The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
May 25, 2011

Remarks by the President to Parliament in London, United Kingdom

Westminster Hall, London, United Kingdom

3:47 P.M. BST

     THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you very much.  Thank you.  (Applause.) 

     My Lord Chancellor, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Prime Minister, my lords, and members of the House of Commons:

     I have known few greater honors than the opportunity to address the Mother of Parliaments at Westminster Hall.  I am told that the last three speakers here have been the Pope, Her Majesty the Queen, and Nelson Mandela -- which is either a very high bar or the beginning of a very funny joke.  (Laughter.)   

     I come here today to reaffirm one of the oldest, one of the strongest alliances the world has ever known.  It’s long been said that the United States and the United Kingdom share a special relationship.  And since we also share an especially active press corps, that relationship is often analyzed and overanalyzed for the slightest hint of stress or strain. 

     Of course, all relationships have their ups and downs.  Admittedly, ours got off on the wrong foot with a small scrape about tea and taxes.  (Laughter.)  There may also have been some hurt feelings when the White House was set on fire during the War of 1812.  (Laughter.)  But fortunately, it’s been smooth sailing ever since.

     The reason for this close friendship doesn’t just have to do with our shared history, our shared heritage; our ties of language and culture; or even the strong partnership between our governments.  Our relationship is special because of the values and beliefs that have united our people through the ages. 

     Centuries ago, when kings, emperors, and warlords reigned over much of the world, it was the English who first spelled out the rights and liberties of man in the Magna Carta.  It was here, in this very hall, where the rule of law first developed, courts were established, disputes were settled, and citizens came to petition their leaders. 

     Over time, the people of this nation waged a long and sometimes bloody struggle to expand and secure their freedom from the crown.  Propelled by the ideals of the Enlightenment, they would ultimately forge an English Bill of Rights, and invest the power to govern in an elected parliament that’s gathered here today. 

     What began on this island would inspire millions throughout the continent of Europe and across the world.  But perhaps no one drew greater inspiration from these notions of freedom than your rabble-rousing colonists on the other side of the Atlantic.  As Winston Churchill said, the “…Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.”  

     For both of our nations, living up to the ideals enshrined in these founding documents has sometimes been difficult, has always been a work in progress.  The path has never been perfect. But through the struggles of slaves and immigrants, women and ethnic minorities, former colonies and persecuted religions, we have learned better than most that the longing for freedom and human dignity is not English or American or Western –- it is universal, and it beats in every heart.  Perhaps that’s why there are few nations that stand firmer, speak louder, and fight harder to defend democratic values around the world than the United States and the United Kingdom.    

     We are the allies who landed at Omaha and Gold, who sacrificed side by side to free a continent from the march of tyranny, and help prosperity flourish from the ruins of war.  And with the founding of NATO –- a British idea –- we joined a transatlantic alliance that has ensured our security for over half a century. 

     Together with our allies, we forged a lasting peace from a cold war.  When the Iron Curtain lifted, we expanded our alliance to include the nations of Central and Eastern Europe, and built new bridges to Russia and the former states of the Soviet Union. And when there was strife in the Balkans, we worked together to keep the peace.

     Today, after a difficult decade that began with war and ended in recession, our nations have arrived at a pivotal moment once more.  A global economy that once stood on the brink of depression is now stable and recovering.  After years of conflict, the United States has removed 100,000 troops from Iraq, the United Kingdom has removed its forces, and our combat mission there has ended.  In Afghanistan, we’ve broken the Taliban’s momentum and will soon begin a transition to Afghan lead.  And nearly 10 years after 9/11, we have disrupted terrorist networks and dealt al Qaeda a huge blow by killing its leader –- Osama bin Laden.    

     Together, we have met great challenges.  But as we enter this new chapter in our shared history, profound challenges stretch before us.  In a world where the prosperity of all nations is now inextricably linked, a new era of cooperation is required to ensure the growth and stability of the global economy.  As new threats spread across borders and oceans, we must dismantle terrorist networks and stop the spread of nuclear weapons, confront climate change and combat famine and disease.  And as a revolution races through the streets of the Middle East and North Africa, the entire world has a stake in the aspirations of a generation that longs to determine its own destiny. 

     These challenges come at a time when the international order has already been reshaped for a new century.  Countries like China, India, and Brazil are growing by leaps and bounds.  We should welcome this development, for it has lifted hundreds of millions from poverty around the globe, and created new markets and opportunities for our own nations.

     And yet, as this rapid change has taken place, it’s become fashionable in some quarters to question whether the rise of these nations will accompany the decline of American and European influence around the world.  Perhaps, the argument goes, these nations represent the future, and the time for our leadership has passed. 

     That argument is wrong.  The time for our leadership is now. It was the United States and the United Kingdom and our democratic allies that shaped a world in which new nations could emerge and individuals could thrive.  And even as more nations take on the responsibilities of global leadership, our alliance will remain indispensable to the goal of a century that is more peaceful, more prosperous and more just.

     At a time when threats and challenges require nations to work in concert with one another, we remain the greatest catalysts for global action.  In an era defined by the rapid flow of commerce and information, it is our free market tradition, our openness, fortified by our commitment to basic security for our citizens, that offers the best chance of prosperity that is both strong and shared.  As millions are still denied their basic human rights because of who they are, or what they believe, or the kind of government that they live under, we are the nations most willing to stand up for the values of tolerance and self-determination that lead to peace and dignity. 

     Now, this doesn’t mean we can afford to stand still.  The nature of our leadership will need to change with the times.  As I said the first time I came to London as President, for the G20 summit, the days are gone when Roosevelt and Churchill could sit in a room and solve the world’s problems over a glass of brandy  -– although I’m sure that Prime Minister Cameron would agree that some days we could both use a stiff drink.  (Laughter.)  In this century, our joint leadership will require building new partnerships, adapting to new circumstances, and remaking ourselves to meet the demands of a new era. 

     That begins with our economic leadership. 

     Adam Smith’s central insight remains true today:  There is no greater generator of wealth and innovation than a system of free enterprise that unleashes the full potential of individual men and women.  That’s what led to the Industrial Revolution that began in the factories of Manchester.  That is what led to the dawn of the Information Age that arose from the office parks of Silicon Valley.  That’s why countries like China, India and Brazil are growing so rapidly -- because in fits and starts, they are moving toward market-based principles that the United States and the United Kingdom have always embraced. 

     In other words, we live in a global economy that is largely of our own making.  And today, the competition for the best jobs and industries favors countries that are free-thinking and forward-looking; countries with the most creative and innovative and entrepreneurial citizens. 

     That gives nations like the United States and the United Kingdom an inherent advantage.  For from Newton and Darwin to Edison and Einstein, from Alan Turing to Steve Jobs, we have led the world in our commitment to science and cutting-edge research, the discovery of new medicines and technologies.  We educate our citizens and train our workers in the best colleges and universities on Earth.  But to maintain this advantage in a world that’s more competitive than ever, we will have to redouble our investments in science and engineering, and renew our national commitments to educating our workforces. 

     We’ve also been reminded in the last few years that markets can sometimes fail.  In the last century, both our nations put in place regulatory frameworks to deal with such market failures -- safeguards to protect the banking system after the Great Depression, for example; regulations that were established to prevent the pollution of our air and water during the 1970s. 

     But in today’s economy, such threats of market failure can no longer be contained within the borders of any one country.  Market failures can go global, and go viral, and demand international responses. 

     A financial crisis that began on Wall Street infected nearly every continent, which is why we must keep working through forums like the G20 to put in place global rules of the road to prevent future excesses and abuse.  No country can hide from the dangers of carbon pollution, which is why we must build on what was achieved at Copenhagen and Cancun to leave our children a planet that is safer and cleaner. 

     Moreover, even when the free market works as it should, both our countries recognize that no matter how responsibly we live in our lives, hard times or bad luck, a crippling illness or a layoff may strike any one of us.  And so part of our common tradition has expressed itself in a conviction that every citizen deserves a basic measure of security -– health care if you get sick, unemployment insurance if you lose your job, a dignified retirement after a lifetime of hard work.  That commitment to our citizens has also been the reason for our leadership in the world. 

     And now, having come through a terrible recession, our challenge is to meet these obligations while ensuring that we’re not consuming -- and hence consumed with -- a level of debt that could sap the strength and vitality of our economies.  And that will require difficult choices and it will require different paths for both of our countries.  But we have faced such challenges before, and have always been able to balance the need for fiscal responsibility with the responsibilities we have to one another. 

     And I believe we can do this again.  As we do, the successes and failures of our own past can serve as an example for emerging economies -– that it’s possible to grow without polluting; that lasting prosperity comes not from what a nation consumes, but from what it produces, and from the investments it makes in its people and its infrastructure. 

     And just as we must lead on behalf of the prosperity of our citizens, so we must safeguard their security.  Our two nations know what it is to confront evil in the world.  Hitler’s armies would not have stopped their killing had we not fought them on the beaches and on the landing grounds, in the fields and on the streets.  We must never forget that there was nothing inevitable about our victory in that terrible war.  It was won through the courage and character of our people.

     Precisely because we are willing to bear its burden, we know well the cost of war.  And that is why we built an alliance that was strong enough to defend this continent while deterring our enemies.  At its core, NATO is rooted in the simple concept of Article Five:  that no NATO nation will have to fend on its own; that allies will stand by one another, always.  And for six decades, NATO has been the most successful alliance in human history.

     Today, we confront a different enemy.  Terrorists have taken the lives of our citizens in New York and in London.  And while al Qaeda seeks a religious war with the West, we must remember that they have killed thousands of Muslims -– men, women and children -– around the globe.  Our nations are not and will never be at war with Islam.  Our fight is focused on defeating al Qaeda and its extremist allies.  In that effort, we will not relent, as Osama bin Laden and his followers have learned.  And as we fight an enemy that respects no law of war, we will continue to hold ourselves to a higher standard -– by living up to the values, the rule of law and due process that we so ardently defend.

     For almost a decade, Afghanistan has been a central front of these efforts.  Throughout those years, you, the British people, have been a stalwart ally, along with so many others who fight by our side. 

     Together, let us pay tribute to all of our men and women who have served and sacrificed over the last several years -– for they are part of an unbroken line of heroes who have borne the heaviest burden for the freedoms that we enjoy.  Because of them, we have broken the Taliban’s momentum.  Because of them, we have built the capacity of Afghan security forces.  And because of them, we are now preparing to turn a corner in Afghanistan by transitioning to Afghan lead.  And during this transition, we will pursue a lasting peace with those who break free of al Qaeda and respect the Afghan constitution and lay down arms.  And we will ensure that Afghanistan is never a safe haven for terror, but is instead a country that is strong, sovereign, and able to stand on its own two feet.

     Indeed, our efforts in this young century have led us to a new concept for NATO that will give us the capabilities needed to meet new threats -- threats like terrorism and piracy, cyber attacks and ballistic missiles.  But a revitalized NATO will continue to hew to that original vision of its founders, allowing us to rally collective action for the defense of our people, while building upon the broader belief of Roosevelt and Churchill that all nations have both rights and responsibilities, and all nations share a common interest in an international architecture that maintains the peace.

     We also share a common interest in stopping the spread of nuclear weapons.  Across the globe, nations are locking down nuclear materials so they never fall into the wrong hands -- because of our leadership.  From North Korea to Iran, we’ve sent a message that those who flaunt their obligations will face consequences -– which is why America and the European Union just recently strengthened our sanctions on Iran, in large part because of the leadership of the United Kingdom and the United States.  And while we hold others to account, we will meet our own obligations under the Non-Proliferation Treaty, and strive for a world without nuclear weapons.

     We share a common interest in resolving conflicts that prolong human suffering and threaten to tear whole regions asunder.  In Sudan, after years of war and thousands of deaths, we call on both North and South to pull back from the brink of violence and choose the path of peace.  And in the Middle East, we stand united in our support for a secure Israel and a sovereign Palestine.

     And we share a common interest in development that advances dignity and security.  To succeed, we must cast aside the impulse to look at impoverished parts of the globe as a place for charity.  Instead, we should empower the same forces that have allowed our own people to thrive:  We should help the hungry to feed themselves, the doctors who care for the sick.  We should support countries that confront corruption, and allow their people to innovate.  And we should advance the truth that nations prosper when they allow women and girls to reach their full potential.

     We do these things because we believe not simply in the rights of nations; we believe in the rights of citizens.  That is the beacon that guided us through our fight against fascism and our twilight struggle against communism.  And today, that idea is being put to the test in the Middle East and North Africa.  In country after country, people are mobilizing to free themselves from the grip of an iron fist.  And while these movements for change are just six months old, we have seen them play out before -– from Eastern Europe to the Americas, from South Africa to Southeast Asia.

     History tells us that democracy is not easy.  It will be years before these revolutions reach their conclusion, and there will be difficult days along the way.  Power rarely gives up without a fight -– particularly in places where there are divisions of tribe and divisions of sect.  We also know that populism can take dangerous turns -– from the extremism of those who would use democracy to deny minority rights, to the nationalism that left so many scars on this continent in the 20th century.

     But make no mistake:  What we saw, what we are seeing in Tehran, in Tunis, in Tahrir Square, is a longing for the same freedoms that we take for granted here at home.  It was a rejection of the notion that people in certain parts of the world don’t want to be free, or need to have democracy imposed upon them.  It was a rebuke to the worldview of al Qaeda, which smothers the rights of individuals, and would thereby subject them to perpetual poverty and violence. 

     Let there be no doubt:  The United States and United Kingdom stand squarely on the side of those who long to be free.  And now, we must show that we will back up those words with deeds.  That means investing in the future of those nations that transition to democracy, starting with Tunisia and Egypt -– by deepening ties of trade and commerce; by helping them demonstrate that freedom brings prosperity.  And that means standing up for universal rights -– by sanctioning those who pursue repression, strengthening civil society, supporting the rights of minorities. 
     We do this knowing that the West must overcome suspicion and mistrust among many in the Middle East and North Africa -– a mistrust that is rooted in a difficult past.  For years, we’ve faced charges of hypocrisy from those who do not enjoy the freedoms that they hear us espouse.  And so to them, we must squarely acknowledge that, yes, we have enduring interests in the region -– to fight terror, sometimes with partners who may not be perfect; to protect against disruptions of the world’s energy supply.  But we must also insist that we reject as false the choice between our interests and our ideals; between stability and democracy.  For our idealism is rooted in the realities of history -– that repression offers only the false promise of stability, that societies are more successful when their citizens are free, and that democracies are the closest allies we have.

     It is that truth that guides our action in Libya.  It would have been easy at the outset of the crackdown in Libya to say that none of this was our business -– that a nation’s sovereignty is more important than the slaughter of civilians within its borders.  That argument carries weight with some.  But we are different.  We embrace a broader responsibility.  And while we cannot stop every injustice, there are circumstances that cut through our caution -– when a leader is threatening to massacre his people, and the international community is calling for action.  That’s why we stopped a massacre in Libya.  And we will not relent until the people of Libya are protected and the shadow of tyranny is lifted.

     We will proceed with humility, and the knowledge that we cannot dictate every outcome abroad.  Ultimately, freedom must be won by the people themselves, not imposed from without.  But we can and must stand with those who so struggle.  Because we have always believed that the future of our children and grandchildren will be better if other people’s children and grandchildren are more prosperous and more free -– from the beaches of Normandy to the Balkans to Benghazi.  That is our interests and our ideals.  And if we fail to meet that responsibility, who would take our place, and what kind of world would we pass on?

     Our action -– our leadership -– is essential to the cause of human dignity.  And so we must act -– and lead -– with confidence in our ideals, and an abiding faith in the character of our people, who sent us all here today. 

     For there is one final quality that I believe makes the United States and the United Kingdom indispensable to this moment in history.  And that is how we define ourselves as nations.   

     Unlike most countries in the world, we do not define citizenship based on race or ethnicity.  Being American or British is not about belonging to a certain group; it’s about believing in a certain set of ideals -- the rights of individuals, the rule of law.  That is why we hold incredible diversity within our borders.  That’s why there are people around the world right now who believe that if they come to America, if they come to New York, if they come to London, if they work hard, they can pledge allegiance to our flag and call themselves Americans; if they come to England, they can make a new life for themselves and can sing God Save The Queen just like any other citizen.

     Yes, our diversity can lead to tension.  And throughout our history there have been heated debates about immigration and assimilation in both of our countries.  But even as these debates can be difficult, we fundamentally recognize that our patchwork heritage is an enormous strength -- that in a world which will only grow smaller and more interconnected, the example of our two nations says it is possible for people to be united by their ideals, instead of divided by their differences; that it’s possible for hearts to change and old hatreds to pass; that it’s possible for the sons and daughters of former colonies to sit here as members of this great Parliament, and for the grandson of a Kenyan who served as a cook in the British Army to stand before you as President of the United States.  (Applause.) 

     That is what defines us.  That is why the young men and women in the streets of Damascus and Cairo still reach for the rights our citizens enjoy, even if they sometimes differ with our policies.  As two of the most powerful nations in the history of the world, we must always remember that the true source of our influence hasn’t just been the size of our economies, or the reach of our militaries, or the land that we’ve claimed.  It has been the values that we must never waver in defending around the world -- the idea that all beings are endowed by our Creator with certain rights that cannot be denied. 

     That is what forged our bond in the fire of war -- a bond made manifest by the friendship between two of our greatest leaders.  Churchill and Roosevelt had their differences.  They were keen observers of each other’s blind spots and shortcomings, if not always their own, and they were hard-headed about their ability to remake the world.  But what joined the fates of these two men at that particular moment in history was not simply a shared interest in victory on the battlefield.  It was a shared belief in the ultimate triumph of human freedom and human dignity -– a conviction that we have a say in how this story ends. 

     This conviction lives on in their people today.  The challenges we face are great.  The work before us is hard.  But we have come through a difficult decade, and whenever the tests and trials ahead may seem too big or too many, let us turn to their example, and the words that Churchill spoke on the day that Europe was freed:

     “In the long years to come, not only will the people of this island but…the world, wherever the bird of freedom chirps in [the] human heart, look back to what we’ve done, and they will say ‘do not despair, do not yield…march straightforward’.”

     With courage and purpose, with humility and with hope, with faith in the promise of tomorrow, let us march straightforward together, enduring allies in the cause of a world that is more peaceful, more prosperous, and more just. 

     Thank you very much.  (Applause.)

END 4:21 P.M. BST

The White House

Office of the Vice President

For Immediate Release
May 25, 2011

Remarks by Vice President Biden Marking the 50th Anniversary of President Kennedy’s “Moon Shot” Speech, As Prepared For Delivery

President John F. Kennedy Library & Museum, Boston, Massachusetts

I want you to imagine—I want you to imagine the benefits to the first country that develops smart anti-cancer therapies that kill cancer cells and leave ordinary cells untouched.
 
Imagine the first country that develops regenerative medicines that can re-grow damaged organs, eliminating the agonizing wait for an organ transplant, allowing patients to recover from spinal cord injuries, and curing diseases like diabetes.  
 
Imagine the first country that makes solar power as cheap as fossil fuels, and builds the first buildings that are able to produce all the energy they consume.
 
Imagine the first country to build a supercomputer capable of performing a million-trillion calculations a second – a computer fast enough to not only sequence every gene in the human body, but to test every combination of genes – giving us a new ability to fundamentally decode the complex interactions between genetics and disease.
 
Imagine the first country that creates a car battery that’s even lighter and cheaper than the new lithium ion batteries of today – able to store enough energy from one charge to take a car 1,000 miles.
 
Of one thing I am convinced:  If President Kennedy were standing here today, this is what he would imagine, this is what he would envision – and then he would challenge America to accomplish all of these goals and more.  He would challenge us to push the boundaries of our own knowledge and our present capacity.  To bridge the gap between the possible and the unimaginable.  
 
For it would have been beyond his comprehension that the United States would fail to invest in visionary new ideas. Ideas needed to make the 21st century livable.
 
I don’t believe he could have imagined the United States continuing to rely on fossil fuels.  I don’t believe he could have imagined the United States failing to cultivate new brilliant young scientists, and to challenge them to end the diseases that have plagued humanity for generations.  
 
In an ever-more complicated and interconnected world, Ladies and gentlemen, I believe if he were standing here today, he would tell us, as he did 50 years ago, that we have a choice about what kind of country we are going to be. That vision should not be a hard sell today, in 2011.  For because of President Kennedy’s vision, leadership, and confidence, we’ve already met such a challenge – by relying on all the resources and talents America possesses today.  
 
50 years ago, President Kennedy said, “I believe we possess all the resources and talents necessary.  But the facts of the matter are that we have never made the national decisions or marshaled the national resources required for such leadership.  We have never specified long-range goals on an urgent time schedule, or managed our resources and our time so as to insure their fulfillment…”
 
He said that we needed,  “a degree of dedication, organization, and discipline which have not always characterized our research and development efforts.”But because of him, we don’t have to say that.  
 
We have made national decisions on this scale and of this magnitude.  We have marshaled the national resources required for such leadership.  We have specified long range goals on an urgent time schedule. Because of the visionary leadership of a young president, we know it can be done. We know we can mobilize to meet the challenges of the moment.
 
I was 18 years old when President Kennedy gave his moon shot speech.  An 18 year old kid from Scranton, who never dreamed that he would one day be standing here to pay tribute to the power and vision and achievement that grew out of President Kennedy’s words that day – and to urge a new generation to honor his actions with our own.  What a great honor.
 
I remember President Kennedy saying it was up to us—up to the nation—to decide whether to commit ourselves to the challenge of sending a man to the moon and bringing him safely back to earth. That if we weren’t going to go for it full tilt, we might as well not go for it at all.
 
In 1961, President Kennedy’s character and makeup was a reflection not only of his generation, but of America’s character. Well, I am confident my generation and yours is not only up to the task – but even better position to meet the daunting challenges of this young century.
 
Ralph Waldo Emerson once said, “Society is like a wave….”America has not changed, it’s gotten better. Nothing incremental.  He had, as I do, an unlimited faith in the character and the aspirations of the American people.  He knew that the American people had never failed to rise to a challenge, never failed to overcome adversity,  and never let their country down.    
 
From a revolution for independence, to a war to keep us united, the throes of a Great Depression, to building and deploying an arsenal of democracy and expanding democracy at home through Civil Rights and civil justice American has always been at its best when challenged.  That’s when you see our national grit.  Determination.  Ingenuity.
 
That’s why President Kennedy said, speaking of the challenge to go to the moon, that if we came together and took up the challenge, then “in a very real sense, it [would] not be one man going to the moon…for all of us must work to put him there.” I knew, as a young man, how bold it was.  How exciting it was. It appealed to America’s essential exceptionalism, the idea that we were a special nation, meant to do extraordinary things.  Even then, my friends,  I sensed that this challenge was about more than landing on the moon.  
 
It was bigger than that.  It was about a truly new frontier.
 
You just knew in your gut that the process of getting there, the pursuit of the moon, would open whole new vistas to humanity.  It would be a new measure of possibility—a new mark of human achievement.
 
President Kennedy knew that going to the moon would change the way we lived on earth.  That it wasn’t about going to a distant world, but bringing the United States into the modern world, and making sure we didn’t lose our place in it. And he was right.
 
The pursuit of the moon inspired thousands in my generation to pursue careers in engineering, science and technology.  It unleashed one of the most significant expansions of scientific capacity the world had ever known.   And my impression was that he never had a doubt that it would.  Because he knew our history.   He knew the equation of America:  challenge plus investment equals progress.
 
A half century later, President Obama and I share that same conviction, that same faith, and that same certitude. For the new frontiers here on earth are equally as challenging, and equally capable of being conquered. A new energy policy that will save the planet from global warming, increase our independence, and renew our economy.  
 
Advances in science and health that will increase the quality of life for millions of Americans and tens of millions of people the world over. This is an incredible time in which we live, a time of extraordinary possibilities.   We are a nation of people who are always about – possibilities.
 
What is truly unique about America is that we have the political system, the economic system, the education system, and, most importantly, the will to turn those possibilities into realities.
 
But like President Kennedy we understand that it takes a national vision, it takes a leader to set the goal, and if he does, investment and innovation, and ultimately, commercialization will follow.  Over and over again, that’s been the American model of innovation, allowing us to lead the world in technological advancement the past 250 years.  It’s part of our nation’s DNA; it’s embedded in our nation’s history.
 
But the goals are not America’s alone. Other nations are seeking to win the future as well. You see it in China and India and Brazil, countries that are making massive investments in research, development, infrastructure, education.  
 
If we shrink from President Kennedy’s bold approach, we run the risk of being left behind.  We and the world are at a critical juncture, and the United States needs to reassert its commitment to competitiveness – competitiveness that puts us in a position to be the global economic leader of the 21st century.
 
That is why President Obama has set such bold goals to meet the challenges of this generation. Think about it:  We know we can be generating 80% of America’s electricity from clean sources by 2035.   We launched what we call a “SunShot” to make solar energy as affordable as traditional forms of energy.  And I assure you, just as in the moonshot – in pursuit of that goal – we will develop new technologies that will leapfrog anything we’re thinking about right now.  
 
We know that with the seed money we’ve already provided through the Recovery Act, that private industry can put a million advanced technology vehicles – electrics and plug-in hybrids – on the road by 2015.  But we also know, along the way, they will develop a whole new generation of batteries that will ultimately be able to carry a car father than 1,000 miles on a single charge – and batteries that can store the energy we harvest from the sun, not only from automobiles but for industrial use as well.  
 
We know that we must and will lead the world in the percentage of college graduates by the end of the decade, because we know our people.  We know America.  There is no reason why, in the 21st century, America cannot have the best educated, best trained population mankind has ever known.  We have the talent, resources, and know-how.
 
In the process of doing all this, your generation will be responsible for fundamental breakthroughs not only in the far reaches of space, or the depths of the sea, in the confines of our own bodies, and in the mysteries of the human brain.
 
A great deal has been written about the advances we’ve made in the last quarter century in understanding the brain functions and the potential that will come from further study.  There’s been a great of research in the last half decade, research that has attracted the interest not only of neuroscientists and surgeons, but gifted persons from other disciplines – psychologists, sociologists, and journalists.
 
One example that I recommend to you all is David Brooks’ new book, “The Social Animal” – that points out with greater understanding of the potential we have to affect social interaction in ways we haven’t ever thought of before.  
 
The promise in this area is unlimited, and the need for further research is immediate.  Thousands of our wounded warriors are retuning with Post Traumatic Stress and Traumatic Brain Injuries. For these and other reasons, our administration has made an unprecedented commitment to advancing understanding of the brain – through the NIH, through the National Science Foundation, through the Department of Defense, and through the VA.  
 
We’re supporting the Human Connectome Project – dedicated to discovering the “wiring diagram” for the human brain. The Human Connectome Project will lead to major advances in our understanding of how our brain circuitry changes as we age and how it differs in people with neurological or psychiatric illnesses.
 
We’re supporting a consortium of researchers to create stem cells from patients with Parkinson’s, Huntington’s, Lou Gehrig’s disease, and Alzheimer’s.  This allows researchers to better understand the progression of these diseases, and to screen potential drug candidates.
 
We’re supporting the development of “neural prosthesis,” which is in the nascent stages of allowing individuals with prosthesis to control them by their thought process.  
 
We’re also supporting Congressman Patrick Kennedy’s bold new campaign, called One Mind for Research.  
 
Many of you are here today as part of that effort.  Your work truly is a modern moonshot. There’s no question that President Kennedy’s spirit is alive today in this nation, in this audience, and in the DNA of Patrick Kennedy.  

The truth is, just as JFK couldn’t have known that shooting for the moon would create the semiconductor industry, which would give birth to the personal computer industry, which would give us IBM and Microsoft and Apple, who gave us the iPhone – and who knows where this goes next?
 
We cannot know with certainty what our fundamental recommitment to science, and research and development will yield.  But we do know, from experience that the results will be greater than the sum of the parts, and the rewards will be far greater than the original investment. And we also know that the march into the future will continue whether we lead it or not.
 
President Kennedy understood this 50 years ago.  Here’s what he said, “The exploration of space will go ahead whether we join in it or not…and no nation which expects to be the leader of other nations can expect to stay behind in this race for space.”
 
No nation that expects to be the leader of others can afford to be a follower on confronting the critical challenges of today. But just as there were naysayers in 1961, there are naysayers in 2011. They say our economy is too fragile for us to be so bold.  I say, our economy will stay fragile, unless we are bold. They say we cannot afford to invest in these endeavors.  I say, we cannot fail to invest.  
 
This argument is not new to America.  There are those in the political leadership who hold the view that government has no role, and should not be setting out a vision for America’s future. I would argue that at every juncture, they’ve been proven wrong.  
 
If we had listened to those voices in 1774, private enterprise and government would not have collaborated to build the rifles with interchangeable parts needed to win the Revolutionary War.
 
If we had listened to these voices in 1843, Congress never would have collaborated with Samuel Morse build a demonstration telegraph line, from Washington to Baltimore and unleashing a telecommunications revolution.  
 
If President Lincoln had listened to those voices in the middle of the Civil War, he wouldn’t have paid private railroad companies $16,000 dollars for every 40 miles of track on a transcontinental railroad they laid down.  
 
If President Eisenhower had listened to those voices in 1957, he never would have invested millions of government dollars in a new research endeavor called ARPA, which invented the Arpanet, which became the Internet.
 
And if President Kennedy has listened to those voices, we never would have reached for the moon, and reaped the incredible benefits that flowed from that effort. And I assure you that neither President Obama and I are going to listen to those voices, and mortgage the future of your generation.
 
In his inaugural address, President Kennedy said, “In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.  Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.”
 
Today, we are summoned again. Let us have the strength, courage, and vision to answer that call.
 
For in the words of President Obama, “We are the ones we’ve been waiting for.”
 
Thank you.  May God bless America.  And may God protect our troops.

 

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
May 25, 2011

Remarks by President Obama and Prime Minister Cameron of the United Kingdom in Joint Press Conference in London, United Kingdom

Lancaster House, London, United Kingdom

12:56 P.M. BST

      PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  Thank you, and apologies for keeping you waiting.  It’s a pleasure to welcome President Obama here today.

      We've just been having a barbecue in the gardens of Number 10 Downing Street with some of our service -- armed-service personnel from the United States and from the UK.  And it was a great reminder of the incredible debt that we owe all of them and their families for their service, for their sacrifice, for all they do to keep us safe.  It was a great event and it was wonderful to have Barack and Michelle there.

      It was also probably the first time in history, as we stood behind that barbecue, that I can say a British Prime Minister has given an American President a bit of a grilling.  So I'm going to hold onto that.

      Over the past year I've got to know the President well.  And whether it’s in routine situations like sitting round the G8 table, or the slightly less routine of getting a phone call in the middle of the night, I've come to value not just his leadership and courage, but the fact that to all the big international issues of our time, he brings thoughtful consideration and reason.

      And I know that today, Mr. President, you’ll be thinking of the dreadful tornado in Missouri and all those who’ve lost livelihoods and lost their lives and loved ones.  And our hearts in Britain go out to all those people, too.

      Barack and I know well the shared history of our countries. From the beaches of Normandy to the Imjin River, our soldiers have fought together.  From labs in Cambridge, Massachusetts, to Cambridge, England, our scientists have decoded DNA and cured diseases together.  And in millions of interactions every day, including our massive business relationship, our people forge friendships together.

      That is what makes this relationship special.  But what makes it essential is that it’s not just about history or sentiment; it is a living, working partnership.  It is essential to our security and it’s essential for our prosperity.

      And I feel every day just how important this partnership is. The President and I, together with my Deputy Prime Minister, have just had some excellent discussions.  We've been talking today about the two things we care about most -- getting our people jobs and keeping our people safe.  Because every night millions of British and American people take the same worries to bed with them.  They’re asking if they can find a good job, if they’re going to get a paycheck next month, and if there will be work for their children when they grow up.

      The stark truth of the world today is that no country is owed a living.  We've got to pay our way and we've got to earn our way.  And that is what the President and I are determined to do.  Barack and I did not come into politics to cut public spending, but neither did we seek office to see our great economies decline or to land our children with unsustainable debts.  And that is why in the second half of this decade, we’re making sure that debt ratios will be falling on both sides of the Atlantic.

      At the same time, we’re investing in our roads and railways, in science and innovation, and above all, in our young people.  And down the line, the success of all this won’t be measured in export figures or trade flows; it will be in the feelings of the factory worker, whether they’re in Phoenix or the shopkeeper in Liverpool or the engineer in Ohio -- the people who know if they work hard, then prosperity will be there for them and the promise of a better life there for their children.

      As well as the economy, the President and I had some very good discussions on security.  Now, Americans and Brits, you don’t need to explain terrorism to one another.  Both our people have suffered at its hands, and indeed they have died together.

      My wife Samantha was in Manhattan on 9/11, and I’ll never forget the five hours of trying to get hold of her.  And she’ll never forget the New Yorkers that she met that day or the sense of solidarity that she felt that day and that we have felt ever since that day.  And today, as we come up to its tenth anniversary, we should remember the spirit of that city and the sympathy we feel with those who lost their loved ones.

      Now, there are those who say that this terrorist threat is beyond our control, and we passionately believe that is wrong.  We can defeat al Qaeda, and the events of recent months give us an opportunity to turn the tide on their terror once and for all.

      I believe there are three actions we must take.  First, we must continue to destroy their terrorist network, and I congratulate the President on his operation against bin Laden.  This was not just a victory for justice, but a strike right at the heart of international terrorism.

      In this vital effort, we must continue to work with Pakistan.  People are asking about our relationship, so we need to be clear.  Pakistan has suffered more from terrorism than any country in the world.  Their enemy is our enemy.  So, far from walking away, we’ve got to work even more closely with them.

      At the same time, this is a vital year in Afghanistan.  British and American forces are fighting side by side in Helmand, right at the heart of this operation.  We’ve broken the momentum of the insurgency, and even in the Taliban’s heartland, in Kandahar and central Helmand, they’re on the back foot.  Now is the moment to step up our efforts to reach a political settlement.  The Taliban must make a decisive split from al Qaeda, give up violence, and join a political process that will bring lasting peace to that country.  We are agreed to give this the highest priority in the months ahead.

      Second, we must reach a conclusion to the Arab-Israel peace process.  Again, I congratulated the President on his recent speech on the Middle East, which was bold, it was visionary, and it set out what is needed in the clearest possible terms -- an end to terror against Israelis and the restoration of dignity to the Palestinians; two states living side by side and in peace.

      Yes, the road has been, and will be, long and arduous, but the prize is clear.  Conclude the peace process and you don’t just bring security to the region; you deny extremists one of their most profound and enduring recruiting sergeants, weakening their calling and crippling their cause.  That is why whatever the difficulties, we must continue to press for a solution.

      Our third action must be to help elevate the changes in North Africa and the Arab world from a moment in history to a turning point in history.  We’ve seen some extraordinary things  -- protesters braving bullets, bloggers toppling dictators, people taking to the streets and making their own history.  If global politics is about spreading peace and prosperity, then this is a once-in-a-generation moment to grab hold of.

      It is not a time for us to shrink back and think about our own issues and interests.  This is our issue and this is massively in our interests.  Those people in Tahrir Square and Tripoli just want what we have -- a job and a voice.  And we all share in their success or failure.  If they succeed, there is new hope for those living there and there is the hope of a better and safer world for all of us.  But if they fail, if that hunger is denied, then some young people in that region will continue to listen to the poisonous narrative of extremism.

      So the President and I are agreed we will stand with those who work for freedom.  This is the message we’ll take to the G8 tomorrow when we push for a major program of economic and political support for those countries seeking reform.  And this is why we mobilized the international community to protect the Libyan people from Colonel Qaddafi’s regime, why we’ll continue to enforce U.N. resolutions with our allies, and why we restate our position once more:  It is impossible to imagine a future for Libya with Qaddafi still in power.  He must go.

      In all of these actions, we must be clear about our ambitions.  Barack and I came of age in the 1980s and ‘90s.  We saw the end of the Cold War and the victory over communism.  We saw the invasion of Kuwait by Saddam Hussein and the world coming together to liberate that country.  Throughout it all, we saw Presidents and Prime Ministers standing together for freedom.

      Today, we feel just as passionately about extending freedom as those who came before us; but we also know that idealism without realism does no good for anyone.  We have learned the lessons of history.  Democracy is built from the ground up.  You’ve got to work with the grain of other cultures, and not against them.  Real change takes time.

      And it’s because of this we share the view that our partnership will not just continue, but it will get stronger.  And this is a partnership that goes beyond foreign affairs.  At home, we have similar goals -- to bring more responsibility to our societies, and to bring transparency and accountability to our governments.  In all these ambitions, our countries will continue to learn from each other and work with each other.

      And as ever, it has been a pleasure to talk to the President, and an honor to have him with us today.

      Mr. President.

      PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you, David.  Thank you, Mr. Prime Minister.  I am very pleased to be back in the United Kingdom.  I note that you have arranged for typical London weather these past two days, and I am very grateful for that.

      I want to thank Her Majesty the Queen, and the British people for the extraordinary welcome that has been extended to me and Michelle.  It’s a shining example of the genuine warmth and affection that our two nations feel towards one another.

      Since David took office last spring, I believe we’ve now met or spoken at least two dozen times.  We may be leaders from different political traditions, but on a whole host of issues we see eye to eye.  We even took the same side in a epic match of doubles table tennis against some local students yesterday, and we won’t rehash the results of that.

      The relationship between our two countries is one that’s not just based on warm sentiment or common history, although those things exist.  It’s built on shared ideals and shared values.  As David said, it is a special relationship and an essential relationship.  I believe that it is stronger than it has ever been, and I’m committed to making sure that it stays that way.

      The successful meetings we’ve had and the joint initiatives we’re announcing today represent the depths and breadth of our relationship.  We discussed our efforts to strengthen the global recovery and create good jobs for our people.  The investment relationship between the United States and the United Kingdom is the largest in the world, one that accounts for nearly 1 million jobs in each of our economies.  We believe we can make that relationship even stronger with deeper cooperation in areas critical to our future prosperity, like higher education and science and innovation; areas critical to our national security like cyber crime; and areas vital to the stability of the world, including international development.

      During our discussions today we reviewed our progress in Afghanistan, where our brave servicemen and women have fought side by side to break the Taliban’s momentum and where we are preparing to turn a corner.  We reaffirmed the importance of beginning the transition to Afghan lead for security this year and completing that transition by 2014.

      We discussed the opportunity that exists for promoting reconciliation and a political settlement, which must be an Afghan-led process.  President Karzai has made it clear that he will talk to anyone who is willing to end the violence, split with al Qaeda, and accept the Afghan constitution.  And we welcome the positive cooperation between Afghanistan and Pakistan on that front.

      At the same time, the Prime Minister and I both agree that our nations have a long-term interest in ensuring that Afghanistan never again becomes a launching pad for attacks against our people.  So alongside our NATO allies and partners, we’re committed to a strong and enduring partnership with the people of Afghanistan.

      As historic change unfolds across the Middle East and North Africa, we agree that the pursuit of self-determination must be driven by the peoples of the region and not imposed from the outside.  But we are both committed to doing everything that we can to support peoples who reach for democracy and leaders who implement democratic reform.

      Tomorrow, we’ll discuss with our G8 partners how those of us in the wider international community can best support nations that make the reforms necessary to build a framework for democracy, freedom, and prosperity for their people.

      At the same time, we will continue to strongly oppose the use of violence against protesters and any efforts to silence those who yearn for freedom and dignity and basic human rights.  And that’s one of the reasons that we are working together in Libya, alongside with our NATO allies and partners, to protect the Libyan people.  And we will continue those operations until Qaddafi’s attacks on civilians cease.  Time is working against Qaddafi and he must step down from power and leave Libya to the Libyan people.

      We also discussed the situation in Syria, where the Syrian people have shown great courage in their demands for a democratic transition.  The United States welcomes the EU’s decision to impose sanctions on President Assad, and we’re increasing pressure on him and his regime in order to end his policy of oppression and begin the change that people seek.

      We discussed Yemen, where the Yemeni people call for greater opportunity and prosperity and a nation that is more unified and more secure, and we expressed our joint concern of the deteriorating situation on the ground there.  We applauded the leadership of the Gulf Cooperation Council in seeking an orderly and peaceful resolution to the crisis, and we call on President Saleh to move immediately on his commitment to transfer power.

      And at a time when so many in the region are casting off the burdens of the past, we agree that the push for a lasting peace that ends the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and resolves all claims is more urgent than ever.  I appreciate the Prime Minister’s support for the principles that I laid out last week on borders and security, which can provide a sound basis from which the two sides can negotiate.

      As increasing tensions in the Abyei region threaten to derail Sudan’s comprehensive peace agreement, we’re working closely together to encourage the parties to recommit to a peaceful resolution to the crisis, and calling on the rapid reinforcement of the U.N.’s peacekeeping presence in the region.
      We also reviewed our close cooperation when it comes to countering terrorist threats, preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and the means of their delivery to states like Iran, and our unrelenting efforts to keep our people safe.

      And finally, we launched a joint initiative to exchange the best ideas and practices when it comes to supporting our veterans and our military families.

      Today, before we came here, Michelle and I joined David and Samantha for a outstanding barbecue at Number 10 for active-duty members of our militaries, along with their spouses, who make extraordinary sacrifices as well.  It was a wonderful event and a moving reminder of the long line of American and British service members who’ve made heavy and heroic sacrifices in the joint defense of our shared values that our people hold so dear.

      So, Mr. Prime Minister, thank you not only for the barbecue but for the opportunity to spend this very productive time at Number 10 with you and your team.  I enjoy my visits here, as always, and I have confidence that our special relationship will continue to grow even stronger in the months and years ahead.  Thank you very much.

      PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  Thank you, Barack.  Thank you very much.

      Nick Robinson from the BBC.

      Q    Thank you very much indeed.  Prime Minister, can you confirm that you plan to escalate the war in Libya by sending ground attack helicopters?  And, Mr. President, can you confirm that United States will sit that particular mission out?

      And a general question for you, if I could.  You’ve talked about an old war in Afghanistan and a new one in Libya.  Is your partnership really that different than the one between Bush and Blair?

      PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  Well, thank you for that.  Lots of questions in there.  First of all, the President and I agree that we should be turning up the heat in Libya.  I believe the pressure is on that regime.  You see it in the fact that the rebels have successfully liberated much of Misurata.  You see it in the success in other parts of the country.  You see it in the strength of the coalition.  You see it in the growth of the National Transitional Council.  So I believe we should be turning up that pressure.

      And on Britain’s part, we will be looking at all of the options for turning up that pressure, obviously within the terms of U.N. Resolution 1973, because we believe we need to keep enforcing that resolution, protecting civilians, pressurizing that regime so that the Libyan people have a chance to decide their own future.  And within that, those are the options we’ll look at.

      You asked the question about this relationship and past relationships.  I think every relationship between a President and a Prime Minister is different.  I would say both of us strongly believe in the special relationship.  We both called it an essential relationship.  But we believe we have -- as I said in my speech -- we have to learn the lessons of history, about how best we promote the values that we share.

      And that means, yes, going with the grain of other cultures; it means, yes, having a patient understanding that building democracy takes time and you have to work on the building blocks of democracy, and not believe this all can be done in an instant. But I believe in that partnership we’re extremely strong together in wanting to see the same outcomes, whether that’s in Afghanistan, where we want to see a peaceful and stable Afghanistan that no longer requires the presence of foreign troops to keep it free from terrorism, and we want to see a Libya where people have the chance to decide their own future.

      But we are doing things in a different way.  We have ruled out occupying forces, invading armies.  We are doing what we can to enforce Resolution 1973 and allowing the Libyan people to choose their own future.  And we’re very committed to doing that work together.

      PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, first of all, I do think that we’ve made enormous progress in Libya.  We have saved lives as a consequence of our concerted actions.  I think it is important to note that we did so under a U.N. mandate and as part of a broad-based international coalition that includes Arab countries.  And I absolutely agree that given the progress that has been made over the last several weeks, that Qaddafi and his regime need to understand that there will not be a letup in the pressure that we are applying.  And the United Kingdom, the United States, and our other partners are putting a wide range of resources within -- consistent with the U.N. mandate -- in order to achieve that pressure.  And I think we will ultimately be successful.

      The goal is to make sure that the Libyan people can make a determination about how they want to proceed, and that they’ll be finally free of 40 years of tyranny and they can start creating the institutions required for self-determination.

      So in terms of historical analogies, I just want to underscore this is not the United Kingdom and the United States alone.  We have a broad range of partners under an international mandate designed to save lives and ensure that we did not have the sort of massacre that would lead us then to look back and say to ourselves, why did we stand by and do nothing.

      With respect to Afghanistan, similarly, we have a broad-based international mandate and a broad-based international coalition designed to make sure that Afghanistan does not serve as a base for attacks against our people.  We’ve discussed, consistent with what we said in Lisbon during our NATO summit, that this will be a year of transition because of the work that we’ve done and the enormous sacrifices that both our militaries have given.  We are in a position now to transition, to start transitioning to an Afghan-led security process.  And at the same time, we’re going to be engaging in the sort of diplomatic work that is required for an ultimate political solution to the problems there.  And I’m confident that we can achieve it.

      I think that there’s no doubt that the United States and the United Kingdom have a unique relationship.  And that is going to be consistent regardless of who the President and the Prime Minister is, and it’s going to be consistent regardless of what parties we come from.  There’s so much that binds us together that it is not surprising that we are typically, on the international stage, going to be working together as opposed to at cross purposes.

      But as David mentioned, I think that the one thing that we have learned is that even as we promote the values and ideals that we care about, even as we make sure that our security interests are met, that we are using military power in a strategic and careful way; that we are making sure that as we promote democracy and human rights, that we understand the limits of what the military alone can achieve; and that we’re mindful that ultimately these regions are going to be -- that the fate of these regions are going to be determined by the people there themselves, and that we’re going to have to work in partnership with them.

      And that I think is the best example of alliance leadership and it’s something that I’m very proud to be a part of.

      Julie Pace.

      Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  You’ve said that Muammar Qaddafi’s exit from Libya is inevitable and that the U.S. will continue with the campaign until his attacks stop.  Does that also mean that you will commit the U.S. to that campaign until Qaddafi is removed from power?  And would you be willing to commit additional U.S. resources if that meant speeding up Qaddafi’s exit?

      And, Prime Minister Cameron, do you believe that the U.S. and other NATO allies should increase their role in the Libya campaign, as other British lawmakers have suggested?  Thank you.

      PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I have said from the outset that our goal, the reason that we intervened in Libya, was to protect the people on the ground and to give the Libyan people the space that they needed in order to bring about a change towards democracy.  And I also was very clear in terms of how we were going to participate.
      We moved very heavily on the front end, disabling their air defense systems, carrying the lion’s share of the burden when it came to setting the stage for NATO operations; and then that -- once the transfer took place to NATO command and control, that at that point our primary role would be a whole range of support that utilized America’s unique capabilities.  That’s what we’re doing.  I also ruled out us putting any ground forces in Libya.

      We have proceeded consistent with that.  There are times where, for example, with our Predator capabilities, we have a unique capacity that we’ve brought to bear, and we will continue to do that.  And the Prime Minister and I consistently discuss on a regular basis what can we all do to make sure that that pressure continues to apply.

      I do think that is it going to be difficult to meet the U.N. mandate of security for the Libyan people as long as Qaddafi and his regime are still attacking them.  And so we are strongly committed to seeing the job through, making sure that, at minimum, Qaddafi doesn’t have the capacity to send in a bunch of thugs to murder innocent civilians and to threaten them.

      I believe that we have built enough momentum that as long as we sustain the course that we’re on, that he is ultimately going to step down.  And we will continue to work with our partners to achieve that.

      So we have not put forward any artificial timeline in terms of how long this will take.  My belief is, is that the more resolute that we are now, the more effective the coalition is in rallying all the resources that are available to it, that we’re going to be able to achieve our mission in a timely fashion.

      One last point, and this speaks to the issue of whether there are other additional U.S. capabilities that could be brought to bear.  David and I both agree that we cannot put boots on the ground in Libya.  Once you rule out ground forces, then there are going to be some inherent limitations to our air strike operations.  It means that the opposition on the ground in Libya is going to have to carry out its responsibilities.  And we’re going to have to do effective coordination -- and we are doing that -- with the opposition on the ground.

      But I think that there may be a false perception that there are a whole bunch of secret super-effective air assets that are in a warehouse somewhere that could just be pulled out and that would somehow immediately solve the situation in Libya.  That’s not the case.

      The enormous sacrifices that are being made by the British, by the French, by ourselves, by the Danes and others -- we are bringing to bear an array of air power that has made a huge difference.  But ultimately this is going to be a slow, steady process in which we’re able to wear down the regime forces and change the political calculations of the Qaddafi regime to the point where they finally realize that they’re not going to control this country; the Libyan people are going to control this country.  And as long as we remain resolute, I think we’re going to be able to achieve that mission.

      But there’s not a whole host of new and different assets that somehow could be applied -- partly because we’ve been extraordinarily successful in avoiding significant civilian casualties.  And that’s been part of our goal, that’s been part of our mission, is making sure that we are targeting regime forces in a way that does not result in enormous collateral damage.  And that means we may have to sometimes be more patient than people would like.  But ultimately I think it promises greater success, and it sustains our coalition and support for it, not just here but in the Arab world as well.

      PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  Thank you.  I so agree that the two key things here are patience and persistence.  That is what the alliance is demonstrating and needs to go on demonstrating.

      Julie, I’d just make two points.  First of all, I think the President and I completely agree on this point of, of course, the U.N. resolution is not about regime change; the U.N. resolution is about protecting civilians from attack and taking all necessary measures to do so.  With that said, most political leaders, including the two here, have said it’s hard to see how you implement U.N. Resolution 1973 with Qaddafi still in control of his country, which is why we’ve been so clear about Qaddafi needing to go and needing to leave Libya.

      In terms of the U.S. role, I would make this point, which I’m not sure is widely understood in Britain or in Europe -- is already a huge number of the sorties and the support and the air assets that are actually bringing the pressure to bear are U.S. assets.  There was this enormous effort at the beginning, as the President said, but also a sustained amount of assets that have been used.

      And as the President said, there are also the unique assets and capabilities that the U.S. has that others don’t have that are so vital.  And as he said, we all have to ask what is it that we can all do to make sure the pressure is really brought to bear.  That is what the British are doing, the French are doing, the Americans are doing.  And I know we’ll discuss this in the margins of the G8.

      But I’d just make this point, as well.  As well as the military pressure, don’t underestimate the pressure of building up the opposition, the contacts we have with the National Transitional Council, the fact that they are opening offices and building support and strength from the allies.  Don’t underestimate the extent to which we’re now cutting off oil products to the regime because they’re using them in their tanks and their other military equipment -- and also the other steps that I know Americans and others are taking to try and release Libyan assets back into the hands of the National Transitional Council and recognizing them as the right interlocutor for us to speak to.

      So in all those ways, we can keep this pressure up over the coming period while showing patience and persistence at the same time.

      Tom Bradby from ITV.

      Q    Mr. President, you’ve talked about the need for robust action on your country’s deficit and debt positions.  Do you agree with the Prime Minister’s supporters that he led the way on the issue, or do you feel that in fact he has traveled too far and too fast?

      And could I just ask you both, as a sidebar, this time last year we talked about the case of computer hacker Gary McKinnon, on which the Prime Minister has expressed very clear views.  You said you would work together to find a solution.  So have you found one?

      PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, on your second question, Mr. McKinnon, we have proceeded through all the processes required under our extradition agreements.  It is now in the hands of the British legal system.  We have confidence in the British legal system coming to a just conclusion.  And so we await resolution and will be respectful of that process.

      With respect to how we deal with debt and deficits, I said two years ago, the first time I came here, in April of 2009, the first G20 summit that I attended, that each country is different and each country is going to have to make a range of decisions about how to -- at that time -- dig our way out of the worst recession that we’d experienced since the 1930s, at the same time that we put our countries on a path of sustainable growth that ultimately results in jobs and prosperity for our people and a growing middle class across the board.

      And we’ve succeeded in the first part, which is to yank the world economy out of recession, and that was in large part due to concerted action between the United States, the United Kingdom, and other countries.

      Now we’ve got that other challenge, which is how do we sustain growth in a way that’s responsible and responsive to the needs of our people.  That requires us to continue to make investments in education, science, technology, infrastructure -- things that help our economies grow.  But it also means governments that live within their means.  

      And obviously the nature and role of the public sector in the United Kingdom is different than it has been in the United States.  The pressures that each country are under from world capital markets are different.  The nature of the debt and deficits are different.  And as a consequence, the sequencing or pace may end up being different.

      But the one thing that I’m absolutely clear about is David and I want to arrive at the same point; a point in which we’re making sure that our governments are doing what they need to do to ensure broad-based prosperity, but doing so in a responsible way that doesn’t mortgage our futures and leave a mountain of debt to future generations.

      And the other point I think David and I would agree on is that this is going to be a constant process of trying some things, making adjustments.  There are going to be opportunities for us to make investments.  There are going to be other areas where we think those were good ideas at the time, programs that were started with the best of intentions and it turns out they’re not working as well as they should.  If a program is not working well, we should get rid of it and put that money into programs that are working well.  It means that we’ve got to make sure that we take a balanced approach and that there’s a mix of cuts, but also thinking about how do we generate revenue so that there’s a match between money going out and money coming in.

      And each country is going to have to go through what is a difficult and painful process.  What I’m confident about is that we’re going to be able to come out of this stronger than we were before.  And I think that both the people of the United Kingdom and the people of the United States want to see a government that’s reflective of their values -- the fact that they take their responsibilities seriously, they pay their bills, they make sure that their families are cared for, they make sacrifices where necessary in order to ensure that their children and their grandchildren are succeeding.  And they want those same values reflected in their government, and I think that both our countries are going to be able to achieve that.

      PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  Thank you.  First of all, in the case of Gary McKinnon, I understand the widespread concern about this case, and it’s not so much about the alleged offense, which everyone knows is a very serious offense; it’s about the issue of the individual and the way they’re treated and the operation of the legal system, and as the President said, making sure that legal system operates properly and carefully.

      The case is currently in front of the Home Secretary, who has to consider reports about Gary’s health and his well-being, and it’s right that she does that in a proper and effectively quasi-judicial way.

      I totally understand the anguish of his mother and his family about this issue.  We must follow the proper processes and make sure this case is dealt with in the proper way.  And I’m sure that that is the case.

      On the issue of deficit reduction, I mean, I remember when we also spoke about this at the G20, but even before that, when you first came here when you were running as candidate.  And I completely agree with Barack that each country is different and has different circumstances.  I mean, Britain does not have a reserve currency.  We’re not in the same position as the U.S. with the dollar.  And I think it was necessary for us to set out on the path of deficit reduction without delay after the election.

      And I would argue the proof of that for the UK has been what has happened in capital markets.  And as the President just said, capital markets treat different countries differently.  Well, in the European context, what you’ve seen since the election is actually market interest rates in the UK, bond yields effectively come down.  Whereas you look at what’s happened in Greece or in Portugal or other European countries, you’ve often seen those bond rates increase.  That, in my view, is the risk we would have run if we had not set out on the path of deficit reduction.

      But each country is different, but when I look across now and see what the U.S. and the UK are currently contemplating for the future, it’s actually relatively similar program in terms of trying to get on top of our deficits and make sure that debt is falling as a share of GDP.  Because as the President said, we in the end share a very similar set of values about not wanting to load responsibility for these debts on our children and not wanting to shuck our own responsibilities for straightening out our own public finances.

      So as he said, we may take slightly different paths but we want to end up in the same place.  It’s an extremely difficult thing to have to do -- dealing with your public finances, getting on top of your deficit -- but it’s absolutely essential.  And we’ve talked a lot today about national security.  In the end, there’s no national security unless you have economic security.  And that’s an argument that we have to make and win every day here in the United Kingdom.

      PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Christi Parsons, last question.

      Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  Yesterday in his speech before Congress, the Israeli Prime Minister referred to the Palestinian right of return as “fantasy.”  And I wonder if that’s a sentiment you agree with in any way.  And also, if you could outline for us a little bit how you -- your views on that issue, as well the future of Jerusalem.

      And, Mr. Prime Minister, if I may, you said at the top of this press conference that you consider the President’s principles outlined last week to be bold and visionary and, in fact, what needs to be done.  And I wonder if that means it makes you less open to the Palestinian campaign for recognition of statehood before the U.N. this fall.  Thank you.

      PRESIDENT OBAMA:  My goal, as I set out in the speech I gave last week, is a Jewish state of Israel that is safe and secure and recognized by its neighbors, and a sovereign state of Palestine in which the Palestinian people are able to determine their own fate and their own future.  I am confident that can be achieved.  It is going to require wrenching compromise by both sides.

      Over the last decade, when negotiators have talked about how to achieve that outcome, there have been typically four issues that have been raised.  One is the issue of what would the territorial boundaries of a new Palestinian state look like?  Number two, how could Israel feel confident that its security needs were being met?  Number three, how would the issue of Palestinian refugees be resolved?  And number four, the issue of Jerusalem.

      The last two questions are extraordinarily emotional.  They go deep into how both the Palestinians and the Jewish people think about their own identities.  Ultimately they are going to be resolved by the two parties.  I believe that those two issues can be resolved if there is the prospect and the promise that we can actually get to a Palestinian state and a secure Jewish state of Israel.

      And what my speech did was to say, let’s begin the work with the very hard-nosed but transparent and less -- perhaps less emotional issues of what would the territorial boundaries look like and what would Israeli security requirements entail.

      And I believe that if the Palestinians and the Israelis begin talking about those two issues and get some resolution, they can start seeing on the horizon the possibility of a peace deal, they will then be in a position to have a -- what would be a very difficult conversation about refugees and about Jerusalem.

      That’s not something that any party from the outside is going to be able to impose on them.  But what I am absolutely certain of is that if they’re not talking, we’re not going to make any progress, and neither the Israeli people or the Palestinian people will be well served.

      Let me just make one more comment about the prospects for a serious peace negotiation.  The Israelis are properly concerned about the agreement that’s been made between Fatah and Hamas.  Hamas has not renounced violence.  Hamas is an organization that has thus far rejected the recognition of Israel as a legitimate state.  It is very difficult for Israelis to sit across the table and negotiate with a party that is denying your right to exist, and has not renounced the right to send missiles and rockets into your territory.

      So, as much as it’s important for the United States, as Israel’s closest friend and partner, to remind them of the urgency of achieving peace, I don’t want the Palestinians to forget that they have obligations as well.  And they are going to have to resolve in a credible way the meaning of this agreement between Fatah and Hamas if we’re going to have any prospect for peace moving forward.

      As for the United Nations, I’ve already said -- I said in the speech last week and I will repeat -- the United Nations can achieve a lot of important work.  What the United Nations is not going to be able to do is deliver a Palestinian state.  The only way that we’re going to see a Palestinian state is if Israelis and Palestinians agree on a just peace.

      And so I strongly believe that for the Palestinians to take the United Nations route rather than the path of sitting down and talking with the Israelis is a mistake; that it does not serve the interests of the Palestinian people, it will not achieve their stated goal of achieving a Palestinian state.  And the United States will continue to make that argument both in the United Nations and in our various meetings around the world.

      Q    Do you agree with the comparison between Hamas and al Qaeda?

      PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I believe that Hamas, in its own description of its agenda, has not renounced violence and has not recognized the state of Israel.  And until they do, it is very difficult to expect Israelis to have a serious conversation, because ultimately they have to have confidence that a Palestinian state is one that is going to stick to its -- to whatever bargain is struck; that if they make territorial compromises, if they arrive at a peace deal, that, in fact, that will mean the safety and security of the Jewish people and of Israel.  And Hamas has not shown any willingess to make the kinds of concessions that Fatah has, and it’s going to be very difficult for us to get a Palestinian partner on the other side of the table that is not observing the basic Quartet principles that we both believe -- that both David and I believe in -- the need to renounce violence, recognize the state of Israel, abide by previous agreements.

      That is I think going to be a critical aspect of us being able to jumpstart this process once again.

      PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  Thank you.  I described the President’s speech as bold and visionary because I think it did an absolutely vital thing, which was to talk about ’67 borders with land swaps.  So as the President said, if you think about what both sides absolutely need to know to start this process, those two things are in place.

      First, that the Israelis need to know that America and her allies like Britain will always stand up for Israel’s right to exist, right to defend herself, right to secure borders.  That is absolutely vital that the Israelis know that their security is absolutely key to us.  They need to know that.

      But the second thing that needs to be done is the Palestinians need to know that we understand their need for dignity and for a Palestinian state, using the ’67 borders as land swaps as the start point.  That is I think what is so key to the speech that’s been made.  So neither side now has I believe the excuse to stand aside from talks.

      On the specific issue of U.N. recognition, the President is entirely right that in the end the Palestinian state will only come about if the Palestinians and the Israelis can agree to it coming about.  That is the vital process that has to take place.

      As for Britain, we don’t believe the time for making a decision about the U.N. resolution -- there isn’t even one there at the moment -- is right yet.  We want to discuss this within the European Union and try and maximize the leverage and pressure that the European Union can bring, frankly, on both sides to get this vital process moving.

      Both of us in recent days have been to the Republic of Ireland.  I went on part of the Queen’s historic trip, and I know Barack has just returned from a very successful trip.  And when you look at what had to happen in Northern Ireland in order for peace to come about, is there has to be some recognition and understanding on each side of the other side.

      And that is what I think is so crucial in what the President is saying about Hamas and Palestinian unity -- which should in some ways be a welcome development if the Palestinians can have one group of people, but not unless those group of people are prepared to accept some of what the people they’re going to negotiate with desperately need.

      And that, in the end, is why the peace process in Northern Ireland was successful, because both sides had some understanding of what the other side needed for some dignity and for some peace.  And that is what we badly need right now in the Middle East.  And I think the President’s speech has been a good step forward in really helping to make that happen.  Thank you.

      PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Let me just pick up on what David said about Ireland.  It was inspiring to see, after hundreds of years of conflict, people so rapidly reorienting how they thought about themselves, how they thought about those who they thought once were enemies.  Her Majesty’s visit had a profound effect on the entire country.  And so it was an enormous source of hope.  And I think it’s a reminder that as tough as these things are, if you stick to it, if people of goodwill remain engaged, that ultimately even the worst of conflicts can be resolved.

      But it is going to take time.  And I remain optimistic, but not naively so, that this is going to be hard work and each side is going to have to look inward to determine what is in their long-term interests, and not just what are in their short-term tactical interests, which tends to perpetuate a conflict as opposed to solving it.

      And finally let me -- also, David, just very briefly, thank you for expressing your condolences and concern about the people of Missouri.  We have been battered by some storms not just this week but over the last several months, the largest death toll and devastation that we’ve ever seen from tornadoes in the United States of America.  Knowing that we’ve got friends here in the United Kingdom who care deeply and who offer their thoughts and prayers makes all the difference in the world.  So thank you very much for that.

      PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  Thank you.  And the Guinness wasn’t bad in Ireland, either.

      PRESIDENT OBAMA:  It was very good.

      PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  Thank you.

      PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you.

                      END                    1:48 P.M. BST

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
May 24, 2011

Remarks by President Obama and Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom in Dinner Toasts

Buckingham Palace, London, United Kingdom

8:47 P.M. BST

     HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN:  Mr. President, I am delighted to welcome you and Mrs. Obama to London.  Prince Philip and I are so glad that you are visiting the United Kingdom again. 

     We have fond memories of our first meeting during the G20 conference in London in 2009.  It also gave me much pleasure to welcome Mrs. Obama and your two daughters here almost two years ago.

     Your visit to this country inevitably reminds us of our shared history, our common language, and our strong intellectual and cultural links.  It also reminds us that your country twice came to the rescue of the free and democratic world when it was facing military disaster.  On each occasion, after the end of those destructive wars, the generosity of the United States made a massive contribution to our economic recovery.

     Today, the United States remains our most important ally, and our two nations contribute to the security and prosperity of our peoples and of the world through shared national interests. 

     But our relationship goes far beyond our military and diplomatic ties.  In your inaugural address, you spoke to the American people of the values that lay at the heart of your nation’s success -- honesty and hard work, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism, and of the sturdy alliances an enduring convictions with which your nation had met past challenges and would meet future ones, too.

     If I may say so, these values underscore much of the life of the United Kingdom, also.  Together with our alliance, they continue to guide our actions as we confront the challenges of a changing world. 

     It is unfortunate that there are so many troubles facing the world today.  But we are encouraged that in most respects our two countries see these problems in the same light.  For this reason, we have been able to act together in fields as varied as science, research, and higher education, to find solutions or to at least make progress towards tackling so many of the social and economic difficulties that confront nations in all parts of the globe.

     Entertainment may not be so obviously an example of our close ties, but it forms part of the lives of a great many of our people.  Over the years, we have enjoyed some of America’s most spectacular musical productions and any number of what we call films, which you might prefer to call movies.  (Laughter.)  In return, British films and theatrical productions have achieved considerable success in your country.

     This exchange of people and projects has enlarged and invigorated our common language, although I think you will agree, we don't always use it in quite the same way.  (Laughter.) 

     Mr. President, I firmly believe that the strength of our links and many shared interests will continue to ensure that when the United States and the United Kingdom stand together, our people and other people of goodwill around the world will be more secure and can become more prosperous.

     Ladies and gentlemen, we are here to celebrate the tried, tested, and, yes, special relationship between our two countries. I, therefore, ask you now to join me in raising your glasses to the continued health, happiness, and prosperity of the people of the United States of America, and especially to the health of President and Mrs. Obama.

     (A toast is offered.) (The National Anthem is played.)  (Applause.) 

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Your Majesty, thank you for your extraordinarily generous remarks, for the invitation you extended for our first state visit in Europe, and for the warm friendship that you’ve shown both Michelle and myself on both of our visits to Buckingham Palace.

     I bring warm greetings from tens of millions of Americans who claim British ancestry, including me, through my mother’s family.  I bring warm greetings from Malia and Sasha, who adored you even before you let them ride on a carriage on the palace grounds.  (Laughter.)

     Prime Minister Cameron, Mrs. Cameron, distinguished guests, it is a great honor to join you again in this great country as we reaffirm the enduring bonds between our two nations and reinforce this special relationship. 

     I must say, though, this dinner is a humbling reminder of the fleeting nature of presidencies and prime ministerships.  Your Majesty’s reign has spanned about a dozen of each, and counting.  That makes you both a living witness to the power of our alliance and a chief source of its resilience.

     Our alliance is a commitment that speaks to who we are.  As Winston Churchill said on a visit to the United States, “Above all, among the English-speaking peoples, there must be the union of hearts based upon convictions and common ideals.“

     While our challenges have changed since Churchill’s time, when we fought together to preserve our very democracies, our adherence to those values have not.  Our relationship rests on common language, common history, common adherence to the rule of law, the rights of men and women -- the very ideals born in this nation.  And yet our relationship never rests. 

     As we appreciate the 10th anniversary of 9/11, I’m particularly grateful for the solidarity that the United Kingdom has shown to America over the past decade.  From that day to this, you have been our closest partner in the struggle to protect our people from terrorist attacks and violent extremism around the world, despite very heavy sacrifices here.  And allow me to pay tribute to the contributions of your military forces, which have stood shoulder to shoulder with us for decades.

     And as we confront the challenges of the 21st century, together, we can have confidence in the partnership that our two countries share, based on the rock-solid foundation built during Queen Elizabeth’s lifetime of extraordinary service to her nation and to the world. 

     Ladies and gentlemen, please stand with me and raise your glasses as I propose a toast:

     To Her Majesty the Queen.  For the vitality of the special relationship between our peoples, and in the words of Shakespeare, “To this blessed plot, this Earth, this realm, this England.” 

     To the Queen.

     (A toast is offered.) (Applause.) 

END 8:58 P.M. BST

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
May 24, 2011

Remarks by the President about Storms Throughout the Midwest

Winfield House
London, England

10:34 A.M. BST
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Good morning, everybody.  Before the day starts here in England I wanted to say a few words about the devastating storms that we've seen in Missouri and Minnesota and across the Midwest.
 
Like all Americans, we have been monitoring what’s been taking place very closely and have been heartbroken by the images that we've seen in Joplin, Missouri, in particular.  The devastation is comparable and may end up exceeding some of the devastation that we saw in Tuscaloosa, Alabama, just a few weeks ago. 
 
So far we know that over 100 people lost their lives.  Others remain missing, and hundreds more are injured.  And obviously, our thoughts and prayers are with the families who are suffering at this moment.  And all we can do is let them know that all of America cares deeply about them and that we are going to do absolutely everything we can to make sure that they recover.
 
These storms often strike without warning, as we saw a little further south over the last couple of weeks.  And it’s going to be important for us to make sure that we are sustaining our efforts at rebuilding after the news cameras leave.  We can make sure that the families and communities upended by these storms have everything they need to pull through.  And in that regard, Secretary of Homeland Security Janet Napolitano as well as I have spoken with Missouri Governor Jay Nixon.  We’ve offered him not only our condolences, but we’ve told him that we will give him every ounce of resources the federal government may have that we can bring to bear on this situation.
 
At my direction, FEMA Administrator Craig Fugate and Deputy Administrator Rich Serino have traveled to Missouri to make sure our federal government is working hand in hand with state and local officials to give them the help that they need.  And on Sunday, I myself will travel to Missouri to talk with folks who’ve been affected, to talk to local officials about our response effort and hopefully to pray with folks and give them whatever assurance and comfort I can that the entire country is going to be behind them.
 
Now, these storms that came this weekend obviously compounded what has already been an extraordinary storm season throughout the Midwest and in the South.  We understand that there are more storms that are forecast today, so the thing I think I want to emphasize more than anything else, it is critical that Americans in affected areas heed storm warnings and take the lead of your local officials.
 
I know that a lot of people are wondering how they’ll get through the coming days or months or even years, but I want everybody in Joplin, everybody in Missouri, everybody in Minnesota, everybody across the Midwest to know that we are here for you.  The American people are by your side.  We’re going to stay there until every home is repaired, until every neighborhood is rebuilt, until every business is back on its feet.  That's my commitment, and that's the American people’s commitment.
 
Thanks very much.
 
END
10:38 A.M. BST

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
May 23, 2011

Remarks by the President at Irish Celebration in Dublin, Ireland

College Green, Dublin, Ireland

5:55 P.M. IST

     THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you!  (Applause.)  Hello, Dublin!  (Applause.)  Hello, Ireland!  (Applause.)  My name is Barack Obama -- (applause -- of the Moneygall Obamas.  (Applause.)  And I've come home to find the apostrophe that we lost somewhere along the way.  (Laughter and applause.)

     AUDIENCE MEMBER:  I've got it here!

     THE PRESIDENT:  Is that where it is?  (Laughter.)

     Some wise Irish man or woman once said that broken Irish is better than clever English.  (Applause.)  So here goes:  Tá áthas orm bheith in Éirinn -- I am happy to be in Ireland!  (Applause.) I'm happy to be with so many á cairde.  (Applause.) 

     I want to thank my extraordinary hosts -- first of all, Taoiseach Kenny -- (applause) -- his lovely wife, Fionnuala -- (applause) -- President McAleese and her husband, Martin -- (applause) -- for welcoming me earlier today.  Thank you, Lord Mayor Gerry Breen and the Gardai for allowing me to crash this celebration.  (Applause.) 

     Let me also express my condolences on the recent passing of former Taoiseach Garrett Fitzgerald -- (applause) -- someone who believed in the power of education, someone who believed in the potential of youth, most of all, someone who believed in the potential of peace and who lived to see that peace realized.

     And most of all, thank you to the citizens of Dublin and the people of Ireland for the warm and generous hospitality you’ve shown me and Michelle.  (Applause.)  It certainly feels like 100,000 welcomes.  (Applause.)  We feel very much at home.  I feel even more at home after that pint that I had.  (Laughter.)  Feel even warmer.  (Laughter.) 

     In return let me offer the hearty greetings of tens of millions of Irish Americans who proudly trace their heritage to this small island.  (Applause.)  They say hello. 

     Now, I knew that I had some roots across the Atlantic, but until recently I could not unequivocally claim that I was one of those Irish Americans.  But now if you believe the Corrigan Brothers, there’s no one more Irish than me.  (Laughter and applause.) 

     So I want to thank the genealogists who traced my family tree.

     AUDIENCE MEMBER:  -- right here!

     THE PRESIDENT:  Right here?  Thank you.  (Applause.)  It turns out that people take a lot of interest in you when you're running for President.  (Laughter.)  They look into your past.  They check out your place of birth.  (Laughter.)  Things like that.  (Laughter.)  Now, I do wish somebody had provided me all this evidence earlier because it would have come in handy back when I was first running in my hometown of Chicago -- (applause) -- because Chicago is the Irish capital of the Midwest.  (Applause.)  A city where it was once said you could stand on 79th Street and hear the brogue of every county in Ireland.  (Applause.) 

     So naturally a politician like me craved a slot in the St. Patrick’s Day parade.  The problem was not many people knew me or could even pronounce my name.  I told them it was a Gaelic name. They didn’t believe me.  (Laughter.)

     So one year a few volunteers and I did make it into the parade, but we were literally the last marchers.  After two hours, finally it was our turn.  And while we rode the route and we smiled and we waved, the city workers were right behind us cleaning up the garbage.  (Laughter.)  It was a little depressing.  But I’ll bet those parade organizers are watching TV today and feeling kind of bad -- (applause) -- because this is a pretty good parade right here.  (Applause.) 

     AUDIENCE MEMBER:  Go Bulls!

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Go Bulls -- I like that.  (Laughter.)  We got some Bulls fans here. 

     Now, of course, an American doesn’t really require Irish blood to understand that ours is a proud, enduring, centuries-old relationship; that we are bound by history and friendship and shared values.  And that’s why I’ve come here today, as an American President, to reaffirm those bonds of affection.  (Applause.) 

     Earlier today Michelle and I visited Moneygall where we saw my ancestral home and dropped by the local pub.  (Applause.)  And we received a very warm welcome from all the people there, including my long-lost eighth cousin, Henry.  (Laughter.)  Henry now is affectionately known as Henry VIII.  (Laughter.)  And it was remarkable to see the small town where a young shoemaker named Falmouth Kearney, my great-great-great grandfather, my grandfather’s grandfather, lived his early life.  And I was the shown the records from the parish recording his birth.  And we saw the home where he lived. 

     And he left during the Great Hunger, as so many Irish did, to seek a new life in the New World.  He traveled by ship to New York, where he entered himself into the records as a laborer.  He married an American girl from Ohio.  They settled in the Midwest. They started a family. 

     It’s a familiar story because it’s one lived and cherished by Americans of all backgrounds.  It’s integral to our national identity.  It’s who we are, a nation of immigrants from all around the world.

     But standing there in Moneygall, I couldn’t help but think how heartbreaking it must have been for that great-great-great grandfather of mine, and so many others, to part.  To watch Donegal coasts and Dingle cliffs recede.  To leave behind all they knew in hopes that something better lay over the horizon.

     When people like Falmouth boarded those ships, they often did so with no family, no friends, no money, nothing to sustain their journey but faith -- faith in the Almighty; faith in the idea of America; faith that it was a place where you could be prosperous, you could be free, you could think and talk and worship as you pleased, a place where you could make it if you tried.

     And as they worked and struggled and sacrificed and sometimes experienced great discrimination, to build that better life for the next generation, they passed on that faith to their children and to their children’s children -- an inheritance that their great-great-great grandchildren like me still carry with them.  We call it the America Dream.  (Applause.)

     It’s the dream that Falmouth Kearney was attracted to when he went to America.  It’s the dream that drew my own father to America from a small village in Africa.  It’s a dream that we’ve carried forward -- sometimes through stormy waters, sometimes at great cost -- for more than two centuries.  And for my own sake, I’m grateful they made those journeys because if they hadn’t you’d be listening to somebody else speak right now.  (Laughter.)

     And for America’s sake, we’re grateful so many others from this land took that chance, as well.  After all, never has a nation so small inspired so much in another.  (Applause.)

     Irish signatures are on our founding documents.  Irish blood was spilled on our battlefields.  Irish sweat built our great cities.  Our spirit is eternally refreshed by Irish story and Irish song; our public life by the humor and heart and dedication of servants with names like Kennedy and Reagan, O’Neill and Moynihan.  So you could say there’s always been a little green behind the red, white and blue.  (Applause.)

     When the father of our country, George Washington, needed an army, it was the fierce fighting of your sons that caused the British official to lament, “We have lost America through the Irish.”  (Applause.)  And as George Washington said himself, “When our friendless standards were first unfurled, who were the strangers who first mustered around our staff?  And when it reeled in the light, who more brilliantly sustained it than Erin’s generous sons?”

     When we strove to blot out the stain of slavery and advance the rights of man, we found common cause with your struggles against oppression.  Frederick Douglass, an escaped slave and our great abolitionist, forged an unlikely friendship right here in Dublin with your great liberator, Daniel O’Connell.  (Applause.) His time here, Frederick Douglass said, defined him not as a color but as a man.  And it strengthened the non-violent campaign he would return home to wage. 

     Recently, some of their descendents met here in Dublin to commemorate and continue that friendship between Douglass and O’Connell. 

     When Abraham Lincoln struggled to preserve our young union, more than 100,000 Irish and Irish Americans joined the cause, with units like the Irish Brigade charging into battle -- green flags with gold harp waving alongside our star-spangled banner. 

     When depression gripped America, Ireland sent tens of thousands of packages of shamrocks to cheer up its countrymen, saying, “May the message of Erin shamrocks bring joy to those away.”

     And when an Iron Curtain fell across this continent and our way of life was challenged, it was our first Irish President -- our first Catholic President, John F. Kennedy, who made us believe 50 years ago this week -- (applause) -- that mankind could do something big and bold and ambitious as walk on the moon.  He made us dream again. 

     That is the story of America and Ireland.  That’s the tale of our brawn and our blood, side by side, in making and remaking a nation, pulling it westward, pulling it skyward, moving it forward again and again and again.  And that is our task again today.

     I think we all realize that both of our nations have faced great trials in recent years, including recessions so severe that many of our people are still trying to fight their way out.  And naturally our concern turns to our families, our friends and our neighbors.  And some in this enormous audience are thinking about their own prospects and their own futures.  Those of us who are parents wonder what it will mean for our children and young people like so many who are here today.  Will you see the same progress we’ve seen since we were your age?  Will you inherit futures as big and as bright as the ones that we inherited?  Will your dreams remain alive in our time?

     This nation has faced those questions before:  When your land couldn’t feed those who tilled it; when the boats leaving these shores held some of your brightest minds; when brother fought against brother.  Yours is a history frequently marked by the greatest of trials and the deepest of sorrow.  But yours is also a history of proud and defiant endurance.  Of a nation that kept alive the flame of knowledge in dark ages; that overcame occupation and outlived fallow fields; that triumphed over its Troubles –- of a resilient people who beat all the odds.  (Applause.)
     And, Ireland, as trying as these times are, I know our future is still as big and as bright as our children expect it to be.  (Applause.)  I know that because I know it is precisely in times like these –- in times of great challenge, in times of great change -– when we remember who we truly are.  We’re people, the Irish and Americans, who never stop imagining a brighter future, even in bitter times.  We’re people who make that future happen through hard work, and through sacrifice, through investing in those things that matter most, like family and community.
     We remember, in the words made famous by one of your greatest poets that “in dreams begins responsibility.”
     This is a nation that met that responsibility by choosing, like your ancestors did, to keep alight the flame of knowledge and invest in a world-class education for your young people.  And today, Ireland’s youth, and those who’ve come back to build a new Ireland, are now among the best-educated, most entrepreneurial in the world.  And I see those young people here today.  And I know that Ireland will succeed.  (Applause.)

     This is a nation that met its responsibilities by choosing to apply the lessons of your own past to assume a heavier burden of responsibility on the world stage.  And today, a people who once knew the pain of an empty stomach now feed those who hunger abroad.  Ireland is working hand in hand with the United States to make sure that hungry mouths are fed around the world -- because we remember those times.  We know what crippling poverty can be like, and we want to make sure we’re helping others.

     You’re a people who modernized and can now stand up for those who can’t yet stand up for themselves.  And this is a nation that met its responsibilities -– and inspired the entire world -– by choosing to see past the scars of violence and mistrust to forge a lasting peace on this island.

     When President Clinton said on this very spot 15 years ago, waging peace is risky, I think those who were involved understood the risks they were taking.  But you, the Irish people, persevered.  And you cast your votes and you made your voices heard for that peace.  (Applause.)  And you responded heroically when it was challenged.  And you did it because, as President McAleese has written, “For all the apparent intractability of our problems, the irrepressible human impulse to love kept nagging and nudging us towards reconciliation.”

     Whenever peace is challenged, you will have to sustain that irrepressible impulse.  And America will stand by you -- always. (Applause.)  America will stand by you always in your pursuit of peace.  (Applause.)

     And, Ireland, you need to understand that you’ve already so surpassed the world’s highest hopes that what was notable about the Northern Ireland elections two weeks ago was that they came and went without much attention.  It’s not because the world has forgotten.  It’s because this once unlikely dream has become that most extraordinary thing of things:  It has become real.  A dream has turned to reality because of the work of this nation.  (Applause.) 

     In dreams begin responsibility.  And embracing that responsibility, working toward it, overcoming the cynics and the naysayers and those who say “you can’t” -- that’s what makes dreams real.  That’s what Falmouth Kearney did when he got on that boat, and that’s what so many generations of Irish men and women have done here in this spectacular country.  That is something we can point to and show our children, Irish and American alike.  That is something we can teach them as they grow up together in a new century, side by side, as it has been since our beginnings.

     This little country, that inspires the biggest things -- your best days are still ahead.  (Applause.)  Our greatest triumphs -- in America and Ireland alike -- are still to come.  And, Ireland, if anyone ever says otherwise, if anybody ever tells you that your problems are too big, or your challenges are too great, that we can’t do something, that we shouldn’t even try -- think about all that we’ve done together.  Remember that whatever hardships the winter may bring, springtime is always just around the corner.  And if they keep on arguing with you, just respond with a simple creed:  Is féidir linn.  Yes, we can. Yes, we can.  Is féidir linn.  (Applause.) 

     For all you’ve contributed to the character of the United States of America and the spirit of the world, thank you.  And may God bless the eternal friendship between our two great nations. 

     Thank you very much, everybody.  Thank you, Dublin.  Thank you, Ireland.  (Applause.) 

END 6:18 P.M. IST

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
May 23, 2011

Remarks by President Obama and Prime Minister Kenny of Ireland

Farmleigh House
Dublin, Ireland

11:50 A.M. IST

PRIME MINISTER KENNY:  If everybody can hear.  Obviously this is the first occasion in world history I think there is two bilaterals with an American President in the space of 67 minutes. But I want to welcome President Obama and the First Lady Michelle to Dublin on their way through to a state visit in England and further activities. 

I can say that the Irish people have been waiting for this visit.  Their excitement is palpable.  And I trust that the President and his wife and party will enjoy their visit to Moneygall, home of his triple-great grandfather, Falmouth Kearney, when he goes down there today. 

I’d like to say on this occasion here we’ve discussed a range of issues.  I've explained to the President the seriousness of which Ireland and its new government -- thereby myself and the presence here of the Oireachtas -- are dealing with the issues that affect our country -- the banks and the economic situation and our seriousness of intent in dealing with our budget deficit; also in conjunction with the conditions of the IMF bailout, dealing with the situation there.  And we expressed appreciation for the general support of America in that regard.

We discuss the question of the Northern Ireland Assembly, the new assembly, our relationship with that assembly in relation to the British government.  We discussed the implications and the consequences of the Queen’s visit here, following on the President’s invitation, and the enormous impact that that made, together with the visit of the British Prime Minister during the course of that state visit.

We discussed the question of the President’s speech on immigration, which he made in El Paso, and the fact that the administration is continuing to work on that. 

We discussed the relationship between Ireland and the States, the continuing importance of that, and I reiterated the no-change policy in respect of the use of Shannon in respect of American aircraft serving the U.N. resolutions passing through.

And we discussed a range of other issues relative to the country here and the fact that courage is necessary for leaders who take risks in the interests of solving the problems of their people and their countries. 

I reiterated our appreciation and heartfelt thanks to the American President for his visit here.  And like all politicians, we have some unfinished business, and that is that the next time he comes back he’s going to bring his golf clubs.  (Laughter.) 

Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you so much. 

Well, first of all, let me just say how extraordinarily grateful I am to the Taoiseach, to the President of Ireland, for their extraordinary hospitality to myself and Michelle.  It is heartwarming to be here -- and people even arranged for the sun to come out shortly after I arrived.

The friendship and the bond between the United States and Ireland could not be stronger.  Obviously it is not just a matter of strategic interest, it’s not just a matter of foreign policy; for the United States, Ireland carries a blood link with us.  And for the millions of Irish Americans, this continues to symbolize the homeland and the extraordinary traditions of an extraordinary people.

The Taoiseach and I have already had occasion to meet in Washington.  It’s wonderful to be able to discuss with him again some of the important issues that he is working on.  We’re glad to see that progress is being made in stabilizing the economic situation here.  I know it’s a hard road, but it’s one that the Irish people are more than up to the task in achieving.

What I emphasized is that we want to continue to strengthen the bonds of trade and commerce between our two countries, and that we are rooting for Ireland’s success and we’ll do everything that we can to be helpful on the path to recovery.

We also wanted to express our extraordinary appreciation to Ireland for all the work that it does internationally.  I mentioned that Ireland punches above its weight.  It’s a small country, but the work it does on a range of issues -- in peacekeeping to the trainers in Afghanistan, to this work we’re doing together on food security, to its strong voice on human rights -- all that makes an enormous difference around the world. And the extraordinary relationship that we have with Ireland is also reflected in the work that it does in the EU, and so we’re grateful for that.

Finally I wanted to just express to the Irish people -- and I’ll have occasion to make some lengthier remarks later -- how inspired we have been by the progress that's been made in Northern Ireland, because it speaks to the possibilities of peace and people in longstanding struggles being able to re-imagine their relationships.  To see Her Majesty the Queen of the England come here, and to see the mutual warmth and healing that I think took place as a consequence of that visit, to know that the former Taoiseach Fitzgerald was able to witness the Queen coming here, that sends a signal not just in England, not just here in Ireland, but around the world.  It sends what Bobby Kennedy once called “a ripple of hope,” that may manifest itself in a whole range of ways.

And so, to all those who have been working tirelessly to bring about peace in Northern Ireland, to those who’ve been willing to take those risks, we are grateful to them.  To your administration, which I know is carrying on that legacy and continues to invest in it, we appreciate it.

We are proud of the part that America played in helping to get both sides to talk and to provide a space for that conversation to take place, and we want you to know that we will continue to be there as that moves forward.  And we’re confident that it, in fact, will. 

So I am extraordinarily grateful to be here.  To the Irish people, thank you for the wonderful welcome you’re providing my wife and myself.

PRIME MINISTER KENNY:  Professor Padriac Whyt in Trinity College -- he’s a professor of children’s literature -- broached me some time ago -- in 1922, Padriac Colum was commissioned by the Hawaiian legislature to track down myths and legends of Hawaii and write them as children’s stories.  He produced three volumes of children’s stories, which I presented -- and I had the honor of a first edition -- not to the President, not to the First Lady, but to his children, Malia and Sasha -- stories of their daddy’s birthplace.  And I hope they enjoyed it.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, this is an extraordinary gift, and it just confirms that if you need somebody to do some good writing, you hire an Irishman.  (Laughter.) 

END
12:00 P.M. IST

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
May 22, 2011

Remarks by the President at the AIPAC Policy Conference 2011

Walter E. Washington Convention Center
Washington, D.C.

10:56 A.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Good morning.  Thank you very much.  (Applause.)  Good morning.  Thank you.  Thank you so much.  Please, have a seat.  Thank you.

What a remarkable, remarkable crowd.  Thank you, Rosy, for your very kind introduction.  I did not know you played basketball.  (Laughter.)  I will take your word for it.  (Laughter.)  Rosy, thank you for your many years of friendship.  Back in Chicago, when I was just getting started in national politics, I reached out to a lot of people for advice and counsel, and Rosy was one of the very first.  When I made my first visit to Israel, after entering the Senate, Rosy, you were at my side every step of that profound journey through the Holy Land.  So I want to thank you for your enduring friendship, your leadership, and for your warm introduction today.

I also want to thank David Victor, Howard Kohr and all the board of directors.  And let me say that it is wonderful to look out and see so many great friends, including a very large delegation from Chicago.  (Applause.)  Alan Solow, Howard Green.  Thank you all.

I want to thank the members of Congress who are joining you today -- who do so much to sustain the bonds between the United States and Israel, including Eric Cantor -- (applause) -- Steny Hoyer -- (applause) -- and the tireless leader I was proud to appoint as the new chair of the DNC, Debbie Wasserman Schultz.  (Applause.) 

We’re joined by Israel’s representative to the United States, Ambassador Michael Oren.  (Applause.)  And we’re joined by one of my top advisors on Israel and the Middle East for the past four years and who I know is going to be an outstanding ambassador to Israel, Dan Shapiro.  (Applause.)  Dan has always been a close and trusted advisor and friend, and I know that he will do a terrific job.

And at a time when so many young people around the world are standing up and making their voices heard, I also want to acknowledge all the college students from across the country who are here today.  (Applause.)  No one has a greater stake in the outcome of events that are unfolding today than your generation, and it’s inspiring to see you devote your time and energy to help shape that future.

Now, I’m not here to subject you to a long policy speech.  I gave one on Thursday in which I said that the United States sees the historic changes sweeping the Middle East and North Africa as a moment of great challenge, but also a moment of opportunity for greater peace and security for the entire region, including the State of Israel.

On Friday, I was joined at the White House by Prime Minister Netanyahu, and we reaffirmed -- (applause) -- we reaffirmed that fundamental truth that has guided our presidents and prime ministers for more than 60 years -- that even while we may at times disagree, as friends sometimes will, the bonds between the United States and Israel are unbreakable -- (applause) -- and the commitment of the United States to the security of Israel is ironclad.  (Applause.)

A strong and secure Israel is in the national security interest of the United States not simply because we share strategic interests, although we do both seek a region where families and children can live free from the threat of violence.  It’s not simply because we face common dangers, although there can be no denying that terrorism and the spread of nuclear weapons are grave threats to both our nations. 

America’s commitment to Israel’s security flows from a deeper place -- and that’s the values we share.  As two people who struggled to win our freedom against overwhelming odds, we understand that preserving the security for which our forefathers -- and foremothers -- fought must be the work of every generation.  As two vibrant democracies, we recognize that the liberties and freedoms we cherish must be constantly nurtured.  And as the nation that recognized the State of Israel moments after its independence, we have a profound commitment to its survival as a strong, secure homeland for the Jewish people.  (Applause.) 

We also know how difficult that search for security can be, especially for a small nation like Israel living in a very tough neighborhood.  I’ve seen it firsthand.  When I touched my hand against the Western Wall and placed my prayer between its ancient stones, I thought of all the centuries that the children of Israel had longed to return to their ancient homeland.  When I went to Sderot and saw the daily struggle to survive in the eyes of an eight-year-old boy who lost his leg to a Hamas rocket, and when I walked among the Hall of Names at Yad Vashem, I was reminded of the existential fear of Israelis when a modern dictator seeks nuclear weapons and threatens to wipe Israel off the face of the map -- face of the Earth.

Because we understand the challenges Israel faces, I and my administration have made the security of Israel a priority.  It’s why we’ve increased cooperation between our militaries to unprecedented levels.  It’s why we’re making our most advanced technologies available to our Israeli allies.  (Applause.)  It’s why, despite tough fiscal times, we’ve increased foreign military financing to record levels.  (Applause.)  And that includes additional support –- beyond regular military aid -– for the Iron Dome anti-rocket system.  (Applause.)  A powerful example of American-Israeli cooperation -- a powerful example of American-Israeli cooperation which has already intercepted rockets from Gaza and helped saved Israeli lives.  So make no mistake, we will maintain Israel’s qualitative military edge.  (Applause.)

You also see our commitment to our shared security in our determination to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons.  (Applause.)  Here in the United States, we’ve imposed the toughest sanctions ever on the Iranian regime.  (Applause.)  At the United Nations, under our leadership, we’ve secured the most comprehensive international sanctions on the regime, which have been joined by allies and partners around the world.  Today, Iran is virtually cut off from large parts of the international financial system, and we’re going to keep up the pressure.  So let me be absolutely clear –- we remain committed to preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons.  (Applause.)    

Its illicit nuclear program is just one challenge that Iran poses.  As I said on Thursday, the Iranian government has shown its hypocrisy by claiming to support the rights of protesters while treating its own people with brutality.  Moreover, Iran continues to support terrorism across the region, including providing weapons and funds to terrorist organizations.  So we will continue to work to prevent these actions, and we will stand up to groups like Hezbollah, who exercise political assassination and seek to impose their will through rockets and car bombs.

You also see our commitment to Israel’s security in our steadfast opposition to any attempt to de-legitimize the State of Israel.  (Applause.)  As I said at the United Nations last year, “Israel’s existence must not be a subject for debate,” and “efforts to chip away at Israel’s legitimacy will only be met by the unshakeable opposition of the United States.”  (Applause.) 

So when the Durban Review Conference advanced anti-Israel sentiment, we withdrew.  In the wake of the Goldstone Report, we stood up strongly for Israel’s right to defend itself.  (Applause.)  When an effort was made to insert the United Nations into matters that should be resolved through direct negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians, we vetoed it.  (Applause.) 

And so, in both word and deed, we have been unwavering in our support of Israel’s security.  (Applause.)  And it is precisely because of our commitment to Israel’s long-term security that we have worked to advance peace between Israelis and Palestinians.  (Applause.)

Now, I have said repeatedly that core issues can only be negotiated in direct talks between the parties.  (Applause.)  And I indicated on Thursday that the recent agreement between Fatah and Hamas poses an enormous obstacle to peace.  (Applause.)  No country can be expected to negotiate with a terrorist organization sworn to its destruction.  (Applause.)  And we will continue to demand that Hamas accept the basic responsibilities of peace, including recognizing Israel’s right to exist and rejecting violence and adhering to all existing agreements.  (Applause.)  And we once again call on Hamas to release Gilad Shalit, who has been kept from his family for five long years.  (Applause.)

And yet, no matter how hard it may be to start meaningful negotiations under current circumstances, we must acknowledge that a failure to try is not an option.  The status quo is unsustainable.  And that is why on Thursday I stated publicly the principles that the United States believes can provide a foundation for negotiations toward an agreement to end the conflict and all claims -- the broad outlines of which have been known for many years, and have been the template for discussions between the United States, Israel, and the Palestinians since at least the Clinton administration.

I know that stating these principles -- on the issues of territory and security -- generated some controversy over the past few days.  (Laughter.)  I wasn’t surprised.  I know very well that the easy thing to do, particularly for a President preparing for reelection, is to avoid any controversy.  I don’t need Rahm to tell me that.  Don’t need Axelrod to tell me that.  But I said to Prime Minister Netanyahu, I believe that the current situation in the Middle East does not allow for procrastination.  I also believe that real friends talk openly and honestly with one another.  (Applause.)  So I want to share with you some of what I said to the Prime Minister.

Here are the facts we all must confront.  First, the number of Palestinians living west of the Jordan River is growing rapidly and fundamentally reshaping the demographic realities of both Israel and the Palestinian Territories.  This will make it harder and harder -- without a peace deal -- to maintain Israel as both a Jewish state and a democratic state.

Second, technology will make it harder for Israel to defend itself in the absence of a genuine peace.

Third, a new generation of Arabs is reshaping the region.  A just and lasting peace can no longer be forged with one or two Arab leaders.  Going forward, millions of Arab citizens have to see that peace is possible for that peace to be sustained.

And just as the context has changed in the Middle East, so too has it been changing in the international community over the last several years.  There’s a reason why the Palestinians are pursuing their interests at the United Nations.  They recognize that there is an impatience with the peace process, or the absence of one, not just in the Arab World -- in Latin America, in Asia, and in Europe.  And that impatience is growing, and it’s already manifesting itself in capitals around the world.

And those are the facts.  I firmly believe, and I repeated on Thursday, that peace cannot be imposed on the parties to the conflict.  No vote at the United Nations will ever create an independent Palestinian state.  And the United States will stand up against efforts to single Israel out at the United Nations or in any international forum.  (Applause.)  Israel’s legitimacy is not a matter for debate.  That is my commitment; that is my pledge to all of you.  (Applause.) 

Moreover, we know that peace demands a partner –- which is why I said that Israel cannot be expected to negotiate with Palestinians who do not recognize its right to exist.  (Applause.)  And we will hold the Palestinians accountable for their actions and for their rhetoric.  (Applause.)

But the march to isolate Israel internationally -- and the impulse of the Palestinians to abandon negotiations –- will continue to gain momentum in the absence of a credible peace process and alternative.  And for us to have leverage with the Palestinians, to have leverage with the Arab States and with the international community, the basis for negotiations has to hold out the prospect of success.  And so, in advance of a five-day trip to Europe in which the Middle East will be a topic of acute interest, I chose to speak about what peace will require. 

There was nothing particularly original in my proposal; this basic framework for negotiations has long been the basis for discussions among the parties, including previous U.S. administrations.  Since questions have been raised, let me repeat what I actually said on Thursday -- not what I was reported to have said. 

I said that the United States believes that negotiations should result in two states, with permanent Palestinian borders with Israel, Jordan, and Egypt, and permanent Israeli borders with Palestine.  The borders of Israel and Palestine should be based on the 1967 lines with mutually agreed swaps -- (applause) -- so that secure and recognized borders are established for both states. The Palestinian people must have the right to govern themselves, and reach their potential, in a sovereign and contiguous state. 
 
As for security, every state has the right to self-defense, and Israel must be able to defend itself –- by itself -– against any threat.  (Applause.)  Provisions must also be robust enough to prevent a resurgence of terrorism, to stop the infiltration of weapons, and to provide effective border security.  (Applause.)  And a full and phased withdrawal of Israeli military forces should be coordinated with the assumption of Palestinian security responsibility in a sovereign and non-militarized state.  (Applause.)  And the duration of this transition period must be agreed, and the effectiveness of security arrangements must be demonstrated.  (Applause.)

Now, that is what I said.  And it was my reference to the 1967 lines -- with mutually agreed swaps -- that received the lion’s share of the attention, including just now.  And since my position has been misrepresented several times, let me reaffirm what “1967 lines with mutually agreed swaps” means.

By definition, it means that the parties themselves -– Israelis and Palestinians -– will negotiate a border that is different than the one that existed on June 4, 1967.  (Applause.)  That’s what mutually agreed-upon swaps means.  It is a well-known formula to all who have worked on this issue for a generation.  It allows the parties themselves to account for the changes that have taken place over the last 44 years.  (Applause.)  It allows the parties themselves to take account of those changes, including the new demographic realities on the ground, and the needs of both sides.  The ultimate goal is two states for two people:  Israel as a Jewish state and the homeland for the Jewish people -- (applause) -- and the State of Palestine as the homeland for the Palestinian people -- each state in joined self-determination, mutual recognition, and peace.  (Applause.)

If there is a controversy, then, it’s not based in substance.  What I did on Thursday was to say publicly what has long been acknowledged privately.  I’ve done so because we can’t afford to wait another decade, or another two decades, or another three decades to achieve peace.  (Applause.)  The world is moving too fast.  The world is moving too fast.  The extraordinary challenges facing Israel will only grow.  Delay will undermine Israel’s security and the peace that the Israeli people deserve.

Now, I know that some of you will disagree with this assessment.  I respect that.  And as fellow Americans and friends of Israel, I know we can have this discussion.

Ultimately, it is the right and the responsibility of the Israeli government to make the hard choices that are necessary to protect a Jewish and democratic state for which so many generations have sacrificed.  (Applause.)  And as a friend of Israel, I’m committed to doing our part to see that this goal is realized.  And I will call not just on Israel, but on the Palestinians, on the Arab States, and the international community to join us in this effort, because the burden of making hard choices must not be Israel’s alone.  (Applause.)

But even as we do all that’s necessary to ensure Israel’s security, even as we are clear-eyed about the difficult challenges before us, and even as we pledge to stand by Israel through whatever tough days lie ahead, I hope we do not give up on that vision of peace.  For if history teaches us anything, if the story of Israel teaches us anything, it is that with courage and resolve, progress is possible.  Peace is possible.

The Talmud teaches us that, “So long as a person still has life, they should never abandon faith.”  And that lesson seems especially fitting today.

For so long as there are those across the Middle East and beyond who are standing up for the legitimate rights and freedoms which have been denied by their governments, the United States will never abandon our support for those rights that are universal. 
    
And so long as there are those who long for a better future, we will never abandon our pursuit of a just and lasting peace that ends this conflict with two states living side by side in peace and security.  This is not idealism; it is not naïveté.  It is a hard-headed recognition that a genuine peace is the only path that will ultimately provide for a peaceful Palestine as the homeland of the Palestinian people and a Jewish state of Israel as the homeland of the Jewish people.  (Applause.)  That is my goal, and I look forward to continuing to work with AIPAC to achieve that goal.

Thank you.  God bless you.  God bless Israel, and God bless the United States of America.  (Applause.)  Thank you.   

END
11:21 P.M. EDT

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
May 20, 2011

Remarks by the President, CIA Director Leon Panetta, and DNI Director James Clapper to the Intelligence Community at CIA Headquarters

CIA Headquarters, Langley, Virginia

2:55 P.M. EDT

     DIRECTOR CLAPPER:  Mr. President, Director Panetta, and members of the intelligence community, both those who are here and those connected electronically:  Recently, I received an email from a former student of mine at Georgetown who lost his wife at the World Trade Center.  He wanted to thank those responsible for the takedown of Osama bin Laden.  It represented closure for him. 

     And in a sense, this dramatic event represents a measure of closure as well for the intelligence community.  It was an historic milestone in a relentless campaign which continues on. 

     Those heartfelt thanks of my student deservedly go to many.  To the men and women in the intelligence community who contributed directly -- notably, from CIA, NSA, NGA, NRO, and NCTC -- and many others from intelligence organizations who contributed indirectly, taken together a magnificent example of teamwork and intelligence integration.

     But most assuredly, thanks must go to the President, our Commander-in-Chief -- (applause) -- for making perhaps the most courageous decision I’ve witnessed in almost 48 years in intelligence.  He made this decision based on very compelling, but largely circumstantial intelligence. 

     And, sir, we are all grateful to you for your faith and trust in us.  We’re honored by your visit and by your speaking to the intelligence community.  And I think it most appropriate that you do so here at the heart of American intelligence, in the presence of the stars on the wall.  We remember as well, across the community, those who sacrificed their lives on and since 9/11. 
     It’s now my great honor and privilege and pleasure to introduce Leon Panetta, who himself played a crucial role in this operation.  (Applause.)

     Leon, you’ve been a superb Director of CIA, a great partner and a wonderful friend.  My thanks to you and the men and women of this magnificent agency.

     Leon.  (Applause.) 

     DIRECTOR PANETTA:  Thank you.  Thank you, Jim.  For all of us here at the CIA, it is a privilege and a pleasure to have our intelligence community family here with us, to have all of our military partners with us, and I also want to thank the White House staff, particularly those involved in the national security element, to be with us today.  We welcome all of you.

     And I think it’s fair to say that we’ve never had a closer, more effective working relationship, both within our community and across the national security sector of our government.  We thank all of you -- all of you -- for the team effort that was involved in the operation to go after bin Laden.  It would not have happened without your full cooperation.   

     Jim Clapper deserves a lot of credit for his leadership in bringing the intelligence community together.  And I want to thank you, Jim, for everything you’ve done.  (Applause.) 

     Mr. President, on behalf of everyone here at the CIA, we are truly honored and very proud to have you here.  I can’t tell you how much it means to all of us to have you here, to mark one of the greatest intelligence operations in our history.  And it’s one that had so many of our officers working day and night for so many years.

     Throughout that time, some of our officers made the ultimate sacrifice.  Last year we lost seven men and women to a terrorist suicide bomber at Khost Base in Afghanistan.  Their stars are now on this wall behind me -- along with those who gave their lives in this fight.  Their devotion, their skill, and the inspiration that we take from their sacrifice helped make this day possible.

     Tracking down the most infamous terrorist of our time required the very best tradecraft and the very best technology.  But it also demanded the very best of our people -- the highest level of creativity, dedication, teamwork, analysis, and just sheer, dogged determination to never give up when the trail went cold.  Those are basic American qualities and they are reflected in our country’s intelligence officers and in our war fighters -- the team that really carried out this mission.

     But it also required one other essential American quality -- the courage to take risks, the kind of risks that you have to take on if you want to succeed.  And Mr. President, joining with Jim, all of us in the intelligence community deeply thank you for the gutsy decision you made to follow the intelligence, to conduct this operation, and to bring bin Laden to justice.  (Applause.) 

     We are grateful to have a Commander-in-Chief who was willing to put great trust in our work.  And in return, as we approach the tenth anniversary of 9/11, we commit to you that we will continue to do everything in our power to fulfill your mission of defeating al Qaeda and their militant allies.  We will do whatever it takes to protect this country and to keep it safe.

     This has been a long and tough fight, and it’s not over.  But as we have just proven, it’s a fight that we’re going to win -- for you, Mr. President, and for the American people.

     Ladies and gentlemen, it is my great honor to introduce the President of the United States.  (Applause.) 

     THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  (Applause.)  Thank you very much.  Thank you all.  (Applause.)  Thank you so much.  Thank you very much, everybody.  Well, thank you, Leon, and thank you, Jim.

     When I chose Leon Panetta as Director of the CIA, I said he was going to be a strong advocate for this agency and would strengthen your capabilities to meet the threats of our time.  And when I chose Jim Clapper as Director of National Intelligence, I charged him with making sure that our intelligence community works as one integrated team.  That’s exactly what these two leaders have done, along with all of you.

     So, Jim and Leon, thank you for your remarkable leadership, not just in recent weeks, but during the entirety of your tenure. You have done a great job.  (Applause.) 

     This is my third visit here to Langley as President, and each of these visits has marked another milestone in our mission to protect the American people and keep our country safe.

     On my first visit, just months after taking office, I stood here and I said that this agency and our entire intelligence community is fundamental to America’s national security.  I said that I believed that your best days were still to come and I pledged that you would have my full support to carry out your critical work. 

     Soon after that visit, I called Leon into the Oval Office and I directed him to make the killing or capture of Osama bin Laden the top priority in our war to defeat al Qaeda.  And he came back here, and you guys, who had already been working so hard on this issue, redoubled your efforts.  And that was true all across the intelligence community. 

     My second visit, a year later, came under more somber circumstances.  We gathered to pay tribute to seven American patriots who gave their lives in this fight at a remote post in Afghanistan.  As has already been mentioned, their stars now grace this memorial wall.  And through our grief and our tears, we resolved that their sacrifice would be our summons to carry on their work, to complete this mission, to win this war.

     Today I’ve returned just to say thank you, on behalf of all Americans and people around the world, because you carried on.  You stayed focused on your mission.  You honored the memory of your fallen colleagues.  And in helping to locate and take down Osama bin Laden, you made it possible for us to achieve the most significant victory yet in our war to defeat al Qaeda. 

     I just met with some of the outstanding leaders and teams from across the community who worked so long and so hard to make that raid a success.  And I’m pleased today that we’re joined by representatives from all of our intelligence agencies, and that folks are watching this live back at all of those agencies, because this truly was a team effort.  That’s not always the case in Washington.  (Laughter.)  But all of you work together every single day.

     This is one of the few times when all these leaders and organizations have the occasion to appear together publicly.  And so I thank all of you for coming -- because I think it’s so important for the American people to see all of you here today.

     Part of the challenge of intelligence work is, by necessity, your work has to remain secret.  I know that carries a heavy burden.  You’re often the first ones to get the blame when things go wrong, and you’re always the last ones to get the credit when things go right.  So when things do go right -- and they do more often than the world will ever know -- we ought to celebrate your success. 

     That’s why I came here.  I wanted every single one of you to know, whether you work at the CIA or across the community, at every step of our effort to take out bin Laden, the work you did and the quality of the intelligence that you provided made the critical difference -- to me, to our team on those helicopters, to our nation.   

     After I directed that getting bin Laden be the priority, you hunkered down even more, building on years of painstaking work; pulling together, in some cases, the slenderest of intelligence streams, running those threads to ground until you found that courier and you tracked him to that compound.  And when I was briefed last summer, you had built the strongest intelligence case against -- in terms of where bin Laden was since Tora Bora.

     In the months that followed, including all those meetings in the Situation Room, we did what sound intelligence demands:  We pushed for more collection.  We pushed for more evidence.  We questioned our assumptions.  You strengthened your analysis.  You didn’t bite your tongue and try to spin the ball, but you gave it to me straight each and every time.

     And we did something really remarkable in Washington -- we kept it a secret.  (Laughter and applause.)  That’s how it should be. 

     Of course, when the time came to actually make the decision, we didn’t know for sure that bin Laden was there.  The evidence was circumstantial and the risks, especially to the lives of our special operations forces, were huge.  And I knew that the consequences of failure could be enormous.  But I made the decision that I did because I had absolute confidence in the skill of our military personnel and I had confidence in you.  I put my bet on you.  And now the whole world knows that that faith in you was justified. 

     So just as impressive as what you did was how you did it.  It was a tribute to your perseverance, your relentless focus and determination over many years.  For the fight against al Qaeda did not begin on 9/11.  Among you are veterans who’ve been pursuing these murderers for many years, even before they attacked our embassies in Africa and struck the Cole in Yemen.  Among you are young men and women for whom 9/11 was a call to service.  This fight has defined your generation.  And on this wall are stars honoring all your colleagues and friends, more than a dozen who have given their lives in the fight against al Qaeda and its violent allies.

     As the years wore on, others began to think that this terrorist might never be brought to justice.  But you never quit.  You never gave up.  You pulled together across this agency and across the community.

     No one piece of information and no one agency made this possible.  You did it together -- CIA, National Security Agency, National Reconnaissance Office, the National Geospatial Intelligence Agency, everyone at ODNI and the National Counterterrorism Center.  Folks across the country, civilian and military, so many of you here today. 

     And that’s exactly how our intelligence community is supposed to work, using every capability -- human, technical -- collecting, analyzing, sharing, integrating intelligence, and then acting on it. 

     That’s what made this one of the greatest intelligence successes in American history, and that’s why intelligence professionals are going to study and be inspired by your achievement for generations to come.

     Now, make no mistake -- this is not over.  Because we not only took out the symbol and operational leader of al Qaeda, we walked off with his files -- (laughter) -- the largest treasure trove of intelligence ever seized from a terrorist leader.  Many of you now are working around the clock; you didn’t have much time to celebrate.  We’ve got to analyze and evaluate and exploit this mountain of intelligence.

     So today, every terrorist in the al Qaeda network should be watching their back, because we’re going to review every video, we are going to examine every photo, we’re going to read every one of those millions of pages, we’re going to pursue every lead.  We are going to go wherever it takes us.  We’re going to finish the job.  We are going to defeat al Qaeda. 

     Even as we stay focused on this mission, we need you to stay nimble and flexible to meet the full range of threats to our security, from plots against our homeland to nations seeking weapons of mass destruction to transnational threats such as cyber criminals and narcotraffickers.

     So I’m going to keep relying on you -- for your intelligence, the analysis that comes across my desk every single day.  And 300-plus Americans are counting on you to stay a step ahead of our adversaries and to keep our country safe.

     I have never been more proud or more confident in you than I am today -- not just because this extraordinary success, but because it reminds us of who we are as a people and as a nation.  You reminded us that when we Americans set our mind to something, when we are focused and when we are working together, when we’re not worried about who’s getting the credit and when we stay true to our values, even if it takes years, there is nothing we cannot do. 

     That’s why I still believe in what I said my first visit here two years ago:  Your greatest days are still to come.  And if any of you doubt what this means, I wish I could have taken some of you on the trip I made to New York City, where we laid a wreath at Ground Zero, and I had a chance to meet firefighters who had lost an entire shift; police officers who had lost their comrades; a young woman, 14 years old, who had written to me because her last memory of her father was talking to him on the phone while her mother wept beside her, right before they watched the tower go down. 

     And she and other members of families of 9/11 victims talked about what this meant.  It meant that their suffering had not been forgotten, and that the American community stands with them, that we stand with each other. 

     So most of you will never get headlines for the work that you do.  You won’t get ticker-tape parades.  But as you go about your work with incredible diligence and dedication every single day, I hope all of you understand how important it is, how grateful I am, and that you have the thanks of a grateful nation.

     God bless you.  And God bless the United States of America.  Thank you.  (Applause.)

END 3:14 P.M. EDT

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
May 20, 2011

Remarks by President Obama and Prime Minister Netanyahu of Israel After Bilateral Meeting

Oval Office

1:35 P.M. EDT

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, let me, first of all, welcome again Prime Minister Netanyahu, who I think has now been here seven times during the course of my presidency.  And I want to indicate that the frequency of these meetings is an indication of the extraordinary bonds between our two countries, as is the opportunity for the Prime Minister to address Congress during his visit here.  I know that’s an honor that’s reserved for those who have always shown themselves to be a great friend of the United States and is indicative of the friendship between our countries.

     We just completed a prolonged and extremely useful conversation touching on a wide range of issues.  We discussed, first of all, the changes that are sweeping the region and what has been happening in places like Egypt and Syria and how they affect the interests and security of the United States and Israel, as well as the opportunity for prosperity, growth and development in the Arab world.

     We agreed that there is a moment of opportunity that can be seized as a consequence of the Arab Spring, but also acknowledge that there’s significant perils as well, and that it’s going to be important for the United States and Israel to consult closely as we see developments unfold. 

     I outlined for the Prime Minister some of the issues that I discussed in my speech yesterday -- how important it was going to be for the United States to support political reform, support human rights, support freedom of speech, religious tolerance and economic development, particularly in Egypt, as the largest Arab country, as well as Tunisia, the country that first started this revolutionary movement that’s taking place throughout the Middle East and North Africa.

     We also discussed the situation in Syria, which is obviously of acute concern to Israel, given its shared border.  And I gave more details to the Prime Minister about the significant steps that we are taking to try to pressure Syria and the Assad regime to reform, including the sanctions that we placed directly on President Assad.

     We continue to share our deep concerns about Iran, not only the threat that it poses to Israel but also the threat that it poses to the region and the world if it were to develop a nuclear weapon.  We updated our strategy to continue to apply pressure, both through sanctions and our other diplomatic work.  And I reiterated my belief that it is unacceptable for Iran to possess a nuclear weapon.

     We also discussed the hypocrisy of Iran suggesting that it somehow supports democratization in the Middle East when, in fact, they first showed the repressive nature of that regime when they responded to the own peaceful protests that took place inside Iran almost two years ago.

     Finally, we discussed the issue of a prospective peace between Israelis and Palestinians.  And I reiterated and we discussed in depth the principles that I laid out yesterday -- the belief that our ultimate goal has to be a secure Israeli state, a Jewish state, living side by side in peace and security with a contiguous, functioning and effective Palestinian state. 

     Obviously there are some differences between us in the precise formulations and language, and that’s going to happen between friends.  But what we are in complete accord about is that a true peace can only occur if the ultimate resolution allows Israel to defend itself against threats, and that Israel’s security will remain paramount in U.S. evaluations of any prospective peace deal.

     I said that yesterday in the speech, and I continue to believe it.  And I think that it is possible for us to shape a deal that allows Israel to secure itself, not to be vulnerable, but also allows it to resolve what has obviously been a wrenching issue for both peoples for decades now.

     I also pointed out, as I said in the speech yesterday, that it is very difficult for Israel to be expected to negotiate in a serious way with a party that refuses to acknowledge its right to exist.  And so for that reason I think the Palestinians are going to have to answer some very difficult questions about this agreement that’s been made between Fatah and Hamas.  Hamas has been and is an organization that has resorted to terror; that has refused to acknowledge Israel’s rights to exist.  It is not a partner for a significant, realistic peace process.  And so, as I said yesterday during the speech, the Palestinians are going to have to explain how they can credibly engage in serious peace negotiations in the absence of observing the Quartet principles that have been put forward previously.

     So, overall, I thought this was an extremely constructive discussion.  And coming out of this discussion, I once again can reaffirm that the extraordinarily close relationship between the United States and Israel is sound and will continue, and that together, hopefully we are going to be able to work to usher in a new period of peace and prosperity in a region that is going to be going through some very profound transformations in the coming weeks, months and years.

     So, Mr. Prime Minister. 

     PRIME MINISTER NETANYAHU:  Thank you, Mr. President.

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you very much.

     PRIME MINISTER NETANYAHU:  Mr. President, first I want to thank you and the First Lady for the gracious hospitality that you’ve shown me, my wife, and our entire delegation.  We have an enduring bond of friendship between our two countries, and I appreciate the opportunity to have this meeting with you after your important speech yesterday.

     We share your hope and your vision for the spread of democracy in the Middle East.  I appreciate the fact that you reaffirmed once again now, and in our conversation, and in actual deed the commitment to Israel’s security.  We value your efforts to advance the peace process. 

     This is something that we want to have accomplished.  Israel wants peace.  I want peace.  What we all want is a peace that will be genuine, that will hold, that will endure.  And I think that the -- we both agree that a peace based on illusions will crash eventually on the rocks of Middle Eastern reality, and that the only peace that will endure is one that is based on reality, on unshakeable facts.

     I think for there to be peace, the Palestinians will have to accept some basic realities.  The first is that while Israel is prepared to make generous compromises for peace, it cannot go back to the 1967 lines -- because these lines are indefensible; because they don’t take into account certain changes that have taken place on the ground, demographic changes that have taken place over the last 44 years.

     Remember that, before 1967, Israel was all of nine miles wide.  It was half the width of the Washington Beltway.  And these were not the boundaries of peace; they were the boundaries of repeated wars, because the attack on Israel was so attractive.

     So we can't go back to those indefensible lines, and we're going to have to have a long-term military presence along the Jordan.  I discussed this with the President and I think that we understand that Israel has certain security requirements that will have to come into place in any deal that we make.

     The second is -- echoes something the President just said, and that is that Israel cannot negotiate with a Palestinian government that is backed by Hamas.  Hamas, as the President said, is a terrorist organization committed to Israel’s destruction.  It’s fired thousands of rockets on our cities, on our children.  It’s recently fired an anti-tank rocket at a yellow school bus, killing a 16-year-old boy.  And Hamas has just attacked you, Mr. President, and the United States for ridding the world of bin Laden.

     So Israel obviously cannot be asked to negotiate with a government that is backed by the Palestinian version of al Qaeda.

     I think President Abbas has a simple choice.  He has to decide if he negotiates or keeps his pact with Hamas, or makes peace with Israel.  And I can only express what I said to you just now, that I hope he makes the choice, the right choice, in choosing peace with Israel.

     The third reality is that the Palestinian refugee problem will have to be resolved in the context of a Palestinian state, but certainly not in the borders of Israel. 

     The Arab attack in 1948 on Israel resulted in two refugee problems -- Palestinian refugee problem and Jewish refugees, roughly the same number, who were expelled from Arab lands.  Now, tiny Israel absorbed the Jewish refugees, but the vast Arab world refused to absorb the Palestinian refugees.  Now, 63 years later, the Palestinians come to us and they say to Israel, accept the grandchildren, really, and the great grandchildren of these refugees, thereby wiping out Israel’s future as a Jewish state.

     So it’s not going to happen.  Everybody knows it’s not going to happen.  And I think it’s time to tell the Palestinians forthrightly it’s not going to happen.  The Palestinian refugee problem has to be resolved.  It can be resolved, and it will be resolved if the Palestinians choose to do so in a Palestinian state.  So that's a real possibility.  But it’s not going to be resolved within the Jewish state.

     The President and I discussed all these issues and I think we may have differences here and there, but I think there’s an overall direction that we wish to work together to pursue a real, genuine peace between Israel and its Palestinian neighbors; a peace that is defensible.

     Mr. President, you're the -- you're the leader of a great people, the American people.  And I'm the leader of a much smaller people, the --

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  A great people.

     PRIME MINISTER NETANYAHU:  It’s a great people, too.  It’s the ancient nation of Israel.  And, you know, we've been around for almost 4,000 years.  We've experienced struggle and suffering like no other people.  We've gone through expulsions and pogroms and massacres and the murder of millions.  But I can say that even at the dearth of -- even at the nadir of the valley of death, we never lost hope and we never lost our dream of reestablishing a sovereign state in our ancient homeland, the land of Israel.

     And now it falls on my shoulders as the Prime Minister of Israel, at a time of extraordinary instability and uncertainty in the Middle East, to work with you to fashion a peace that will ensure Israel’s security and will not jeopardize its survival.  I take this responsibility with pride but with great humility, because, as I told you in our conversation, we don't have a lot of margin for error.  And because, Mr. President, history will not give the Jewish people another chance.  

     So in the coming days and weeks and months, I intend to work with you to seek a peace that will address our security concerns, seek a genuine recognition that we wish from our Palestinian neighbors to give a better future for Israel and for the entire region. 

     And I thank you for the opportunity to exchange our views and to work together for this common end.  Thank you, Mr. President. 

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you.

END 1:51 P.M. EDT