Readout of Vice President Biden's Meeting with Prime Minister Abadi of Iraq

Vice President Joe Biden and Secretary of State John Kerry met today in Munich with Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi and his accompanying delegation, including the ministers of Finance, Planning, and Interior, to discuss political and security developments in Iraq. The Vice President and Secretary commended Prime Minister Abadi and other Iraqi leaders on the Council of Representatives' timely passage last week of a national budget and progress on other elements of Iraq's National Program. The delegations discussed the work ahead in fighting ISIL and agreed on the importance of a whole-of-government approach to provide sound local governance, reconstruction, and economic opportunity in areas liberated from ISIL. The Vice President and Secretary underscored America's commitment to Iraq under our bilateral Strategic Framework Agreement as well as U.S. resolve to work with the Government and people of Iraq to defeat ISIL and restore Iraq's full territorial sovereignty.

Remarks by the Vice President at the Munich Security Conference

Hotel Bayerischer Hof
Munich, Germany

3:32 P.M. (Local)

THE VICE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much. I wish I could say those phone calls, I solved all the problems. But I didn't.

Ladies and gentlemen, as the Chairman said earlier today, I did stand here six years ago and in the first major foreign policy address of our administration, I spoke about the “reset.” Today, I’m here to talk about the need to reassert -- not just reset -- to reassert the fundamental bedrock principle of a Europe whole, free -- and free. That's inviolate borders are honored; that there be no spheres of influence; and it’s the sovereign right of every nation to choose its own alliances.

Europe is not just the home of our closest allies. Europe, all of you, are the cornerstone of the United States’ engagement in the rest of the world. Let me say that again, Europe is the cornerstone of U.S. engagement around the world.

You’re America’s partners not of just last resort, but first resort when challenges arise in Europe and other parts of the world.

Since I first attended this conference in 1980, together we have made remarkable strides toward the dream of a Europe whole, free, and at peace -- a unified Germany at the heart of a European Union built on the bold premise that nations need not repeat the conflicts of the past; in Eastern and Central Europe, a journey -— in less than a generation’s time -— from captive nations to free and prosperous democracies.

Together, we made -- we have extended the Euro-Atlantic alliance community from the Baltics to the Black Sea, reaching even more people in an interconnected web of democratic governance, commerce, and trade.

And together, we explored in good faith -- in genuine good faith -- the prospect of including Russia in this community of democratic nations and open societies; or at least establishing -- at the very least -- constructive relations with Russia.

Six years ago at this podium, I said and I quote, “To paraphrase President Obama, it is time to press the reset button and reinvest in the many areas where we can and should be working together with Russia.”

That's what everybody remembers. But they don't often repeat what I then said. I said, “We will also not recognize any nation having a sphere of influence.” We will remain -- “it will remain our view that sovereign states have the right to make their decisions and choose their own alliances.”

I meant it when I said it then, and America means it as I repeat it now.

As the Ambassador said this morning, once we pressed that reset button in 2009, between then and 2012, we achieved a great deal in cooperation with Russia to advance our mutual interests and I would argue the interests of Europe -- the New START Treaty that reduced our strategic nuclear arsenal by one-third; a vital supply route for coalition troops in and out of Afghanistan; at the United Nations Security Council, resolutions that pressured North Korea and Iran and made possible serious nuclear discussions in Tehran, which continue as I speak.

All of us, we all invested in a type of Russia we hoped -— and still hope -— will emerge one day: a Russia integrated into the world economy; more prosperous, more invested in the international order.

It was in that same spirit that we supported the establishment of the NATO-Russia Council and Russian membership in countless other institutions, from the Council of Europe to the WTO. Unfortunately, and I mean it when I say unfortunately, as the Chancellor pointed out this morning, President Putin has chosen a different path.

We have seen, as much as we would not like to see, increased repression at home, including the barbarous practice of using psychiatric institutions to quell dissent, silencing of the mothers of soldiers deployed in Ukraine; contempt for the rights of Russia’s neighbors to choose their own future; disrespect for the sovereign, territorial integrity of Ukraine, but I might add also Georgia and Moldova; disregard for Russia’s own commitments made in Helsinki, Paris, Budapest.

As a result -- as a result of these choices made by Mr. Putin, the world looks differently today than it did when I spoke in Munich not just six years ago, but even two years ago.

America and Europe are being tested. President Putin has to understand that, as he has changed, so has our focus. We have moved from resetting this important relationship to reasserting the fundamental bedrock principles on which European freedom and stability rest. And I’ll say it again: inviolate borders, no spheres of influence, the sovereign right to choose your own alliances. I cannot repeat that often enough.

And again, as the Chancellor said this morning, to protect these important principles, we have to be laser-focused on the greater threats to the project of a Europe whole, free, and at peace.

And for a moment I’d like to focus on three of these threats. First, the attempt to undermine Ukrainian sovereignty; second, the use of corruption as an instrument to try to undermine governments; and, third, the use of energy as a tool of coercion.

Most immediately, we need to remain resolute and united in our support of Ukraine, as the Chancellor said this morning. What happens there will resonate well beyond Ukraine. It matters to all -- not just in Europe, but around the world -- all who may be subject to aggression; to all countries who expect Russia to honor the agreements they signed, whether at the United Nations, Budapest Memorandum, or even the Minsk Agreement.

Together, we agreed that countries would never again be able to redraw the map of Europe by force. That's what we said. That's what all of you said. That's what we said. I’ve traveled to Ukraine many times -- three times in the past year. I’ve sat down with the men and women who braved the snipers’ bullets in Maidan, as many of you did. Their courage has given Ukraine a chance to leave behind its history and recent history of corruption and finally build a genuine democracy, which has not existed for as long as memory -- not in name, but in reality; an economy no longer riddled with corruption, oligarchs above the law.

It’s not easy. This is a difficult transition, as many of you in this room know, because some of you made that transition. But as long as Ukrainians keep faith with this project, we have to keep faith with them. We’ve already shown the strength that comes when we stand united.

Think about it: Russia tried vainly to stop the Ukrainians from having the freest and fairest elections in their history, but they had them. Russia sought to divide Ukraine between east and west, but Ukrainians are more unified as a nation from Lviv to Kharkiv than at any time, I would argue, in the last 25 years, notwithstanding the thugs Russia has supported to foment violence in the Donbas. Russia sought to keep secret its little green men and the multiple tanks that we’ve given them -- that they’ve given them. But we have given all you incontrovertible proof that they exist. You've seen the pictures, as they say.

But we’ve also exposed what they're doing to the entire world. All of this because Russia sought to block Ukraine’s Association Agreement with the European Union. That agreement -– locking in Ukraine’s European future –- was nonetheless signed and ratified by many of you in this room.

And Russia needs to understand that as long as it continues its current course, the United States, and, God willing, all of Europe, and the international community will continue to impose costs on their violation of basic international norms.

Chancellor Merkel and President Hollande have just traveled to Kyiv and then to Moscow to pursue a diplomatic resolution to this conflict. The President and I, we agree, we must spare no effort to save lives and resolve the conflict peacefully. As Chancellor Merkel said today, it’s worth the attempt. It’s very much worth the attempt.

But we must judge the existing agreement -— Minsk -— or any future agreement with Russia by the actions Russia takes on the ground, not by the paper they sign. And given Russia’s recent history, we need to judge it by its deeds, not its words. Don’t tell us. Show us, President Putin.

Too many times President Putin has promised peace, and delivered tanks, troops, and weapons. So we will continue to provide Ukraine with security assistance, not to encourage war but to allow Ukraine to defend itself.

Let me be clear: We do not believe there is a military solution in Ukraine. But let me be equally clear: We do not believe Russia has the right to do what they're doing. We believe we should attempt an honorable peace. But we also believe the Ukrainian people have a right to defend themselves. (Applause.)

The essential elements of the Minsk Agreement hold a path to peaceful resolution. I don't know how many hours, scores of hours I’ve spent with President Poroshenko in Kyiv or on the telephone. He has made some fairly courageous decisions that do not still well with all parts of his constituency. He is viewed by some as having given too much. But Minsk has the major pieces: One, full withdrawal of Russian troops from Ukraine; two, return control over the international border to Ukraine; three, develop a robust international monitoring mission on the Ukrainian-Russian border.

Let’s not kid ourselves. It’s fully within the power of Moscow to stop the separatists from pursuing the military solution. Don't believe anybody who tells you that that's not true. I assure it is true. Does it mean there will be some separatists who on their own will move off? Probably. But the core, the leadership, the trained fighters, they are directly answerable to Mr. Putin.

And let me state clearly what is our collective objective, or at least what I believe is our objective and should be our collective objectives: to preserve the territorial integrity of Ukraine; to reassert the principle that the borders are inviolate and nations have the right to choose their own alliances.

And let me state as clearly as I can what is not our objective. It is not the objective of the United States -- I repeat -- it is not the objective of the United States of America to collapse or weaken the Russian economy. That is not our objective.

But President Putin has to make a simple, stark choice: Get out of Ukraine or face continued isolation and growing economic costs at home.

But as the story of Ukraine shows, there are multiple dimensions to European security. Hard military power of NATO, for sure, but also confronting corruption that's being used as a tool to undermine national sovereignty in other parts of Europe.

Corruption is a cancer. Those of you who watch Superman movies and comic books, it is like kryptonite to the functioning of democracy. It siphons away resources. It destroys trust in government. It hollows out military readiness. And it affronts the dignity of your people.

But as President Putin and others engage in the use of corruption as a tool of coercion abroad, then fighting corruption is not just about good governance, it’s self-defense. It’s about sovereignty. Fighting corruption may not be easy,

but it’s not a mystery how you go about doing it. It’s hard, but not a mystery -- transparency, disclosure, independent agencies, vetting police departments and judges, inspector generals in government agencies with the mandate and the freedom to investigate abuses.

Ukraine has taken bold steps toward a new Anti-Corruption Bureau, and it’s passed legislation to reform the Prosecutor General’s office. It has to be implemented now. But it’s a promising start, still more needs to do done. And I’m sure the Prime Minister and the President are tired of hearing me remind them of that a couple times a week.

And of course Ukraine is not the only country dealing with this scourge. Many other countries need to take a good, hard look about how to strengthen their own institutions and combat corruption at home.

I was just speaking to the leader of one of those countries, it’s a part of Europe, who understands it and is asking for help, how to help them do it.

We also need to ensure that no country –- not Russia or any other nation –- can use energy as a weapon of coercion to bully or change the policy of another nation. We’ve known for a long time -- you've known for a long time -- that dependence on a single source of energy is a big problem, a big problem. And now is the time to act.

Europe has made steady progress already. For example, you passed laws with the goal of creating an integrated European energy market. Now is the time to implement those reforms and push for more diversity in fuel types, sources, transit routes; and more investment in the types of infrastructure –- interconnections, storage facilities, LNG terminals —- that will unleash market forces. We the United States want to be as helpful as we possibly can. It’s overwhelmingly in our interest that Europe not be dependent.

But it’s within your power to make energy security the next chapter in the European project of integration and market expansion that began decades ago -- and maybe I’m the only one old enough to remember -- with the European Coal and Steel Community. That's a frightening prospect to think of that.

And if we can finally get it right, there would be -- it would be an enormous contribution to the security and independence of Europe.

But there’s a larger imperative that we have in the Transatlantic Alliance, and that's the need to address what I suspect most of us who have been dealing with NATO, as I have, for the last 41 years in my capacity as a U.S. senator and Vice President; I doubt whether many of us thought we’d be here in 2015 with an extended focus on the need to strengthen NATO’s capacity and capability within Europe, as well as the need to strengthen our economies.

We're also determined to ensure that NATO emerges stronger from this crisis than when we went in. I’ve said it before, let me say it again, the principle of collective defense enshrined in Article 5 of the Washington Treaty represents a sacred commitment not just for now, but forever.

With our allies at Wales, we all of us, we recommitted ourselves to the work required to fill capacity gaps and improve our readiness and put in place a genuinely rapid response force, strengthening the capacity of our alliance to respond to emerging and future threats.

But if you forgive me, NATO is not a self-sustaining organization. It doesn't fund itself. Just come with me to my constituencies and ask them whether or not we should primarily fund it. Ask my Senate colleagues and my House colleagues who are here. Every NATO country needs to meet its commitment to devote 2 percent of its GDP to defense. I realize not all can do it now. But it’s a shared security, and shared security requires shared responsibility.

Ultimately our staying power and strength in the world fundamentally rests on the vitality of our economies at home, as we all know. Although the United States economy grew at a rate of 5 percent the last quarter, it’s clear that our people are still contending with the lasting effects, lingering effects of the greatest recession short of a depression in the history of the United States.

We support your efforts to create jobs, boost domestic demand in Europe, especially as you reinforce the institutions of the monetary union.

The good news is, we now know the types of policies that effectively spur economic growth and boost employment --investing in infrastructure and human capital; lowering barriers to trade and investment; making reforms to improve the business climate and level the economic playing field.

That’s why we're such strong supporters, along with many of you, of so-called TTIP, the Transatlantic and Trade Investment [sic]. Now let me make clear what I heard this morning, TTIP is not the stepchild to TPP. We have not taken our focus off of Europe. We have not decided that the future lies in the Pacific Basin. We are a Pacific power. We will assert that power, and we will remain a Pacific power. But we are also an Atlantic power. And the Trans Pacific Partnership we're working on in no way means to imply that there’s greater focus on the concerns of the Pacific. It’s meant to make clear that internationally we need new rules of the road, across the Pacific, as well as across the Atlantic.

Think of what our fathers and grandfathers and grandmothers did at the end of World War II. They set down a new set of rules of the road. They worked well for 50 to 60 years. But as the Irish poet William Butler Yeats said about his Ireland in the poem called Easter Sunday 1916, it better applies -- the line better applies to Europe and a world today than it did Ireland in 1916. He said, “All’s changed, changed utterly: A terrible beauty has been born.” All has changed utterly. Globalization is a reality. So we very strongly believe it’s in our mutual interest and the mutual growth possibilities for both sides of the Atlantic if we can reach an agreement on TTIP.

Were time to permit I would point out it’s not just economic benefits that will flow from such an agreement, but the geopolitical benefits that flow from a 21st century set of rules for fair -- and for the fair conduct of trade internationally are real. Finalizing a deal like this one is not easy, and will not be easy, but it’s necessary for our economies and our partnership to help shape the character of the global economy.

We already have a $5 trillion commercial relationship with Europe. Even small improvements that reduce the cost of regulation and promote greater compatibility can create significant new economic opportunities -— including more jobs -— on both sides of the Atlantic.

Just as NATO reinforces the norms of global security, TTIP can strengthen the global trading system and to the benefit of people everywhere, even as it lies -- ties our two continents more closely together.

If we can finalize this trade agreement we’re negotiating in the Pacific, and unite the countries representing two-thirds of the world’s trade into a coalition of free and fair trade, that will drive the standards and rules for 21st century -- a coalition too large for countries to ignore the basic rules that we’ve agreed on.

If we do all these things, we won’t just confront our challenges, we will have a genuine opportunity to fundamentally strengthen the transatlantic community. And that’s a good thing, because we have an awful lot work to do around the world.

America, like many of you, has global responsibilities and far-flung commitments, but the most effective way to address them is to connect with our closest allies.

They include Iran; climate change; the fight against ISIL, or as they say in the region, Daesh; the violent extremism, set against a backdrop of generational upheaval in the Middle East.

As the President’s National Security statement says: “We have an opportunity -— and an obligation -— to lead the way in reinforcing, shaping, and where appropriate, creating the rules, norms, and institutions that will be the foundation for peace, security and prosperity, and the protection of human rights in the 21st century.”

It is that simple. And it is that complicated. It is that straightforward, and it is that important. That's what’s ultimately at stake. All of us in this room are delivered to a moment that only happens every four or five generations. We have to rise to the moment. Then we, like those before us, can lay that new foundation for another 70 years of security and prosperity and peace.

Again if you forgive me, to quote another Irish poet Seamus Heaney, he said:

History teaches us not to hope on this side of the grave, but then once in a lifetime that tidal wave of justice rises up, and hope and history rhyme.

We can't guarantee that. But we have a shot. We have a shot. I got elected when I was a 29-year-old kid. I’m more optimistic about the prospects, if we have the courage, of setting the 21st century in a direction that will avoid the carnage of the 20th century, if we work together. So let’s take a shot at making hope and history rhyme.

Thank you. (Applause.)

END
4:00 P.M. (Local)

Readout of the Vice President’s Meetings in Brussels

Vice President Joe Biden met in Brussels today with European Parliament President Martin Schulz and the Conference of Presidents of the European Parliament; European Council President Donald Tusk; European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker and Vice President and High Commissioner for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Federica Mogherini; and Belgian Prime Minister Charles Michel.

With the European Union leaders the Vice President discussed the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (T-TIP), policies to promote economic growth, energy security, countering violent extremism, and data privacy.

With Belgian Prime Minister Michel, the Vice President discussed bilateral counterterrorism cooperation, Belgium's contributions to the coalition against ISIL, and European growth and T-TIP.

Remarks by Senior Administration Officials in a Conference Call on the Vice President's Trip to Belgium and Germany

Via Teleconference

11:05 A.M. EST

MR. SPECTOR:  Hey, everybody.  Thank you for joining today’s call.  We appreciate your time. 

As you know, the Vice President will travel to Brussels, Belgium and Munich, Germany starting tomorrow, Thursday, February 5th through Sunday, February 8th.  So this call is to inform you about the trip and answer a few questions that you might have.

This call is going to be on background from senior administration officials.  And with that, I’d like to turn it over to our first senior administration official.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  Great, thank you very much.  And thanks, everyone, for joining the call.  I think it would make sense for us just to introduce ourselves by name at the beginning just so you know who is on the call, but, of course, this call will be on background from a senior administration official.

So I will just at the top here briefly walk through the agenda, the schedule for the trip and a little bit about what we're hoping to accomplish and then turn it to my colleagues to take your questions.

So the Vice President is going to be departing tomorrow on Thursday, February 5th for a three- to four-day trip to Brussels, Belgium and Munich, Germany. 

In Brussels on Friday, the Vice President will meet with the full range of European leaders, including the European Parliament President, Martin Schulz; the Conference of Presidents of the European Parliament, which consists of the heads of the main political groupings in the European Parliament, the European Council President Donald Tusk; and then we’ll meet jointly with European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker and Vice President Federica Mogherini.

This will be the first trip to Brussels at this level since the President was in Brussels for a summit with European leaders last March, and in particular since the new leadership in Europe assumed office in December.

And obviously given our close partnership across a range of critical issues, and in particular, given a series of recent events, including the terrorist attacks in Paris, the current escalation of the conflict in Ukraine by Russia and its proxies, the economic concerns across Europe and the globe, this is a particularly important time to check in with our European counterparts. 

So we expect that in all of his meetings with European Union leaders, the Vice President will have the opportunity to compare notes on the situation in Ukraine, on critical issues of energy security that Europe is facing in particular and that obviously we all share in common, including on climate change; on a range of economic issues, including the ongoing Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, or TTIP negotiations and other policies designed to promote economic growth, and of course, our counterterrorism cooperation, our common efforts to counter violent extremism and a range of other global issues. 

Let me just say a couple words about a few of the issues we expect will come up in some of these meetings.  On Ukraine, the Vice President will certainly want to discuss both the current escalation of the conflict by Russia and the need to impose additional costs on Russia for its ongoing aggression in eastern Ukraine, as well as the economic reforms that Ukraine is undertaking and how the European Union and the United States, along with the international community can continue to galvanize additional financial support for Ukraine.

On energy security, the Vice President will want to discuss with the EU leadership, plans for diversifying fuel types, sources of energy, and transit routes to reduce the ability of any one country to use energy as a political weapon; and of course, they’ll likely consult on an ongoing negotiations around the world on climate change and our efforts in that respect, as well. 

On TTIP, where negotiators are meeting this week, we feel a real opportunity for a fresh start in the negotiations.  And the Vice President will want to underscore that this agreement is really in the geostrategic interests of both the United States and Europe and the importance of our efforts to update the rules of the road globally, and set the standards for trade, in addition to bolstering growth and job creation on both (inaudible).

He’ll also likely address other ways that we can work together to strengthen the economic recovery in Europe and the United States.  And, of course, given the recent terrorist attacks in Paris and in Brussels, the Vice President will begin discussing and continue discussing our efforts to counter violent extremism, stem the flow in financing for foreign terrorist fighters to travel, and better share information on such individuals.

Finally, there’s a whole range of global issues where the United States, of course, is working very closely with our European allies and partners, and those include the negotiations on Iran, the coalition against ISIL in Iraq and Syria.  And we’ll obviously be checking in on those issues as well.

While in Brussels, the Vice President will also meet with the Belgian Prime Minister, where he’ll discuss of course our very close economic partnership, our bilateral relationship, and some of these same issues as well.
 
In Munich, on Saturday and Sunday of this week, the Vice President will attend the annual Munich Security Conference, where he’ll deliver remarks on European and global security challenges.  The Vice President has spoken before at the Munich Security Conference, including in 2009, just after the President and the Vice President took office.  And his visit will come just a day after our administration releases the President’s 2015 National Security Strategy as part of our effort to further define America’s foreign policy agenda and vision for U.S. global leadership. 
So this will be a particularly appropriate moment to revisit some of the themes the Vice President has addressed in this particular forum in the past, as well as discuss how much has changed in the world and how the transatlantic community must adapt to the current challenges.

I’ll let the Vice President speak for himself at the conference, but I think we can expect he will use his remarks and his discussions with other leaders at the conference to address some of the enduring and emerging priorities and approaches to a range of global challenges.

As we see it, in many cases, the international order that we’ve worked together with our European partners to build over the previous decade coming under assault.  And since the United States and Europe have been the traditional guardians of the international institutions that govern international relations and international trade and commerce, we have a special responsibility to address these challenges.  And the Vice President will want to talk a little bit about what we’ve been doing and how the President and the Vice President have a vision for American leadership over the next couple of years and well beyond.  But again, I’ll let the Vice President speak to that while he’s in Munich.

We’ll also have an opportunity in Munich for a number of other meetings with leaders who are also attending the conference.  We’re still working to put the final touches on the schedule.  And, of course, in a large event with a lot of leaders like this, you can expect there will be a number of informal opportunities for meetings and conversations on the sidelines.  But let me just mention a couple of the highlights of the schedule and then turn to your questions.

First, we expect the Vice President will hold a joint meeting in a trilateral format with German Chancellor Angela Merkel and Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko.  This will obviously give the three leaders an opportunity to discuss the current conflict between Russia and Ukraine, and international support for Ukraine’s reform efforts, including through financial assistance.
 
Chancellor Merkel obviously has been a strong, important support of Ukraine within Europe.  And Germany has played a critical role diplomatically and financially in supporting a peaceful resolution of the conflict and in supporting our efforts to enable a democratic, free Ukraine, and its people to determine their own future.  So we’ve worked closely with our German allies during the course of this crisis.  And, of course, the Vice President has been engaging extensively with President Poroshenko and Prime Minister Yatsenyuk since the start of the conflict.

Secretary Kerry will, of course, be in Ukraine on Thursday, a day or two before this meeting.  And of course, this meeting will give the Chancellor and the Vice President a chance to consult with President Poroshenko in advance of the Chancellor’s very important visit to Washington to meet with the President and Vice President on February 9th.  So we have a very intensive period of diplomacy on Ukraine and the full range of transatlantic issues over the course of the next few days.

Just briefly, the Vice President will also meet with the NATO Secretary General to discuss European security and in particular NATO’s Readiness Action Plan, as well as other ongoing efforts to strengthen the Alliance. 

In Munich, the Vice President will also meet with a number of other European and international leaders, and we expect meetings with the President of Bulgaria, the Prime Minister of Georgia, the Prime Minister of Montenegro, among others, on the sidelines of the conference. 

And we also expect to see Iraqi Prime Minister Abadi and the Kurdistan regional government President Barzani while in Munich as well.  And that's an opportunity for the Vice President to discuss with both leaders our work together in the ongoing fight against ISIL and the ongoing effort to unite Iraq’s communities through a more inclusive approach to governance, as reflected most recently in the successful passage of the budget in Iraq.

You can expect the Vice President will have a chance to consult with Prime Minister Abadi on our ongoing efforts to enlist Sunnis in the fight against ISIL through both tribal mobilization under the Iraqi government and work that's ongoing on the national guard law. 

So let me just say, in addition to the Vice President, of course, Secretary Kerry and a number of other senior U.S. officials will also be at the conference, including a very substantial congressional delegation.  And I'm sure we'll have opportunity to say more about their engagement in other meetings during the course of the trip itself.

So -- let me just open it up for your questions about the trip and some of the issues we expect will come up during the course of the next few days.  Thank you.

Q    Last week, President Obama urged less austerity in Greece recovery, stressing that one could not keep squeezing countries that were in the midst of depression.  Will Vice President Biden pass that message to the European leaders in general and to German Chancellor Merkel in particular?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  So as you know, we have supported Europe as it has been moving to strengthen its economy and strengthen its recovery.  We do believe that in the case of Greece it is very important for the Greek government to work cooperatively with its European colleagues, as well as with the IMF.  And we have advised it to do so, and we are hopeful that these conversations are now moving to a place with some cooperation and mutual understanding.  We very much favor a strong Europe with a strong euro and the integrity of the eurozone.  So that’s as far as Greece is concerned.

We also over a number of years have suggested, have been arguing in the G20 that it’s important to have a focus on growth and jobs.  We believe that the G20 and the G7 have moved over time to put that as a higher priority and that that is something that there is increasing support for.  Of course, then you have to figure out what is the best way to achieve that.

And we are fairly confident about the state of the United States economy now after the immediate response to the financial crisis and then the following fiscal and monetary policies that we put in place and we are obviously supportive of others looking to develop policies that will support that kind of growth.

Q    I am wondering whether the Vice President expects to talk about new antiterrorism measures in the wake of the Paris attacks and in particular whether he expects to talk about the visa waiver program and the discussions that at least in the Congress are being held right now about changing the rules and demanding for additional information exchanges.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  Well, let me just say briefly on that I think all of the issues that you mentioned are under active discussion in our ongoing discussions about counterterrorism policies and practices, and ways that we can work together to more effectively combat terrorist threats between the United States and Europe and around the globe.

So I think you would expect that while the Vice President is obviously not going to negotiate any new agreements or programs between our countries, we have a number of discussions that are ongoing.  There are a number of issues that we’re trying to deal with actively, both in light of the recent attacks but as an ongoing matter, because this is obviously a very important issue that we both share in common and both need to continue to work more closely together to try to address.

And so I expect that these issues will come up in particular in Brussels in the discussions between the Vice President and European leaders, but also throughout the course of the trip.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  I would simply add that we have a long-running dialogue across the Atlantic about counterterrorism and about getting the right balance between privacy and security, and data-sharing and technology.  That debate has been intensified as a consequence of the events in Paris and heightened concern in Europe about security, about foreign fighters.

And therefore, we are intensifying our discussion with the Europeans on a wide range of issues, including the sharing of intelligence, the whole question of no-fly lists and data-sharing, and other issues that we can pursue to make sure that we do a better job, particularly when it comes (inaudible) extremism, violent extremism.  And it’s because of that heightened concern that we will be holding here in Washington in a couple of weeks a summit on the issue of combatting violent extremism. 

Q    Hi.  I’m wondering if there’s going to be opportunity for Vice President Biden to discuss the changes to bulk collection of foreign data that was announced yesterday.  And if not, why not?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  Well, let me just say a couple of words about that.  As implicit in your question, yesterday, Assistant to the President for Homeland Security and Counterterrorism Lisa Monaco gave some remarks and also released the update on some of our own series of reforms to intelligence programs that were initiated by the President’s Policy Directive 28 on signals intelligence activities.  That was about a year ago. 

And in those remarks, she laid out a number of additional steps that we’ve taken over the course of the year -- over the course of the last year, and steps that we’re taking and that are ongoing.

And obviously as my colleague mentioned in response to the question about counterterrorism cooperation, there are a range of issues related to striking the appropriate balance between privacy and security that we have as part of our ongoing dialogue with our European counterparts.  So while there’s no specific agenda item to discuss these issues in particular, it’s very possible they could come up.  And I’m sure the Vice President would be prepared to both give an update on what we have been doing in this area over the course of the last year and also continue the discussion about how best to strike that balance going forward and how to continue to work with our European partners across a range of these issues.  So thank you very much for the question.

Q    Hey, guys, thanks for doing the call.  I’m wondering in the meeting with Merkel and Poroshenko whether the Vice President will be discussing the possibility of the U.S. sending lethal assistance to Ukraine.  And on the TTIP discussions, what will be his message to European countries that are wondering whether the Obama administration can get such a deal through Congress and past the opposition of members of his own party?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  On your first question, since the very beginning of the crisis in Ukraine, the United States has put a premium on staying in lockstep with our European allies when it comes to the response to Russia.  And that means that on financial assistance, on sanctions and the isolation of Russia and on security assistance, we have always discussed in advance of any action our options with the Europeans, and we will continue that tradition moving forward.  And in that respect, I think there’s no question that during the Vice President’s meetings -- not just the one that you mentioned with Poroshenko and Merkel but also in Brussels and other meetings in Munich -- all of these issues will be on the table:  financial assistance, increasing pressure through sanctions, and how we can most effectively provide security assistance to Ukraine. 

On the security assistance front, we have from the very beginning freshened our look at how best to support Ukraine’s integrity and its sovereignty, and we have had all options on the table from the beginning.  In light of the recent escalation in fighting, exemplified by the fact that the separatists have pushed beyond the line of control and that Russia is resupplying the separatists in a very significant way, we are reevaluating our security assistance again.

But let me just say that our goal here is to find a diplomatic resolution to the conflict.  We do not see a military resolution in the offing.  And in that respect, our sanctions policy as well as our security assistance are aimed at changing the incentive structure facing Russia and encouraging them to settle this conflict at a negotiating table. 

Do you want to say something about TTIP?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  Yes, thank you.  So we are very determined and keen to move forward with the President’s and the Vice President’s trade agenda.  I think that the President has made that clear in recent comments.  And the most immediate part is the Trans Pacific Partnership, TPP, which began sooner -- the negotiations of that began sooner, which is with the dynamic region of Asia.

But the TTIP, as was mentioned earlier, is also a crucial part of both our drive to have high quality (inaudible) for American workers and companies around the world, but also strengthen our foreign policy and national security and diplomatic ties.  And obviously these are very deep with Europe but TTIP would deepen them still further in a very helpful way.  And I think there is quite a lot of support for that and these are negotiations that, as was mentioned earlier, are proceeding even this week and that we’re very focused on completing.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  And I would just add, since one of my colleagues mentioned that we see TTIP not just in geo-economic terms but in geostrategic terms, that we think the agreement is an important symbolic step forward in consolidating the transatlantic relationship.  And we also think that the benefits to growth and to jobs that TTIP would bring is of geostrategic importance in that it will help consolidate public support for greater European integration, it will help re-legitimate the European project in the eyes of the Europeans.  Because, after all, it is the sluggish economic conditions that are in many respects creating discontent among the public.  And the stronger Europe is the better the relationship with the United States, and the more we have in Europe to partner with which we can more effectively work.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  I would just add one more sentence to that, which is just to say that obviously our European counterparts are also looking for a signal of the level of our support and the political dynamics, frankly, in the United States.  And the Vice President, obviously given his many years of serving in the Senate and deep understanding of the political dynamics between the administration and Capitol Hill, and in particular, the long history of bipartisan agreement on and support for trade and efforts to promote economic development between the U.S. and its partners around the world is particularly well positioned to answer some of the questions his counterparts may have and to give them a sense of our game plan going forward.

Q    I just wanted to follow up on the earlier question on aid to Ukraine.  Will the Vice President be making any specific asks or engaging dialogue on the sidelines of the Munich Security Summit to ask specific countries to increase their nonlethal aid or training efforts with Ukraine?  Is that part of the agenda here?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  Well, I think that as I mentioned, the Vice President will be consulting with European allies across the board, because we do have three different issue areas in play.  One is the potential to increase the costs to Russia through economic measures.  The second is to make sure that Ukraine has the financial support it needs moving forward.  And the third is to enhance Ukraine’s ability to defend itself and thereby give the Russians and the separatists a greater incentive to negotiate an end to the conflict. 

And so in that third basket of issues, the Vice President will be engaged in discussions about how most effectively to achieve that end.  And working bilaterally with the United States, bilaterally with individual European countries, and also multilaterally through NATO, we are in the process of giving both training assistance to the Ukrainians as well as equipment that enhances their defensive capability.  So that will definitely be part of the conversation. 

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  I would just add one additional note on that.  As I mentioned earlier, we're entering obviously what is a very intensive period of diplomacy.  With the Vice President being in Brussels and Munich, we'll have a number of conversations on this topic and the range of issues that my colleague just mentioned.  Secretary Kerry will obviously be in Ukraine on Thursday, and then of course, Chancellor Merkel will be here in Washington on Monday for a very important set of discussions and consultations here at the White House with the President and the Vice President and others.  So we obviously have a lot of work we can do over the next few days on this range of issues that my colleague pointed out.

MR. SPECTOR:  I think this will wrap it.  We appreciate your time.  And as a friendly reminder, this call was on background from senior administration officials.  If you have any follow-up questions, you can reach us at press@ovp.eop.gov.  Thanks again.

END
11:32 A.M. EST