the energy needed to lift people out of poverty -- that’s what opportunity looks like.

So this is America’s vision:  a partnership with Africa that unleashes growth, and the potential of every citizen, not just a few at the very top.  And this is achievable.  There’s nothing that I’ve outlined that cannot happen.  But history tells us that true progress is only possible where governments exist to serve their people, and not the other way around.  (Applause.)  

If anyone wants to see the difference between freedom and tyranny, let them come here, to South Africa.  Here, citizens braved bullets and beatings to claim that most basic right:  the ability to be free, to determine your own fate, in your own land.  And Madiba’s example extended far beyond that victory.  Now, I mentioned yesterday at the town hall -- like America’s first President, George Washington, he understood that democracy can only endure when it’s bigger than just one person.  So his willingness to leave power was as profound as his ability to claim power.  (Applause.)  

The good news is that this example is getting attention across the continent.  We see it in free and fair elections from Ghana to Zambia.  We hear it in the voices of civil society.  I was in Senegal and met with some civil society groups, including a group called Y’en Marre, which meant “fed up” -- (laughter) -- that helped to defend the will of the people after elections in Senegal.  We recognize it in places like Tanzania, where text messages connect citizens to their representatives.  And we strengthen it when organizations stand up for democratic principles, like ECOWAS did in Cote d’Ivoire.

But this work is not complete -- we all know that.  Not in those countries where leaders enrich themselves with impunity; not in communities where you can’t start a business, or go to school, or get a house without paying a bribe to somebody.  These things have to change.  And they have to chance not just because such corruption is immoral, but it’s also a matter of self-interest and economics.  Governments that respect the rights of their citizens and abide by the rule of law do better, grow faster, draw more investment than those who don’t.  That’s just a fact.  (Applause.)  

Just look at your neighbor, Zimbabwe, where the promise of liberation gave way to the corruption of power and then the collapse of the economy.  Now, after the leaders of this region -- led by South Africa -- brokered an end to what has been a long-running crisis, Zimbabweans have a new constitution, the economy is beginning to recover.  So there is an opportunity to move forward -- but only if there is an election that is free, and fair, and peaceful, so that Zimbabweans can determine their future without fear of intimidation and retribution.  And after elections, there must be respect for the universal rights upon which democracy depends.  (Applause.)

These are things that America stands for -- not perfectly -- but that’s what we stand for, and that’s what my administration stands for.  We don’t tell people who their leaders should be, but we do stand up with those who support the principles that lead to a better life.  And that’s why we’re interested in investing not in strongmen, but in strong institutions:  independent judiciaries that can enforce the rule of law -- (applause); honest police forces that can protect the peoples’ interests instead of their own; an open government that can bring transparency and accountability.  And, yes, that’s why we stand up for civil society -- for journalists and NGOs, and community organizers and activists -- who give people a voice.  And that’s why we support societies that empower women -- because no country will reach its potential unless it draws on the talents of our wives and our mothers, and our sisters and our daughters.  (Applause.)

Just to editorialize here for a second, because my father's home country of Kenya -- like much of Africa -- you see women doing work and not getting respect.  I tell you, you can measure how well a country does by how it treats its women.  (Applause.)  And all across this continent, and all around the world, we've got more work to do on that front.  We've got some sisters saying, "Amen."  (Laughter and applause.)

Now, I know that there are some in Africa who hear me say these things -- who see America's support for these values -- and say that's intrusive.  Why are you meddling?  I know there are those who argue that ideas like democracy and transparency are somehow Western exports.  I disagree.  Those in power who make those arguments are usually trying to distract people from their own abuses.  (Applause.)  Sometimes, they are the same people who behind closed doors are willing to sell out their own country’s resource to foreign interests, just so long as they get a cut.  I'm just telling the truth.  (Laughter and applause.)

Now ultimately, I believe that Africans should make up their own minds about what serves African interests.  We trust your judgment, the judgment of ordinary people.  We believe that when you control your destiny, if you've got a handle on your governments, then governments will promote freedom and opportunity, because that will serve you.  And it shouldn’t just be America that stands up for democracy -- it should be Africans as well.  So here in South Africa, your democratic story has inspired the world.  And through the power of your example, and through your position in organizations like SADC and the African Union, you can be a voice for the human progress that you’ve written into your own Constitution.  You shouldn't assume that that's unique to South Africa.  People have aspirations like that everywhere.

And this brings me to the final area where our partnership can empower people -- the pursuit and protection of peace in Africa.  So long as parts of Africa continue to be ravaged by war and mayhem, opportunity and democracy cannot take root.  Across the continent, there are places where too often fear prevails.  From Mali to Mogadishu, senseless terrorism all too often perverts the meaning of Islam -- one of the world’s great religions -- and takes the lives of countless innocent Africans.  From Congo to Sudan, conflicts fester -- robbing men, women and children of the lives that they deserve.  In too many countries, the actions of thugs and warlords and drug cartels and human traffickers hold back the promise of Africa, enslaving others for their own purposes. 

America cannot put a stop to these tragedies alone, and you don’t expect us to.  That’s a job for Africans.  But we can help, and we will help.  I know there's a lot of talk of America’s military presence in Africa.  But if you look at what we’re actually doing, time and again, we're putting muscle behind African efforts.  That’s what we’re doing in the Sahel, where the nations of West Africa have stepped forward to keep the peace as Mali now begins to rebuild.  That’s what we’re doing in Central Africa, where a coalition of countries is closing the space where the Lord’s Resistance Army can operate.  That’s what we’re doing in Somalia, where an African Union force, AMISOM, is helping a new government to stand on its own two feet.

These efforts have to lead to lasting peace, not just words on a paper or promises that fade away.  Peace between and within Sudan and South Sudan, so that these governments get on with the work of investing in their deeply impoverished peoples.  Peace in the Congo with nations keeping their commitments, so rights are at last claimed by the people of this war-torn country, and women and children no longer live in fear.  (Applause.)  Peace in Mali, where people will make their voices heard in new elections this summer.  In each of these cases, Africa must lead and America will help.  And America will make no apology for supporting African efforts to end conflict and stand up for human dignity.  (Applause.)  

And this year marks the 50th anniversary of the OAU, now the African Union -- an occasion that is more historic, because the AU is taking on these challenges.  And I want America to take our engagement not just on security issues, but on environmental issues -- and economic issues and social issues, education issues -- I want to take that engagement to a whole new level.  So I’m proud to announce that next year, I'm going to invite heads of state from across sub-Saharan Africa to a summit in the United States to help launch a new chapter in U.S.-African relations.  (Applause.)  And as I mentioned yesterday, I'm also going to hold a summit with the next class of our Young African Leaders Initiative, because we want to engage leaders and tomorrow's leaders in figuring out how we can best work together.  (Applause.)

So let me close by saying this.  Governments matter.  Political leadership matters.  And I do hope that some of you here today decide to follow the path of public service.  It can sometimes be thankless, but I believe it can also be a noble life.  But we also have to recognize that the choices we make are not limited to the policies and programs of government.  Peace and prosperity in Africa, and around the world, also depends on the attitudes of people.

Too often, the source of tragedy, the source of conflict involves the choices ordinary people make that divide us from one another -- black from white, Christian from Muslim, tribe from tribe.  Africa contains a multitude of identities, but the nations and people of Africa will not fulfill their promise so long as some use these identities to justify subjugation –- an excuse to steal or kill or disenfranchise others.

And ultimately, that’s the most important lesson that the world learned right here in South Africa.  Mandela once wrote, “No one is born hating another person because of the color of his skin, or his background, or his religion.  People must learn to hate, and if they can learn to hate, they can be taught to love, for love comes more naturally to the human heart than its opposite.”  (Applause.) 

I believe that to be true.  I believe that’s always been true -- from the dawn of the first man to the youth today, and all that came in between here in Africa -- kingdoms come and gone; the crucible of slavery and the emergence from colonialism; senseless war, but also iconic movements for social justice; squandered wealth, but also soaring promise.  

Madiba’s words give us a compass in a sea of change, firm ground amidst swirling currents.  We always have the opportunity to choose our better history.  We can always understand that most important decision -- the decision we make when we find our common humanity in one another.  That’s always available to us, that choice. 

And I've seen that spirit in the welcoming smiles of children on Gorée Island, and the children of Mombasa on Kenya’s Indian Ocean coast.  That spirit exists in the mother in the Sahel who wants a life of dignity for her daughters; and in the South African student who braves danger and distance just to get to school.  It can be heard in the songs that rise from villages and city streets, and it can be heard in the confident voices of young people like you.

It is that spirit, that innate longing for justice and equality, for freedom and solidarity -- that’s the spirit that can light the way forward.  It's in you.  And as you guide Africa down that long and difficult road, I want you to know that you will always find the extended hand of a friend in the United States of America.  (Applause.)

Thank you very much.  God bless you.  (Applause.)

END                7:02 P.M. SAST

 

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Raw Video: Rapping at the Desmond Tutu HIV Center

July 01, 2013 | 01:17 | Public Domain

A student raps for President Barack Obama and Archbishop Desmond Tutu as they visit with program participants at the Desmond Tutu HIV Center in Cape Town, South Africa