The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Presidential Proclamation -- African Growth and Opportunity Act

TO TAKE CERTAIN ACTIONS UNDER THE AFRICAN GROWTH AND
OPPORTUNITY ACT AND FOR OTHER PURPOSES

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BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

A PROCLAMATION

1. Section 506A(a)(1) of the Trade Act of 1974, as amended (the "1974 Act") (19 U.S.C. 2466a(a)(1)), as added by section 111(a) of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (title I of Public Law 106-200) (AGOA), authorizes the President to designate a country listed in section 107 of the AGOA (19 U.S.C. 3706) as a "beneficiary sub-Saharan African country" if the President determines that the country meets the eligibility requirements set forth in section 104 of the AGOA (19 U.S.C. 3703), as well as the eligibility criteria set forth in section 502 of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2462).

2. Section 104 of the AGOA authorizes the President to designate a country listed in section 107 of the AGOA as an "eligible sub-Saharan African country" if the President determines that the country meets certain eligibility requirements.

3. Pursuant to section 104 of the AGOA and section 506A(a)(1) of the 1974 Act, I have determined that the Republic of South Sudan meets the eligibility requirements set forth or referenced therein, and I have decided to designate the Republic of South Sudan an eligible sub-Saharan African country and as a beneficiary sub-Saharan African country.

4. Section 506A(a)(3) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2466a(a)(3)) authorizes the President to terminate the designation of a country as a beneficiary sub-Saharan African country for purposes of section 506A if he determines that the country is not making continual progress in meeting the requirements described in section 506A(a)(1) of the 1974 Act.

5. Pursuant to section 506A(a)(3) of the 1974 Act, I have determined that the Republic of Mali and the Republic of Guinea-Bissau are not making continual progress in meeting the requirements described in section 506A(a)(1) of the 1974 Act. Accordingly, I have decided to terminate the designations of the Republic of Mali and the Republic of Guinea-Bissau as beneficiary sub-Saharan African countries for purposes of section 506A of the 1974 Act, effective on January 1, 2013.

6. Section 502(e) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2462(e)) provides that the President shall terminate the designation of a country as a beneficiary developing country for purposes of the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) if the President determines that such country has become a "high-income" country
as defined by the official statistics of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. Termination is effective on January 1 of the second year following the year in which such determination is made.

7. Pursuant to section 502(e) of the 1974 Act, I have determined that the Federation of Saint Kitts and Nevis has become a "high-income" country. I am terminating the designation of that country as a beneficiary developing country for purposes of the GSP, effective January 1, 2014, and I will so notify the Congress.

8. On April 22, 1985, the United States and Israel entered into the Agreement on the Establishment of a Free Trade Area between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of Israel (USIFTA), which the Congress approved in the United States-Israel Free Trade Area Implementation Act of 1985 (the "USIFTA Act") (19 U.S.C. 2112 note).

9. Section 4(b) of the USIFTA Act provides that, whenever the President determines that it is necessary to maintain the general level of reciprocal and mutually advantageous concessions with respect to Israel provided for by the USIFTA, the President may proclaim such withdrawal, suspension, modification, or continuance of any duty, or such continuance of existing duty-free or excise treatment, or such additional duties, as the President determines to be required or appropriate to carry out the USIFTA.

10. In order to maintain the general level of reciprocal and mutually advantageous concessions with respect to agricultural trade with Israel, on July 27, 2004, the United States entered into an agreement with Israel concerning certain aspects of trade in agricultural products during the period January 1, 2004, through December 31, 2008 (the "2004 Agreement").

11. In Proclamation 7826 of October 4, 2004, consistent with the 2004 Agreement, the President determined, pursuant to section 4(b) of the USIFTA Act, that it was necessary in order to maintain the general level of reciprocal and mutually advantageous concessions with respect to Israel provided for by the USIFTA, to provide duty-free access into the United States through December 31, 2008, for specified quantities of certain agricultural products of Israel.

12. In 2008, 2009, 2010, and 2011, the United States and Israel entered into agreements to extend the period that the 2004 Agreement was in force for 1-year periods to allow additional time for the two governments to conclude an agreement to replace the 2004 Agreement.

13. To carry out the extension agreements, the President in Proclamation 8334 of December 31, 2008; Proclamation 8467 of December 23, 2009; Proclamation 8618 of December 21, 2010; and Proclamation 8770 of December 29, 2011, modified the Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the United States (HTS) to provide duty-free access into the United States for specified quantities of certain agricultural products of Israel, each time for an additional 1-year period.

14. On November 19, 2012, the United States entered into an agreement with Israel to extend the period that the 2004 Agreement is in force through December 31, 2013, to allow for further negotiations on an agreement to replace the 2004 Agreement.

15. Pursuant to section 4(b) of the USIFTA Act, I have determined that it is necessary, in order to maintain the general level of reciprocal and mutually advantageous concessions with respect to Israel provided for by the USIFTA, to provide duty-free access into the United States through the close of December 31, 2013, for specified quantities of certain agricultural products of Israel.

16. In Presidential Proclamation 8771 of December 29, 2011, pursuant to the authority provided in section 1206(a) of the Omnibus Trade and Competitiveness Act of 1988 (the "1988 Act") (19 U.S.C. 3006(a)), I modified the HTS to reflect amendments to the International Convention on the Harmonized Commodity Description and Coding System (the "Convention").

17. Presidential Proclamation 7746 of December 30, 2003, implemented the United States-Chile Free Trade Agreement (USCFTA) with respect to the United States and, pursuant to the United States-Chile Free Trade Agreement Implementation Act (the "USCFTA Act") (19 U.S.C. 3805 note), incorporated in the HTS the schedule of duty reductions and rules of origin necessary or appropriate to carry out the USCFTA.

18. In order to ensure the continuation of such staged reductions in rates of duty for originating goods of Chile in tariff categories that were modified to reflect amendments to the Convention, Presidential Proclamation 8771 made modifications to the HTS that I determined were necessary or appropriate to carry out the duty reductions proclaimed in Proclamation 7746.

19. Chile is a party to the Convention. Because the substance of the changes to the Convention are reflected in slightly differing form in its national tariff schedule, the rules of origin set out in the USCFTA must be changed to ensure that the tariff and certain other treatment accorded under the USCFTA to originating goods will continue to be provided under the tariff categories that were modified in Proclamation 8771. The United States and Chile have agreed to make these changes to certain rules of origin set out in the USCFTA.

20. Section 202 of the USCFTA Act provides rules for determining whether goods imported into the United States originate in the territory of a USCFTA Party and thus are eligible for the tariff and other treatment contemplated under the USCFTA. Section 202(o) of the USCFTA Act authorizes the President to proclaim, as part of the HTS, the rules of origin set out in the USCFTA and to proclaim any modifications to such previously proclaimed rules of origin, subject to the exceptions stated in section 202(o)(2)(A).

21. Presidential Proclamation 8840 of June 29, 2012, modified the HTS to reflect changes to duty-free treatment under the GSP. Annex I to that proclamation included an error in the list of subheading numbers to be added at general note 4(d) to the HTS, and I have determined that a modification to the HTS is necessary to correct that technical error.

22. Presidential Proclamation 8894 of October 29, 2012, pursuant to the authority provided under section 202(o)(2)(B)(ii) of the United States-Korea Free Trade Agreement Implementation Act, modified the HTS, through section E of Annex III of Publication 4349 of the United States International Trade Commission (the "Commission"), to correct a clerical error regarding a provision of chapter 61 (as included in Annex 4-A of the United States-Korea Free Trade Agreement).

23. Section E of Annex III of Publication 4349 contained a typographical error within the correction that needs to be corrected. I have determined that a modification to the HTS is necessary to correct this typographical error and to provide the intended tariff treatment.

24. Presidential Proclamation 8894 of October 29, 2012, modified the HTS as provided in Annex II of Publication 4349 of the Commission to implement the initial stage of duty elimination provided for in the United States-Panama Trade Promotion Agreement and to provide for further staged reductions in duties for originating goods of Panama. The proclamation erroneously referred to "originating goods of Colombia" and should instead refer to "originating goods of Panama."

25. Section 604 of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2483) authorizes the President to embody in the HTS the substance of the relevant provisions of that Act, and of other acts affecting import treatment, and actions taken thereunder, including the removal, modification, continuance, or imposition of any rate of duty or other import restriction.

NOW, THEREFORE, I, BARACK OBAMA, President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, including but not limited to title V and section 604 of the 1974 Act, section 104 of the AGOA, section 4 of the USIFTA Act, and section 202 of the USCFTA Act do proclaim that:

(1) The Republic of South Sudan is designated as an eligible sub-Saharan African country and as a beneficiary sub-Saharan African country.

(2) In order to reflect this designation in the HTS, general note 16(a) to the HTS is modified by inserting in alphabetical sequence in the list of beneficiary sub-Saharan African countries "Republic of South Sudan."

(3) The designations of the Republic of Mali and the Republic of Guinea-Bissau as beneficiary sub-Saharan African countries for purposes of section 506A of the 1974 Act are terminated, effective on January 1, 2013.

(4) In order to reflect in the HTS that beginning on January 1, 2013, the Republic of Mali and the Republic of Guinea-Bissau shall no longer be designated as beneficiary sub-Saharan African countries, general note 16(a) to the HTS is modified by deleting "Republic of Mali" and "Republic of Guinea-Bissau" from the list of beneficiary sub-Saharan African countries. Further, note 2(d) to subchapter XIX of chapter 98 of the HTS is modified by deleting "Republic of Guinea-Bissau" and "Republic of Mali" from the list of lesser developed beneficiary sub-Saharan African countries.

(5) The designation of the Federation of Saint Kitts and Nevis as a beneficiary developing country for purposes of the GSP is terminated, effective on January 1, 2014.

(6) In order to reflect this termination in the HTS, general note 4(a) to the HTS is modified by deleting "St. Kitts and Nevis" from the list of independent countries, effective with respect to articles entered, or withdrawn from warehouse for consumption, on or after January 1, 2014.

(7) In order to implement U.S. tariff commitments under the 2004 Agreement through December 31, 2013, the HTS is modified as provided in Annex I to this proclamation.

(8)(a) The modifications to the HTS set forth in Annex I to this proclamation shall be effective with respect to eligible agricultural products of Israel that are entered, or withdrawn from warehouse for consumption, on or after January 1, 2013.

(b) The provisions of subchapter VIII of chapter 99 of the HTS, as modified by Annex I to this proclamation, shall continue in effect through December 31, 2013.

(9) In order to reflect in the HTS the modifications to the rules of origin under the USCFTA, general note 26 to the HTS is modified as provided in Annex II to this proclamation.

(10) In order to correct a technical error in the list of subheading numbers at general note 4(d) to the HTS, the HTS is modified as set forth in section A of Annex III to this proclamation.

(11) In order to provide the intended tariff treatment to goods of Korea under the terms of general note 33, the HTS is modified as set forth in section B of Annex III to this proclamation.

(12) Paragraph (3) of Presidential Proclamation 8894 is amended to correct an inadvertent error by replacing "Colombia" with "Panama."

(13) Any provisions of previous proclamations and Executive Orders that are inconsistent with the actions taken in this proclamation are superseded to the extent of such inconsistency.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this twentieth day of December, in the year of our Lord two thousand twelve, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and thirty-seventh.

BARACK OBAMA

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Presidential Message -- African Growth and Opportunity Act

TO THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES:

In accordance with section 502(f)(2) of the Trade Act of 1974, as amended (the "1974 Act") (19 U.S.C. 2462(f)(2)), I am providing notification of my intent to terminate the designation of the Federation of Saint Kitts and Nevis (St. Kitts and Nevis) as a beneficiary developing country under the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) program. Section 502(e) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2462(e)) provides that if the President determines that a beneficiary developing country has become a "high-income" country, as defined by the official statistics of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (i.e., the World Bank), then the President shall terminate the designation of such country as a beneficiary developing country for purposes of the GSP, effective on January 1 of the second year following the year in which such determination is made.

Pursuant to section 502(e) of the 1974 Act, I have determined that it is appropriate to terminate the designation of St. Kitts and Nevis as a beneficiary developing country under the GSP program because it has become a high-income country as defined by the World Bank. Accordingly, St. Kitts and Nevis' eligibility for trade benefits under the GSP program will end on January 1, 2014.

BARACK OBAMA

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Readout of Assistant to the President John Brennan's Call with President Hadi of Yemen

Assistant to the President John Brennan called President Abdo Rabu Mansour Hadi of Yemen this morning to convey the United States’ support for President Hadi’s steadfast resolve to continue on the path of political transition.  Mr. Brennan extended President Obama’s congratulations to President Hadi for the decrees issued yesterday to further restructure the Yemeni armed forces, advancing the goal of a unified, professional military that serves the Yemeni people.  He also commended Yemen’s ongoing preparations for an inclusive National Dialogue, the critical next step in the political transition.  They discussed the importance of international support for Yemen’s economic development and the need to sustain close cooperation against al-Qa’ida.  Mr. Brennan reiterated President Obama’s appreciation for the strong partnership between our two nations and reaffirmed the United States’ commitment to supporting Yemen during its historic transition. 

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Presidential Proclamation -- To Extend Nondiscriminatory Treatment (Normal Trade Relations Treatment) to the Products of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Moldova

TO EXTEND NONDISCRIMINATORY TREATMENT (NORMAL TRADE RELATIONS TREATMENT) TO THE PRODUCTS OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA

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BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

A PROCLAMATION

1. The Russian Federation has been found to be in full compliance with the freedom of emigration requirements under title IV of the Trade Act of 1974 (the "1974 Act") (19 U.S.C. 2431 et seq.) since 1994. The Russian Federation acceded to the World Trade Organization (WTO) on August 22, 2012. The extension of permanent normal trade relations treatment to the products of the Russian Federation will permit the United States to avail itself of all rights under the Marrakesh Agreement Establishing the World Trade Organization (the "WTO Agreement") with respect to the Russian Federation.

2. Pursuant to section 102(a) of Public Law 112-208, I hereby determine that chapter 1 of title IV of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2431-2439) should no longer apply to the Russian Federation.

3. The Republic of Moldova has been found in full compliance with the freedom of emigration requirements under title IV of the 1974 Act since 1997. The Republic of Moldova acceded to the WTO on July 26, 2001. The extension of permanent normal trade relations treatment to the products of the Republic of Moldova will permit the United States to avail itself of all rights under the WTO Agreement with respect to the Republic of Moldova.

4. Pursuant to section 302(a) of Public Law 112-208, I hereby determine that chapter 1 of title IV of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2431-2439) should no longer apply to the Republic of Moldova.

NOW, THEREFORE, I, BARACK OBAMA, President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, including but not limited to sections 102(a) and 302(a) of Public Law 112-208, do proclaim that:

(1) Nondiscriminatory treatment (normal trade relations treatment) shall be extended to the products of the Russian Federation, which shall no longer be subject to chapter 1 of title IV of the 1974 Act.

(2) Nondiscriminatory treatment (normal trade relations treatment) shall be extended to the products of the Republic of Moldova, which shall no longer be subject to chapter 1 of title IV of the 1974 Act.

(3) The extension of nondiscriminatory treatment to the products of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Moldova shall be effective as of the date of this proclamation.

(4) All provisions of previous proclamations and Executive Orders that are inconsistent with the actions taken in this proclamation are superseded to the extent of such inconsistency.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this twentieth day of December, in the year of our Lord two thousand twelve, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and thirty-seventh.

BARACK OBAMA

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by the President at the Diplomatic Corps Reception

State Department
Washington D.C.

6:57 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  (Applause.)   Well, good evening, everyone.  It is wonderful to see all of you. 

I want to publicly thank Deputy Secretary Bill Burns.  For those of you who don’t know, Bill is only the second career diplomat in American history to rise to the level of Deputy Secretary.  (Applause.)   It is a tribute to Bill’s extraordinary skills.  I first met him when I was a new senator, and I traveled to Moscow.  And he was then the ambassador in Moscow, and he immediately impressed me.  One of these guys who doesn't speak loud, but actually has something to say.  (Laughter.)  Which is hard to find in Washington.  (Laughter.)  In Washington you have a lot of folks who speak loud and have nothing to say.  (Laughter.)

And so we’re thrilled obviously with the work that he has done, but Bill I think is representative of our incredible Foreign Service officers.  So thanks not only to Bill, but to all the outstanding State Department personnel who are working every day, often at great risk, to advance our interests and our ideals around the world.

Had Secretary Clinton been able to join us, I was going to congratulate her on her record-breaking travels, visiting 112 nations, just about every one of the countries that are represented here this evening -- more than 400 travel days; nearly 1 million miles.  These are not frequent flyer miles.  (Laughter.)  She does not get discounts.  I suspect she’s not going to be flying commercial that much after she leaves the State Department.  But she is tireless and extraordinary.

I spoke with her this past week.  We can’t wait to have her back.  And I know that all of you join me in sending her wishes for a speedy recovery. 

Now, we get together like this every year or so around the holidays -— either here or at the White House.  It’s a chance for me to express my appreciation for the cooperation and partnership between our countries.  That includes the hospitality that you and your fellow citizens show every single day to our diplomats and their families -— Americans who are serving far from home.  

But tonight, I also want to thank you for something else.  This obviously continues to be a very difficult week here in America.  We’re still grieving and reeling from unspeakable violence that took place in Newtown.  I was up there on Sunday.  I told the families there that they are not alone; that our entire nation stands with them.  But over the past few days what we’ve also seen is that the entire world stands with them; and so many of your countries, your citizens, your leaders have sent messages to them.  And I know they are grateful and certainly I am grateful. 

At our embassies and consulates, people are placing flowers and leaving notes.  We’ve seen candlelight vigils, and makeshift memorials -— including a beach in Brazil marked by 26 crosses and a bright American flag.  Across the globe, people are going online and posting messages and sending emails and texts of support.  I think of the woman, a teacher in Lithuania, who said, “I send all my love and prayers to the families.  It’s all I can do from so far away, but my heart is now in Newtown.”

So this evening, I want you and your fellow citizens back home to know how much this has meant to all of us -— to the good people of Newtown, to me, and to the American people.  You’ve stood with us, just as we’ve stood with you in similar moments -—whether it’s been a Scottish village, an Australian town, most recently the terrible tragedy at a youth camp in Norway.

Whether it’s a tsunami that strikes, or an earthquake that levels communities, or when a young girl is targeted and nearly killed, just for wanting to go to school, we’re reminded that terrible things happen in this world, but there are more people of goodwill than people of ill will.  And that if we can just remind ourselves of our common humanity, perhaps we can make progress. 

These are moments that pierce through all the noise of our daily lives.  And they speak to a larger truth that permeates our work together.  You turn on the TV, you open the newspaper, and every day it seems we’re bombarded with images of tension and conflict and division and differences.  And that sometimes seems to validate those who believe that civilizations are destined to clash.

But when you think about the last few days, you’re reminded that there’s a fundamental human response that transcends cultures and transcends borders.  And that’s what is represented in this room.  You look around the room and we reflect this vast tapestry of human experience -- people from every continent and every culture; North, South, East and West; from all the great faiths, every creed and color; men and women.  And we’re reminded that whatever differences on the surface, deep down we’re bound by a certain set of basic aspirations. 

We want our children to be safe and free from fear.  We want people to live in dignity and prosperity, free from want.  We want people to be free to think for themselves, and speak their minds and pray as they choose.  We want them to surpass or do a little bit better than we did.  That’s what we want for our children.  That’s why we’re here -- to serve them to do everything in our power to leave our children, and the next generation a better, safer world.

And that’s why, over the past four years, we’ve worked together, wherever we can, with your nations in a new era of engagement, based on mutual interest and mutual respect.  Strengthening alliances.  Forging new partnerships.  Confronting the spread of nuclear weapons.  Promoting open government, global health and food security, and fighting human trafficking.  Ending one war in Iraq.  Winding down another war in Afghanistan.  Going after terrorist networks that threaten all of our people.  Standing up for self-determination and freedom -- from South Sudan to the Arab Spring to Burma.  (Applause.)

At the same time, we’re mindful that we’ve got so much more work to do together.  There still are wars to end.  There are still democratic transitions to sustain.  Violent extremism remains out there and has to be confronted and deadly weapons still have to be contained.  We have to work to ease tensions between nations and uphold human rights.  There are still political prisoners that need to be freed and children that deserve a better education.  And all of us have to be concerned about a changing climate that could have a profound impact on every single country here. 

This must be our work.  And I’m here to say tonight that this spirit of partnership with your nations that defined my first term will remain a core principle of my second term.  That’s my commitment.  That is America’s commitment.  And that, I think, is one of the ways we can honor all these beautiful children and incredible teachers who were lost this past Friday -- by building a future that is equal to their dreams, and delivers on the dreams of children all around the world just like them. 

So as we gather this holiday season and look ahead to the New Year, I’d leave you with a simple message, a wish:  In the face of violence, let’s seek peace.  In the face of injustice, let’s strive for dignity.  In the face of oppression, let’s stand for liberty.  And in the face of suspicion and mistrust, let’s build the empathy and understanding.  Let’s understand that we need to live together -- as nations and as peoples and as brothers and sisters, as children of a loving God.  I hope all of you have a wonderful holiday season and I look forward to seeing you in the New Year.

God bless you.  God bless America.

END                       
7:07 P.M. EST

Diplomatic Corps Holiday Reception

December 19, 2012 | 9:11

President Obama delivers remarks at the Diplomatic Corps Holiday Reception at the State Department.

Download mp4 (344MB) | mp3 (22MB)

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

National Strategy for Information Sharing and Safeguarding

Below is a link to the President’s plan for how the Federal Government will responsibly share and safeguard information that enhances national security and protects the safety of the American people. You can read the plan “National Strategy for Information Sharing and Safeguarding” here: http://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/sites/default/files/docs/2012sharingstrategy_1.pdf  National security depends on our ability to share the right information, with the right people, at the right time.  Anchored on the 2010 National Security Strategy, the NSISS provides guidance for more effective integration and implementation of policies, processes, standards, and technologies that promote secure and responsible national security information sharing.

President Obama: "Words Need to Lead to Action" on Gun Violence

President Obama, with Vice President Biden, delivers a statement about the Administration’s gun policy process, Dec. 19, 2012.

President Barack Obama, with Vice President Joe Biden, delivers a statement and takes questions about the Administration’s gun policy process in the wake of the shootings in Newtown, Connecticut, in the James S. Brady Press Briefing Room of the White House, Dec. 19, 2012. (Official White House Photo by Pete Souza)

Five days after the tragic shooting at the Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Connecticut, President Obama said that he is committed to reducing the epidemic of gun violence that plagues this country every single day.

At a press conference in the James S. Brady Press Briefing Room at the White House, the President announced that Vice President Joe Biden will lead a new initiative that has been tasked with identifying concrete proposals for real reform by January. The Vice President, who wrote the 1994 Crime Bill that helped law enforcement bring down the rate of violent crime and included the assault weapons ban, will work with members of the Cabinet and outside organizations on this effort, and President Obama urged the new Congress to hold votes on the proposals early next year:

The good news is there’s already a growing consensus for us to build from.  A majority of Americans support banning the sale of military-style assault weapons.  A majority of Americans support banning the sale of high-capacity ammunition clips.  A majority of Americans support laws requiring background checks before all gun purchases, so that criminals can’t take advantage of legal loopholes to buy a gun from somebody who won’t take the responsibility of doing a background check at all. 

President Obama Speaks on Preventing Gun Violence

December 19, 2012 | 36:32 | Public Domain

President Obama delivers a statement from the Brady Press Briefing Room about the policy process the Administration will pursue in the wake of the Newtown tragedy to reduce and prevent gun violence. President Obama also answered questions from the press about the fiscal cliff negotiations.

Download mp4 (1321MB) | mp3 (88MB)

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by the President in a Press Conference

James S. Brady Press Briefing Room
 
 
12:02 P.M. EST
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Good morning, everybody.  It’s now been five days since the heartbreaking tragedy in Newtown, Connecticut; three days since we gathered as a nation to pray for the victims. And today, a few more of the 20 small children and six educators who were taken from us will be laid to rest.
 
We may never know all the reasons why this tragedy happened. We do know that every day since, more Americans have died of gun violence.  We know such violence has terrible consequences for our society.  And if there is even one thing that we can do to prevent any of these events, we have a deep obligation -- all of us -- to try.
 
Over these past five days, a discussion has reemerged as to what we might do not only to deter mass shootings in the future, but to reduce the epidemic of gun violence that plagues this country every single day.  And it’s encouraging that people of all different backgrounds and beliefs and political persuasions have been willing to challenge some old assumptions and change longstanding positions.  
 
That conversation has to continue.  But this time, the words need to lead to action.
 
We know this is a complex issue that stirs deeply held passions and political divides.  And as I said on Sunday night, there’s no law or set of laws that can prevent every senseless act of violence in our society.  We’re going to need to work on making access to mental health care at least as easy as access to a gun.  We’re going to need to look more closely at a culture that all too often glorifies guns and violence.  And any actions we must take must begin inside the home and inside our hearts.
 
But the fact that this problem is complex can no longer be an excuse for doing nothing.  The fact that we can’t prevent every act of violence doesn’t mean we can’t steadily reduce the violence, and prevent the very worst violence.
 
That’s why I’ve asked the Vice President to lead an effort that includes members of my Cabinet and outside organizations to come up with a set of concrete proposals no later than January -- proposals that I then intend to push without delay.  This is not some Washington commission.  This is not something where folks are going to be studying the issue for six months and publishing a report that gets read and then pushed aside.  This is a team that has a very specific task, to pull together real reforms right now.  I asked Joe to lead this effort in part because he wrote the 1994 Crime Bill that helped law enforcement bring down the rate of violent crime in this country.  That plan -- that bill also included the assault weapons ban that was publicly supported at the time by former Presidents including Ronald Reagan.  
 
The good news is there’s already a growing consensus for us to build from.  A majority of Americans support banning the sale of military-style assault weapons.  A majority of Americans support banning the sale of high-capacity ammunition clips.  A majority of Americans support laws requiring background checks before all gun purchases, so that criminals can’t take advantage of legal loopholes to buy a gun from somebody who won’t take the responsibility of doing a background check at all.  
 
I urge the new Congress to hold votes on these measures next year in a timely manner.  And considering Congress hasn’t confirmed a director of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms in six years -- the agency that works most closely with state and local law enforcement to keep illegal guns out of the hands of criminals -- I’d suggest that they make this a priority early in the year. 
 
Look, like the majority of Americans, I believe that the Second Amendment guarantees an individual right to bear arms.  This country has a strong tradition of gun ownership that’s been handed down from generation to generation.  Obviously across the country there are regional differences.  There are differences between how people feel in urban areas and rural areas.  And the fact is the vast majority of gun owners in America are responsible -- they buy their guns legally and they use them safely, whether for hunting or sport shooting, collection or protection.   
 
But you know what, I am also betting that the majority -- the vast majority -- of responsible, law-abiding gun owners would be some of the first to say that we should be able to keep an irresponsible, law-breaking few from buying a weapon of war.  I’m willing to bet that they don’t think that using a gun and using common sense are incompatible ideas -- that an unbalanced man shouldn’t be able to get his hands on a military-style assault rifle so easily; that in this age of technology, we should be able to check someone’s criminal records before he or she can check out at a gun show; that if we work harder to keep guns out of the hands of dangerous people, there would be fewer atrocities like the one in Newtown -- or any of the lesser-known tragedies that visit small towns and big cities all across America every day.
 
Since Friday morning, a police officer was gunned down in Memphis, leaving four children without their mother.  Two officers were killed outside a grocery store in Topeka.  A woman was shot and killed inside a Las Vegas casino.  Three people were shot inside an Alabama hospital.  A four-year-old was caught in a drive-by in Missouri, and taken off life support just yesterday. Each one of these Americans was a victim of the everyday gun violence that takes the lives of more than 10,000 Americans every year -- violence that we cannot accept as routine.
 
So I will use all the powers of this office to help advance efforts aimed at preventing more tragedies like this.  We won’t prevent them all -- but that can’t be an excuse not to try.  It won’t be easy -- but that can't be an excuse not to try.  
 
And I'm not going to be able to do it by myself.  Ultimately if this effort is to succeed it’s going to require the help of the American people -- it’s going to require all of you.  If we're going to change things, it’s going to take a wave of Americans -- mothers and fathers, daughters and sons, pastors, law enforcement, mental health professionals -- and, yes, gun owners -- standing up and saying “enough” on behalf of our kids.  
 
It will take commitment and compromise, and most of all, it will take courage.  But if those of us who were sent here to serve the public trust can summon even one tiny iota of the courage those teachers, that principal in Newtown summoned on Friday -- if cooperation and common sense prevail -- then I’m convinced we can make a sensible, intelligent way to make the United States of America a safer, stronger place for our children to learn and to grow.  
 
Thank you.  And now I'm going to let the Vice President go and I'm going to take a few questions.  And I will start with Ben Feller.
 
Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  I'd like to ask you about the other serious issue consuming this town right now, the fiscal cliff.
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Right.
 
Q    Haven’t you betrayed some of the voters who supported you in the election by changing your positions on who should get a tax increase and by including Social Security benefits now in this mix?  And more broadly, there seems to be a deepening sense that negotiations aren't going very well right now.  Can you give us a candid update?  Are we likely to go over the cliff?
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, first of all, there's no reason why we should.  Remember what I said during the campaign.  I thought that it was important for us to reduce our deficit in a balanced and responsible way.  I said it was important for us to make sure that millionaires and billionaires paid their fair share.  I said that we were going to have to make some tough cuts, some tough decisions on the spending side, but what I wouldn't do was hurt vulnerable families only to pay for a tax cut for somebody like me.  And what I said was that the ultimate package would involve a balance of spending cuts and tax increases.  
 
That's exactly what I've put forward.  What I've said is, is that in order to arrive at a compromise, I am prepared to do some very tough things -- some things that some Democrats don't want to see and probably there are a few Republicans who don't want to see either.  But the only way that we're going to be able to stabilize the economy, make sure we've got a platform for long-term economic growth, that we get our deficits under control and we make sure that middle-class families are protected is if we come up with something that members of both parties in Congress can support.  
 
And that's the plan that I've put forward.  I have gone at least halfway in meeting some of the Republicans' concerns, recognizing that even though we campaigned on these issues, even though the majority of Americans agree with me that we should be raising taxes on the wealthiest few as a means of reducing the deficit, I have also said that I'm willing to identify some spending cuts that make sense. 
 
And, frankly, up until about a couple of days ago, if you looked at it, the Republicans in the House and Speaker Boehner I think were in a position to say, we've gotten a fair deal.  The fact that they haven't taken it yet is puzzling and I think a question that you're going to have to address to them.  
 
I remain optimistic, though, because if you look at what the Speaker has proposed, he's conceded that income tax rates should go up -- except right now he only wants to have them go up for millionaires.  If you're making $900,000, somehow he thinks that you can't afford to pay a little more in taxes.  But the principle that rates are going to need to go up he's conceded.
 
I've said I'm willing to make some cuts.  What separates us is probably a few hundred billion dollars.  The idea that we would put our economy at risk because you can't bridge that gap doesn’t make a lot of sense.  
 
So I'm going to continue to talk to the Speaker and the other leaders up in Congress.  But, ultimately, they've got to do their job.  Right now their job is to make sure that middle-class taxes do not go up and that we have a balanced, responsible package of deficit reduction.
 
It is there for all to see.  It is a deal that can get done. But it is not going to be -- it cannot be done if every side wants 100 percent.  And part of what voters were looking for is some compromise up here.  That’s what folks want.  They understand that they're not going to get 100 percent of what they want.  And for some reason, that message has not yet taken up on Capitol Hill. 
 
And when you think about what we've gone through over the last couple of months -- a devastating hurricane, and now one of the worst tragedies in our memory -- the country deserves folks to be willing to compromise on behalf of the greater good, and not tangle themselves up in a whole bunch of ideological positions that don’t make much sense.
 
So I remain not only open to conversations, but I remain eager to get something done.  I'd like to get it done before Christmas.  There's been a lot of posturing up on Capitol Hill, instead of just going ahead and getting stuff done.  And we've been wasting a lot of time.  It is the right thing to do.  I'm prepared to get it done.  But they're going to have to go ahead and make some adjustments. 
 
And I'll just give you one other example.  The Speaker now is proposing what he calls plan B.  So he says, well, this would raise taxes only on folks making a million dollars or more.  What that means is an average of a $50,000 tax break for every millionaire out there, at the same time as we're not providing unemployment insurance for 2 million people who are still out there looking for work.  It actually means a tax increase for millions of working families across the country at the same time as folks like me would be getting a tax break.  That violates the core principles that were debated during the course of this election and that the American people determined was the wrong way to go.  
 
And so my hope is, is that the Speaker and his caucus, in conjunction with the other legislative leaders up there, can find a way to make sure that middle-class families don’t see their taxes go up on January 1st; that we make sure that those things that middle-class families count on like tax credits for college, or making sure that they’re getting some help when it comes to raising their kids through things like the child tax credit, that that gets done; and that we have a balanced package for deficit reduction, which is exactly what I’ve put forward.
 
Q    Will you give more ground if you need to, or are you done?
 
THE PRESIDENT:  If you look at the package that I put forward, it is a balanced package by any definition.  We have put forward real cuts in spending that are hard to do, in every category.  And by any measure, by any traditional calculation, by the measures that Republicans themselves have used in the past, this would be as large a piece of deficit reduction as we’ve seen in the last 20 years.  And if you combine that with the increased revenue from the wealthy paying a little bit more, then you actually have something that would stabilize our deficit and debt for a decade -- for 10 years.  
 
Now, the notion that we would not do that, but instead the Speaker would run a play that keeps tax cuts for folks making $500,000 or $700,000 or $800,000 or $900,000 a year, and gives more tax breaks to millionaires and billionaires, and raises taxes on middle-class families, and then has no cuts in it -- which is what he says he wants -- doesn’t make much sense.
 
I mean, let’s just think about the logic for a second.  They’re thinking about voting for raising taxes at least on folks over a million, which they say they don’t want to do, but they’re going to reject spending cuts that they say they do want to do.  That defies logic.  There’s no explanation for that.  
 
I think that any objective person out there looking would say that we’ve put forward a very balanced plan and it’s time for us to go ahead and get it done.  That’s what the country needs right now.  Because I think folks have been through some wrenching times, we’re still recovering from a very tough recession, and what they’re hoping for is a sense of stability, focus, compromise, common sense over the next couple of years.  And I think we can provide it.  But this is a good test for them. 
 
Carol Lee. 
 
Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  Just to follow on Ben's question, what is your next move?  Are we in a position now where you're just waiting for the Speaker to make a move?
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, I'm going to reach out to all the leaders involved over the next couple of days and find out what is it that's holding this thing up.  What is holding it up?  If the argument from Republicans is we haven't done enough spending cuts, that argument is not going to fly because we've got close to a trillion dollars of spending cuts.  And when you add interest, then it's more than a trillion dollars in spending cuts.  
 
If the argument is that they can't do -- they can't increase tax rates on folks making $700,000 or $800,000 a year, that's not a persuasive argument to me and it's certainly not a persuasive argument to the American people.  
 
It may be that members of their caucus haven't looked at exactly what we've proposed.  It may be that if we provide more information or there's greater specificity or we work through some of their concerns, that we can get some movement then.  
 
But the fact of the matter is, is that what would violate my commitment to voters is if I ended up agreeing to a plan that put more of the burden on middle-class families and less of a burden on the wealthy in an effort to reduce our deficit.  That's not something I'm going to do.  What would violate my commitment to voters would be to put forward a plan that makes it harder for young people to go to college, that makes it harder for a family with a disabled kid to care for that kid.  
 
And there's a threshold that you reach where the balance tips, even in making compromises that are required to get something done in this town, where you are hurting people in order to give another advantage to folks who don't need help.  And we had an extensive debate about this for a year.  And not only does the majority of the American people agree with me, about half of Republican voters agree with me on this.  
 
So at some point, there's got to be I think a recognition on the part of my Republican friends that -- take the deal.  They will be able to claim that they have worked with me over the last two years to reduce the deficit more than any other deficit reduction package; that we will have stabilized it for 10 years. That is a significant achievement for them.  They should be proud of it.  But they keep on finding ways to say no, as opposed to finding ways to say yes.  
 
And I don’t know how much of that just has to do with -- it is very hard for them to say yes to me.  But at some point, they’ve got to take me out of it and think about their voters, and think about what’s best for the country.  And if they do that -- if they’re not worried about who’s winning and who’s losing, did they score a point on the President, did they extract that last little concession, did they force him to do something he really doesn’t want to do just for the heck of it, and they focus on actually what’s good for the country, I actually think we can get this done.
 
Q    You mentioned the $700,000 and $800,000.  Are you willing to move on income level and are there specific things that you would do --
 
THE PRESIDENT:  I’m not going to get into specific negotiations here.  My point is simple, Carol, that if you look at Speaker Boehner’s proposal and you look at my proposal, they’re actually pretty close.  They keep on saying that somehow we haven’t put forward real spending cuts.  Actually, there was I think a graph in The New York Times today that showed -- they’re the same categories, right?  There’s a little bit of tweaks here and there; there are a few differences, but we’re right there.  
 
And on the revenue side, there’s a difference in terms of them wanting to preserve tax breaks for folks between $250,000 and a million that we just can’t afford.  I mean, keep in mind I’m in that income category; I’d love to not pay as much in taxes.  But I also think it’s the right thing to do for us to make sure that people who have less -- people who are working, people who are striving, people who are hoping for their kids -- that they have opportunity.  That’s what we campaigned about.  That’s what we talked about.  
 
And this is not a situation where I’m unwilling to compromise.  This is not a situation where I’m trying to rub their face in anything.  I think anybody who looks at this objectively would say that coming off my election, I have met them at least halfway in order to get something done for the country.  
 
And so I noticed that there were a couple of headlines out there saying, oh, we’re now in the land of political posturing, and it’s the usual he said-he said atmosphere.  But look at the facts.  Look at where we started; look at where they started.  My proposal is right there in the middle.  
 
We should be able to get this done.  Let’s get it done.  We don’t have a lot of time.
 
Carrie.  Where’s -- there you are.  
 
Q    Thank you, Mr. President.
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Yes.
 
Q    What is your level of confidence that if you are able to reach a comprehensive deal with the Speaker, that he will be able to bring his members onboard and get it passed?  Essentially, do you still trust Speaker Boehner in this process?
 
THE PRESIDENT:  There is no doubt that the Speaker has challenges in his caucus, and I recognize that.  I’m often reminded when I speak to the Republican leadership that the majority of their caucus’s membership come from districts that I lost.  And so sometimes they may not see an incentive in cooperating with me, in part because they’re more concerned about challenges from a tea party candidate, or challenges from the right, and cooperating with me may make them vulnerable.  I recognize that.
 
But, goodness, if this past week has done anything, it should just give us some perspective.  If there’s one thing we should have after this week, it should be a sense of perspective about what’s important.  And I would like to think that members of that caucus would say to themselves:  You know what, we disagree with the President on a whole bunch of things.  We wish the other guy had won.  We’re going to fight him on a whole range of issues over the next four years.  We think his philosophy is all screwed up.  But right now, what the country needs is for us to compromise, get a deficit reduction deal in place; make sure middle class taxes don’t go up; make sure that we’re laying the foundations for growth; give certainty to businesses large and small; not put ourselves through some sort of self-inflicted crisis every six months; allow ourselves time to focus on things like preventing the tragedy in Newtown from happening again; focus on issues like energy and immigration reform and all the things that will really make a determination as to whether our country grows over the next four years, 10 years, 40 years.  
 
And if you just pull back from the immediate political battles, if you kind of peel off the partisan war paint, then we should be able to get something done.  
 
And I think the Speaker would like to get that done.  I think an environment needs to be created within not just the House Republican caucus, but also among Senate Republicans that say, the campaign is over and let’s see if we can do what’s right for the country -- at least for the next month.  And then we can reengage in all the other battles that they’ll want to fight.
 
Q    If you don’t get it done, Republicans have said they’ll try to use the debt limit as a next pressure point.  Would you negotiate with them in that context?
 
THE PRESIDENT:  No.  And I’ve been very clear about this.  This is the United States of America, the greatest country on Earth, the world’s economic superpower.  And the idea that we lurch from crisis to crisis, and every six months, or every nine months, that we threaten not to pay our bills on stuff we’ve already bought, and default, and ruin the full faith and credit of the United States of America -- that’s not how you run a great country.  
 
So I’ve put forward a very clear principle:  I will not negotiate around the debt ceiling.  We’re not going to play the same game that we saw happen in 2011 -- which was hugely destructive; hurt our economy; provided more uncertainty to the business community than anything else that happened.  
 
And I'm not alone in this.  If you go to Wall Street, including talking to a whole bunch of folks who spent a lot of money trying to beat me, they would say it would be disastrous for us to use the debt ceiling as a cudgel to try to win political points on Capitol Hill.  
 
So we're not going to do that -- which is why I think that part of what I hope over the next couple of days we see is a recognition that there is a way to go ahead and get what it is that you've been fighting for.  These guys have been fighting for spending cuts.  They can get some very meaningful spending cuts. This would amount to $2 trillion -- $2 trillion -- in spending cuts over the last couple of years.  And in exchange, they're getting a little over a trillion dollars in revenue.  And that meets the pledge that I made during the campaign, which was $2 to $2.50 of spending cuts for every revenue increase.  And that's an approach that I think most Americans think is appropriate. 
 
But I will not negotiate around the debt ceiling.  We're not going to do that again. 
 
Q    Sir, may I ask a question about Newtown, please?
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Yes, I've got David Jackson.  
 
Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  Getting back to the gun issue, you alluded to the fact that Washington commissions don't have the greatest reputation in the world.  What makes you think this one is going to be different given the passage of time and the political power of gun rights groups like the National Rifle Association?
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, this is not going to be a commission. Joe is going to gather up some key Cabinet members who have an interest in this issue.  We're going to reach out to a bunch of stakeholders.  We're going to be reaching out to members of Congress who have an interest in this issue.  It's not as if we have to start from scratch.  There are a whole bunch of proposals that have been thought about, debated, but hopefully also some new ideas in terms of how we deal with this issue.
 
Their task is going to be to sift through every good idea that's out there, and even take a look at some bad ideas before disposing of them, and come up with a concrete set of recommendations in about a month.  And I would hope that our memories aren't so short that what we saw in Newtown isn't lingering with us, that we don't remain passionate about it only a month later.  
 
And as soon as we get those recommendations, I will be putting forward very specific proposals.  I will be talking about them in my State of The Union and we will be working with interested members of Congress to try to get some of them done.  
 
And the idea that we would say this is terrible, this is a tragedy, never again, and we don’t have the sustained attention span to be able to get this done over the next several months doesn’t make sense.  I have more confidence in the American people than that.  I have more confidence in the parents, the mothers and fathers that I’ve been meeting over the last several days all across the country from all political persuasions, including a lot of gun owners, who say, you know what, this time we’ve got to do things differently.
 
Q    What about the NRA?
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, the NRA is an organization that has members who are mothers and fathers.  And I would expect that they’ve been impacted by this as well.  And hopefully they’ll do some self-reflection.  
 
And here’s what we know -- that any single gun law can’t solve all these problems.  We’re going to have to look at mental health issues.  We’re going to have to look at schools.  There are going to be a whole range of things that Joe’s group looks at.  We know that issues of gun safety will be an element of it. And what we’ve seen over the last 20 years, 15 years, is the sense that anything related to guns is somehow an encroachment on the Second Amendment.  What we’re looking for here is a thoughtful approach that says we can preserve our Second Amendment, we can make sure that responsible gun owners are able to carry out their activities, but that we’re going to actually be serious about the safety side of this; that we’re going to be serious about making sure that something like Newtown or Aurora doesn’t happen again.
 
And there is a big chunk of space between what the Second Amendment means and having no rules at all.  And that space is what Joe is going to be working on to try to identify where we can find some common ground.
 
So I’ve got -- I’m going to take one last question.
 
Go ahead, Jake.
 
Q    It seems to a lot of observers that you made the political calculation in 2008 in your first term and in 2012 not to talk about gun violence.  You had your position on renewing the ban on semiautomatic rifles that then-Senator Biden put into place, but you didn’t do much about it.  This is not the first issue -- the first incident of horrific gun violence of your four years.  Where have you been?
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, here’s where I’ve been, Jake.  I’ve been President of the United States dealing with the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression, an auto industry on the verge of collapse, two wars.  I don’t think I’ve been on vacation.  
 
And so I think all of us have to do some reflection on how we prioritize what we do here in Washington.  And as I said on Sunday, this should be a wake-up call for all of us to say that if we are not getting right the need to keep our children safe, then nothing else matters.  And it’s my commitment to make sure that we do everything we can to keep our children safe.  
 
A lot of things go in -- are involved in that, Jake.  So making sure they’ve got decent health care and making sure they’ve got a good education, making sure that their parents have jobs -- those are all relevant as well.  Those aren’t just sort of side issues.  But there’s no doubt that this has to be a central issue.  And that’s exactly why I’m confident that Joe is going to take this so seriously over the next couple months.
 
All right.  Thank you, everybody.
 
 
END
12:37 P.M. EST