THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the First Lady
________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                     June 16, 2009

REMARKS BY THE FIRST LADY
AT A GREATER DC CARES EVENT

Renaissance Hotel
Washington, D.C.
 

1:12 P.M. EDT
MRS. OBAMA:  Thank you.  Thank you so much.  Well, that's very -- please -- said that is just a very nice welcome.  It's an example of how the Obama family has felt welcomed to this community since January -- what was that date we got inaugurated?  (Laughter.) 
But good afternoon, and I am delighted and honored to be here to celebrate with you.  I want to thank Mayde for that kind introduction.  We did get to spend a lovely lunch together, and she tasted some of the fruits of the garden.  They were good.  (Laughter.)  I also want to thank, as I kindly referred to them as the two Matts -- Matt Schuyler, who's the current chair, and the incoming chair, Matt Mitchell, for their hard work.  I got a chance to meet them backstage.  
So I'm just delighted to be able to join you all today, and I'm here simply to say thank you for the work that you've done and to help celebrate all of your accomplishments, the work that you've done to help make D.C. a truly wonderful community.  It has been so nice to call this city our second home.
As you know, the President has said that America is facing some of the greatest challenges it's faced in generations, and as a result, Washington can only do so much.  I think probably each and every one of you in this room realizes that.  There's only so much that government can do. 
As has been the case throughout our history, communities are built and rebuilt by regular people:  folks working in businesses, philanthropists, foundations, and volunteers, all of them coming together to find solutions to these types of challenges.  And during this time we are going to need everyone, and that -- everyone to rededicate themselves to this type of community-building, and we're going to need people to basically take hold of this kind of ethic of service and make a personal commitment to helping get this country back on the right direction.
And I believe that we're in a unique moment in history.  Maybe you're seeing the same thing.  I'm feeling it as I'm traveling not just around D.C. but around the country.  But people really want to get involved.  They really want to.  They're looking for a way to turn their frustration, excitement, anxiety into action.  And the recent passage of the Serve America Act -- the federal government is tripling its contribution to volunteerism, and people are responding to that investment.  Applications, as we're seeing for service opportunities, are up by record numbers, and that's a very good thing.
And with the knowledge that, as Barack said throughout his campaign and throughout his presidency, that ordinary people can do some extraordinary things if they're given the proper tools and support, my husband is asking us to come together to help lay a new foundation for growth.
And that's really where all of you come in, where you've been coming in for years and years and years through your work.  In order to make service a part of every citizen's life, we need to ensure that we have the capacity to welcome those volunteers in.  And that's easier said than done.  We want to be able to put folks' goodwill into good use.  We need to make sure that every hour of time that they commit is spent doing something that's actually going to make a difference, that every dollar contributed is actually going to go to moving some real solutions forward.
And I realize that that's easier said than done.  Having built an organization myself from the ground up -- as you heard from my background, I've kind of floated through my career, building stuff and then moving on and building something else -- I know what non-profits, foundations and social entrepreneurs face.  I understand it.  I know how hard it is to get the money to pay for fundraising, and accountants, and volunteer coordinators, to get all the technology that you really need to make the work happen; that this just doesn't happen out of goodwill, that it takes real resources to move things forward.
And I know what it's like to worry about making payroll, which I know many of you are going through in these tough times.  I know that you're laying off consultants and staff members because you're seeing dollars dwindle.  I know what it's like to write need statements and come up with measurable outcomes and -- (laughter) -- yes, we all know that -- segregating funds, completing AmeriCorps progress reports.  I've done all that.  And it's necessary, but at times it can drive you nuts.  (Laughter.)  So I know that service doesn't just happen.  And I know how hard you work behind the scenes to make it happen, and a lot of times people take it for granted because if the work is getting done, then nobody really cares how.  And when it stops happening, they wonder why, but often don't have the resources to step in. 
So I want to congratulate you all on doing what it takes to make these programs work, and just knowing what it takes to keep the operations going that you don't even get a chance sometimes to celebrate what you've done to realize to step back and look at the impact that you're having.  So I honor all of you for the effort, and hope that you can, if not today but tomorrow and in the coming weeks, pat yourselves on the back for the work that you've been doing, because we're going to need you to do even more.
 When I look over this room, I think about my days when I worked at Public Allies.  I headed that program in Chicago before I moved into the university, and that organization allowed me to work with more than 30 Chicago organizations every single year, placing AmeriCorps members with them so that they could expand their services.  We placed young people with organizations working on education and youth development groups, environmental groups, neighborhood, economic development groups, all types of groups all throughout the city of Chicago.  And I saw first-hand through that work the variety of neighborhood and community needs that exist out there, and how hard it is for these groups to meet that need with the resources that they have.  So they were excited to get these young people.  However naïve and untrained they were, they ate these Allies up.
And we recruited some of the best kids across the city of Chicago.  For every young person that we recruited at a great institution like Northwestern, DePaul or the University of Chicago -- we even recruited kids from Harvard Law School -- we also recruited someone from Cabrini Green or from Little Village or North Lawndale.  And through my work with Public Allies I realized that the next generation of leaders was just as likely to come from poor and working-class neighborhoods as they were to come from some of the top colleges around the country. 
My time at Public Allies also gave me the opportunity to work with John McKnight and Jody Kretzmann, who developed the Asset-Based Community Development approach to neighborhood development, and that really influenced how we worked with communities.  Some of you may be familiar with this approach, but the approach acknowledges that all of us, every single one of us breathing in this community, in this planet, those of us serving and those of us who are being served, that we're all both half-full and half-empty.
We all have skills and talents that make us good friends, family members, workers, and leaders, and we also have needs and shortcomings that come along with those strengths.  We can't do well serving these communities, I learned with Public Allies, if we believe that we, the givers, are the only ones that are half-full, and that everybody we're serving is half-empty.  That has been the theme of my work in community for my entire life -- that there are assets and gifts out there in communities, and that our job as good servants and as good leaders is not only just being humble, but it's having the ability to recognize those gifts in others, and help them put those gifts into action.  Communities are filled with assets that we need to better recognize and mobilize if we're really going to make a difference, and Public Allies helped me see that.
At Public Allies, we endeavored to do this also by bringing these young people together from diverse backgrounds.  We worked with African Americans, Asian Americans, Latinos, Native Americans, white, gay, straight, you name it, college graduates, ex-felons, we brought them all together every week to work in a group. 
And truly, that's where the magic happened, when you saw those kids from all those different backgrounds really tussling it out and trying to figure out their philosophies in the world in relationship to their beliefs and stereotypes. 
The law school graduates realized they had a lot to learn about how communities really work and how to engage people.  There's nothing funnier than to watch a kid who believes they know it all -- (laughter) -- actually come across some real tough problems in communities that test every fiber of what they believe.
And then you see the young person with a GED realize that they could go to college because they're working with kids who are just as smart or not smart as them who are going, and they gain a sense of the possibilities that they have.  They know that their ideas are just as good, sometimes even better.  That's when those lights go off.  That's what we think about when we think of Asset-Based Community Development -- that a kid from Harvard and a kid with a GED are both full of promise. 
Everyone learned to build authentic relationships with one another where they could recognize each other's strengths and provide honest feedback on their challenges.  They gained a blend of confidence and humility that prepared them to be able to lead from the streets to the executive suites.
You could take any one of those Allies -- and it's not just Allies, there are kids like this all over the country, and you could plop them down in any community, and they would know how to build relationships.  You know, that's not just important in non-profit, that's important in life.  These are the kind of gifts that we can give people through service. 
And as we move forward to implement the Serve America Act, my hope is that the Office of Social Innovation that's going to do some of this funding will help us identify the wonderful concepts out there like Asset-Based Community Development.  There are other wonderful approaches out there that are working in communities all over this country.  This office hopefully will identify more of them and help them grow and develop the best solutions, and replicate those ideas throughout the country.
I also hope that these efforts will help us encourage philanthropy that is more responsive to the needs of the organizations.  I was fortunate at Public Allies Chicago to have some pretty significant major investors -- multi-year grants, as we called them back then.  I guess they still exist. (Laughter).  But when you have that kind of long-term investment from foundations and corporations, that allowed me to do things like hire a development staff, or an office manager, to pay for technology that would help support this work.  And you know, again, this work doesn't happen by itself.  You need staff and resources to do it. 
That core of organizational support made it possible for me to meet those measurable outcomes, and I hope that more philanthropists in this time will step up and have a longer-term investment approach to organizations like yours, because effective outcomes come from effective organizations, and if we are able to shed some light on the work that you're doing and the need for financial support, we can get the foundation community thinking even more critically about building the sustainable kind of support over time.  
We need foundations and philanthropists to provide the integral support for our community organizations.  But we also need those community organizations to provide support for all these volunteers we're recruiting now.  We need to harness this amazing amount of goodwill that we're generating through this administration in a way that ensures that we serve all Americans to the best of our ability.
So once again, we're going to need you.  As tired as you may be, we're going to need you.  So that's why I'm here -- (laughter) -- to say thank you, because we're going to be tapping you more and more.  (Applause.)  Now is the time that we have to connect with one another and share good ideas and hold each other up and give each other that private counsel when the dollars are running short and hope is a little harder to find. 
    
But that's why times like this, opportunities to gather and celebrate, are important to just get us back on track.  Right now we are going to be channeling hopefully thousands of volunteers in your direction.  America is looking to engage.  But as you know with volunteers, if they're not connected to something meaningful, if their experience isn't organized and makes sense, then we lose them forever. 
So we hope to be able to provide some of the resources that you need, but we also need you to prepare for the challenge.  And if we do that and continue to harness this energy, we can not only change the way this nation feels about service, but we can change the way the world sees us.  So many people will need a place to funnel their talents and their energies.  Volunteerism is one of those win-win situations that makes absolute sense in this point in our nation's history. 
So celebrate today.  Eat up.  Drink that tea.  (Laughter.)  And we look forward to working with you in the years to come.  Thank you so much.  (Applause.) 
                        END                1:29 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                         June 16, 2009
 
REMARKS BY PRESIDENT OBAMA
AND PRESIDENT LEE MYUNG-BAK OF THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA
IN JOINT PRESS AVAILABILITY
Rose Garden
11:40 A.M. EDT
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Good morning, everybody. President Lee, on behalf of the American people, it is my pleasure to welcome you to Washington -- "Hwang Yong Hamnida."
PRESIDENT LEE: Thank you.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: I'm looking forward to continuing our conversation over lunch, and I know that First Lady Michelle Obama is very much delighted to host your wife today, as well.
The Republic of Korea is one of America's closest allies. Our friendship has been forged through a history of shared sacrifice, and it is anchored in our shared democratic values. And, Mr. President, I'm pleased that the friendship between our countries has only grown stronger under your leadership.
We meet at a time of great challenges. On the Korean peninsula, North Korea has abandoned its own commitments and violated international law. Its nuclear and ballistic missile programs pose a grave threat to peace and security of Asia and to the world. In the face of these threats and provocations, the people of the Republic of Korea have shown a steadiness and a resolve that has earned the respect of the United States and of the world.
Today, President Lee and I reiterated our shared commitment to the complete denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. We have reaffirmed the endurance of our alliance, and America's commitment to the defense of the Republic of Korea. And we discussed the measures that we are taking with our partners in the region -- including Russia, China and Japan -- to make it clear to North Korea that it will not find security or respect through threats and illegal weapons.
That united international front has been on full display since North Korea's ballistic missile test in April, and was further galvanized by its recent nuclear test. On Friday, the United Nations Security Council unanimously adopted a resolution that called for strong steps to block North Korea's nuclear and ballistic missile programs. Now we must pursue a sustained and robust effort to implement this resolution together with our international partners. And in addition to the Korean peninsula, we are committed to a global effort to pursue the goal of a world without nuclear weapons -- an effort that I will be discussing later this summer in Moscow and at the G8.
So I want to be clear that there is another path available to North Korea -- a path that leads to peace and economic opportunity for the people of North Korea, including full integration into the community of nations. That destination can only be reached through peaceful negotiations that achieve the full and verifiable denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. That is the opportunity that exists for North Korea, and President Lee and I join with the international community in urging the North Koreans to take it.
President Lee and I also discussed our efforts to confront the global economic crisis. Earlier this year in London, we agreed upon bold and sustained action to jumpstart growth and to prevent a crisis like this from never happening again. Today, we reaffirmed this effort, as well as our commitment to resist protectionism and to continue our close collaboration in the run-up to the next meeting of the G20 in Pittsburgh.
In addition to taking immediate action to put our economies on the path to recovery, both President Lee and I want to build a foundation for new prosperity. In particular, we believe that the United States and the Republic of Korea can partner together on behalf of clean energy and sustainable growth, so that we're working together to build the jobs and the industries of the future.
Finally, I think it's important to note that we are releasing a joint statement laying out a shared vision for our alliance in the 21st century. Our friendship has often, understandably, focused on security issues, particularly in Northeast Asia. But we're also committed to a sustained strategic partnership with the Republic of Korea on the full range of global challenges that we're facing -- from economic development to our support for democracy and human rights; from nonproliferation to counterterrorism and peacekeeping.
The challenges of our young century can only be met through partnership, and the United States is honored to partner with the Korean people. We will be resolute in the defense of our security. We will collaborate on behalf of innovation and opportunity. And we will strengthen and deepen the friendship among our people. That's our commitment as friends and allies, and I look forward to working with President Lee on behalf of a more peaceful and prosperous future in Asia and around the world.
Thank you so much.
PRESIDENT LEE: Thank you.
(As translated.) Today, President Obama and I and -- the people of the United States have extended to us their warmest welcome, and I would like to thank them sincerely. President Obama and I met last time in April in London, during the sidelines of the G20, and today is our second meeting.
During my talks with President Obama, we had very substantive talks. We, of course, talked about the security situation surrounding the Korean peninsula, but also about the future of our Korea-U.S. alliance and our joint vision for this future. And of course we have agreed on the joint vision for the future, and I think this is a testament of our common commitment, because for the last 60 years since the Korean War, our relationship has been one of a strong security alliance and a partnership. Now, the future in this new era is about not only strengthening our mutual partnership but also working together side by side to tackle issues of global concern.
And on that regard, I am extremely pleased to note that today is a meaningful and very significant day for Korea-U.S. alliance of really upgrading to a new plateau of our relationship and partnership. I take this opportunity to sincerely thank the great people of America for their selfless sacrifice in defending my country and its people, and on behalf of the Korean people, thank you.
As reiterated by President Obama, we agreed that under no circumstance are we going to allow North Korea to possess nuclear weapons. We also agreed to robustly implement U.N. Security Council Resolution 1874, and of course all parties will faithfully take part in implementing this resolution.
Also, we agreed that based on the firm cooperation between the U.S. and Korea, the five countries taking part in the six-party talks will discuss new measures and policies that will effectively persuade North Korea to irrevocably dismantle all their nuclear weapons programs. President Obama reaffirmed this firm commitment to ensuring the security of South Korea through extended deterrence, which includes the nuclear umbrella, and this has given the South Korean people a greater sense of security.
President Obama and I also talked about the KORUS FTA and welcomed the initiation of working-level consultations to make progress on the issues surrounding the KORUS FTA and agreed to make joint efforts to chart our way forward on the agreement.
I also took time to invite President Obama to visit South Korea. And I also conveyed to him our warmest gratitude on behalf of the Korean people to the people of America. Once again, I'm very pleased to note that he and I engaged in very constructive discussions, and I'm very pleased with the results.
Once again, I thank President Obama and the people of the United States. Thank you.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Okay, we've got time for a couple of questions. Scott Wilson at the Post.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. North Korea has said it should be recognized as a nuclear power and has set that as a precondition for normal relations with the United States and with other nations. Given its belligerent response to the recent sanctions and the ambitious nature of its nuclear program, does your administration -- is it coming to the realization that recognizing North Korea as a country that's going to have nuclear weapons for a long time is one way to go? And if so, what influences does that have on your policy options?
And to President Lee, do you believe your country is currently under threat of attack from the North given its recent rhetoric? Thank you.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: We have continually insisted that North Korea denuclearize. The Republic of Korea agrees with this position. Other allies like Japan agree with this position. China and Russia agree with this position. The United Nations Security Council reflects this view. We will pursue denuclearization on the Korean Peninsula vigorously.
So we have not come to a conclusion that North Korea will or should be a nuclear power. Given their past behavior, given the belligerent manner in which they are constantly threatening their neighbors, I don't think there's any question that that would be a destabilizing situation that would be a profound threat to not only the United States' security but world security.
North Korea also has a track record of proliferation that makes it unacceptable for them to be accepted as a nuclear power. They have not shown in the past any restraint in terms of exporting weapons to not only state actors but also non-state actors.
So what we've said is, is that there is a path for North Korea to take in which they are joining the world community, becoming integrated into the world economy, able to feed their own people, able to provide prosperity for their people. I know that the Republic of Korea welcomes that kind of neighbor. And obviously there's a strong historic bond between the Korean peoples that should be affirmed. But in order to take that path, North Korea has to make a decision and understand that prestige and security and prosperity are not going to come through the path of threatening neighbors and engaging in violations of international law.
PRESIDENT LEE: Right now, North Korea, there was a question about whether we fear an imminent attack by North Korea. Sixty years ago, North Korea invaded South Korea and they began a war. After that, there were numerous amount of threats leveled against South Korea ever since. However, South Korea, we have always been very firm in our response and always prepared. And of course this is based firmly on the firm cooperation and partnership and alliance between Korea and the United States. And North Koreans, when they look at the firm partnership and alliance that we have between our two countries, they will think twice about taking any measures that they will regret.
And again, this firm alliance that we have between the United States and Korea is going to prevent anything from happening. And of course North Korea may have -- may wish to do so, but of course they will not be able to do so.
Q (As translated.) A question going out to President Lee. North Korea recently said that they will not return to the six-party talks. They have denounced the U.N. Security Council resolution and said they will not give up their nuclear weapons program. Can you, sir, talk about whether you talked about how you plan to proceed forward, and did you talk about this with President Obama?
And of course the continuing threat emanating from North Korea -- a South Korean worker has been and is still detained by the North Koreans. What are your thoughts about the maintenance of the Kaesong industrial complex, and did you talk about -- President Obama, or were there any concerns from the Americans about the Kaesong industrial complex?
PRESIDENT LEE: North Korea has been resisting and they've reacted aggressively to the new U.N. Security Council resolution, which is quite expected. And of course the North Koreans may react by firing another round of missiles or taking actions. We can also expect that from them, as well. However, North Koreans must understand that they will not be able to gain compensation by provoking a crisis. This has been a pattern in the past, but this will no longer be. The firm U.S.-Korea cooperation and alliance will not allow that. And the recent Security Council resolution is not simply about words; it is about taking follow-up action and vigorously implementing the U.N. Security Council resolution. And we'll make sure that we fully implement the U.N. Security Council resolution.
Like I said, the North Koreans must understand that their past behavior will not stand. And of course not only the U.S.-Korea close partnership, but Japan, China, and the rest of the international community will take part in this effort. And now the North Koreans will come to understand that this is different, that they will not be able to repeat the past or their past tactics and strategies. I urge the North Koreans to fully give up their nuclear weapons programs and ambitions, and to become a responsible member of the international community.
With regards to the Kaesong industrial complex, the North Korean authorities are demanding unacceptable demands, and we will not accept such demands being laid out by the North Koreans. Of course the South Korean government is very much for maintaining the Kaesong complex because the Kaesong industrial complex is a channel of dialogue between the two Koreas. And also, another fact that we must not overlook is the fact that there are 40,000 North Korean workers currently working in Kaesong industrial complex. If the Kaesong industrial complex were to close, these 40,000 North Korean workers will lose their jobs.
And therefore I ask that -- I urge the North Koreans not to make any unacceptable demands because we cannot really know what will happen if they continue on this path.
And also the North Koreans have been detaining a South Korean worker. They haven't been giving us any explanation, and also we know that there are two American journalists being currently held by the North Koreans. I urge the North Koreans to release not only the two American journalists but also the South Korean worker -- without any conditions, to release them as soon as possible. The international community is asking the North Koreans to take that path. And once again, I urge in the strongest terms that they release these two American journalists, as well as the Korean worker being held.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. Since it's such a pleasant day, I was hoping you'd consent to let me ask two questions. The first one, on reports that there's a new policy on intercepting North Korean ships at sea, if you could say anything about that. And are you concerned that that could provoke North Korea to new levels, higher levels of hostility?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, this is not simply a U.S. policy; this is a international policy. This was part of what the Security Council resolution calls for, is the interdiction of arms shipments. How that's going to be implemented, how we approach cooperation between various countries to enforce this, is something that the United States, South Korea, China, Russia, all relevant actors -- Japan -- all relevant actors will be discussing in the months to come.
But I want to emphasize something that President Lee said. There's been a pattern in the past where North Korea behaves in a belligerent fashion, and if it waits long enough is then rewarded with foodstuffs and fuel and concessionary loans and a whole range of benefits. And I think that's the pattern that they've come to expect.
The message we're sending -- and when I say "we," not simply the United States and the Republic of Korea, but I think the international community -- is we are going to break that pattern. We are more than willing to engage in negotiations to get North Korea on a path of peaceful coexistence with its neighbors, and we want to encourage their prosperity. But belligerent, provocative behavior that threatens neighbors will be met with significant, serious enforcement of sanctions that are in place.
And I think it may not have been fully acknowledged the degree to which we have seen much tougher sanctions voted out unanimously in fairly rapid order over the last several weeks. And I expect that that signals the degree to which we're serious about enforcement.
Q And secondly, Mr. President, tomorrow you're going to be rolling out your financial regulation plan. And I know you're not going to want to step all over what you're going to say tomorrow. However, we do know from your advisors that you plan to recommend the creation of a new agency, the Consumer Financial Protection Agency. So you'll have the CFPA, you've got the Fed, the SEC, the FDIC and on and on; it's like alphabet soup. Why did you decide not to consolidate agencies, but instead to add to the agencies? Isn't too many agencies part of the problem?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: You're right, I don't want to step on my announcement tomorrow. So let me just speak in broad principles, and then tomorrow you'll have a chance to ask questions of the administration about exactly what we've proposed.
The broad principle is that a lack of oversight, a series of regulatory gaps allowed financial institutions -- not just banks, but non-bank institutions -- to engage in wild risk-taking that didn't simply imperil those institutions but imperiled the United States economy and had a profound recessionary effect on the world economy. We have to make sure that we've got a updated regulatory system that hasn't been significantly changed since the 1930s to deal with enormous global capital flows and a range of new instruments and risk-taking that has been very dangerous for the American people.
We are going to put forward a very strong set of regulatory measures that we think can prevent this kind of crisis from happening again. We expect that Congress will work swiftly to get these laws in place. I want to sign them, and we want to get them up and running.
And I think when you see the overall approach that we're taking, you'll see that we have not, in fact, added a whole host of regulatory agencies. In fact, there's going to be streamlining, consolidation, and additional overlap so that you don't find people falling through the gaps, whether it's on the consumer protection side, the investor protection side, the systemic risk that we need to make sure is avoided on all those issues that's going to be a much more effectively integrated system than previously.
But it's going to be, as usual, a heavy lift, because there are going to be people who want to keep on taking these risks, counting on U.S. taxpayers to bail them out if their bets go bad. And you'll hear a lot of chatter about, we don't need more regulation; government needs to get off our backs. There's a short memory, unfortunately, and I think that's what some of the special interests and lobbyists are going to be counting on, that somehow we've forgotten the disaster that arose out of their reckless behavior. And I'm going to keep on reminding them so we make sure that we get something in place that prevents this kind of situation from happening again.
Q (As translated.) Question going out to President Obama. You spoke about how the two leaders, you agreed to move forward the KORUS FTA. However, in certain segments of -- here in the United States, there are calls that are resistant to the KORUS FTA because of automobile issues and others. And of course there are calls for proponents of the KORUS FTA. When do you expect to submit the KORUS FTA? Are you willing to submit it sometime this year?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: One of the things that President Lee and I discussed in London, not just bilaterally but with other world leaders, is the importance at a time when the global economy has been devastated by recession that we do not resort to protectionist measures; that we continue to affirm the importance of free trade between countries in order to increase everyone's prosperity.
Now, as you know, trade negotiations are always difficult between any country because, although over time trade can increase prosperity for all, in the short term, various industries want to know how is this going to affect them.
In Korea there are issues of beef imports. In the United States there are questions about whether there's sufficient reciprocity with respect to cars. These are all understandable, legitimate issues for negotiation. What I've done is to affirm to President Lee that we want to work constructively with the Republic of Korea in a systematic way to clear some of these barriers that are preventing free trade from occurring between our two countries.
Once we have resolved some of the substantive issues, then there's going to be the issue of political timing and when that should be presented to Congress. But I don't want to put the cart before the horse -- I don't know if that's an expression in Korean. But we want to make sure that we have the -- a agreement that I feel confident is good for the American people, that President Lee feels confident is good for the Korean people, before we start trying to time when we would present it. But I am committed to moving forward on a path that will increase commercial ties that are already very strong between our two countries.
Okay. Thank you very much, everybody.
Q Iran?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: It was only -- let's see -- I think seven hours ago or eight hours ago when I -- I have said before that I have deep concerns about the election. And I think that the world has deep concerns about the election. You've seen in Iran some initial reaction from the Supreme Leader that indicates he understands the Iranian people have deep concerns about the election.
Now, it's not productive, given the history of U.S.-Iranian relations, to be seen as meddling -- the U.S. President meddling in Iranian elections. What I will repeat and what I said yesterday is that when I see violence directed at peaceful protestors, when I see peaceful dissent being suppressed, wherever that takes place, it is of concern to me and it's of concern to the American people. That is not how governments should interact with their people.
And my hope is, is that the Iranian people will make the right steps in order for them to be able to express their voices, to express their aspirations. I do believe that something has happened in Iran where there is a questioning of the kinds of antagonistic postures towards the international community that have taken place in the past, and that there are people who want to see greater openness and greater debate and want to see greater democracy. How that plays out over the next several days and several weeks is something ultimately for the Iranian people to decide. But I stand strongly with the universal principle that people's voices should be heard and not suppressed.
Okay? All right. Thank you, guys.
END
12:07 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary
__________________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                                     June 15, 2009

REMARKS BY PRESIDENT OBAMA
AND PRIME MINISTER BERLUSCONI OF ITALY
IN PRESS AVAILABILITY

Oval Office

5:48 P.M. EDT

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Good evening, everybody.  Buona sera.  I want to welcome Prime Minister Berlusconi here.  He has proved to be a great friend of the United States.  And he and I got to know each other at the G20 summit.  We are now in the process of planning the G8 summit that Italy will be hosting.  We emphasized the strong, historic ties between the United States and Italy.  Our bilateral relationship has been marked by cooperation across the board.  And I am extremely grateful for his friendship.

Just a couple of things that we specifically discussed.  First of all, I thanked the Prime Minister for his support of our policy of closing Guantanamo.  This is not just talk.  Italy has agreed to accept three specific detainees, and has also been part of the leadership in Europe that today announced a framework in which European nations can accept detainees.  And that was something that I was very appreciative of.  It will give us an opportunity to create a lasting and durable international legal framework for dealing with terrorism that I think is very important on both sides of the Atlantic.
We discussed Afghanistan and Pakistan, where Italy has been a critical part of the coalition that is trying to assist Afghanistan in stabilizing itself and ensuring that it's not a safe haven for terrorism.  We had an extensive discussion about my interest in pursuing nonproliferation as an important agenda for all people.  And given that I'll be visiting Russia before I visit Italy for the G8, Prime Minister Berlusconi, who has strong relationships with the Russians, was able to offer some insight in terms of how to approach reductions in nuclear arsenals.  And that hopefully is going to be a topic at the G8 summit, as well.
And in addition to discussing the general situation in the world economy, which obviously will be a central topic of the G8, we also discussed specifically the issue of food security and how G8 nations can assist people who are in most desperate poverty to ensure that they're not slipping into hunger and further poverty.  And that is going to be a major topic of the G8 summit.  And so I'm very appreciative of the leadership that Prime Minister Berlusconi has shown on that front.
So overall I am very grateful to Prime Minister Berlusconi's leadership, his consistent friendship towards the United States.  We have some of the strongest bilateral relations in the world.  I am confident that that will continue as long as both of us are occupying our positions.
And so thank you very much for taking the time to visit.
PRIME MINISTER BERLUSCONI:  (As translated.)  First of all, I would like to thank President Obama for his welcome and for the possibility offered us to provide our perspective, our opinions on many of the most difficult and hardest issues at the international level.  And we've discussed, as he already briefed you, many of the issues and the topics, and we went through in a detailed manner the three days of the G8 summit.  We want this G8 to reach concrete solutions.  And we want to reach concrete solutions on many extremely important issues.
Clearly, the first issue is the world economy, the economic crisis and how to get out of this crisis.  And we also discussed the work that our ministers of economy are carrying out right now to try and develop a body of principles and to prevent similar situations from happening, similar situations to the one we are experiencing right now.
We both agreed on the fact that the G8 will certainly not be able to produce this body of rules, but this is going to be just one of the steps leading to that drafting of rules.  There will be then the G20 summit in Pittsburgh, which will work on it, but the hope is to finally reach a body of rules which can be shared by everybody which -- which are not going to affect or hinder the free expansion of the economy and trade.
And we discussed two important issues.  One of them, which will be discussed in L'Aquila as well, is food security, as President Obama has already said.  We hope that the countries there will make concrete efforts and concrete proposals.  The United States has already promised to increase the aid to other countries and they're going to make in the next three years huge amounts of money available.  We try and will push the other countries in the G8, trying to persuade them to do the same.
And another important issue is that of climate change.  And another important achievement we are aiming at is to reduce CO2 emissions -- something, however, which has to be contributed to by all countries and not only a limited number of them.  And since the Doha Round has reached a stop, we hope that by inviting Lamy, who is the director of the WTO, to attend the G8 summit, that we can try and give another push to the Doha Round, hoping to achieve positive results.
Probably what I forgot to mention up to now is that the meeting in L'Aquila is not going to be confined to the G8 countries.  The next day, the second day, will be G8-plus-6.  The major economies of the world will be there; India, China, South Africa, Mexico, Brazil, and Egypt will attend the second day of meetings.  There will be the major economies forum with the participation of South Korea, Indonesia, and Australia, and then there is another meeting which will be attended also by the Netherlands, Spain, and Denmark -- and we are going to have before all of these meetings together.
The dinner will be attended also by the representatives of the main international organizations.  And the third day, we are going to have the President of the African Union, the representatives of the main African organizations, together with the representatives of some of the main African countries.  We are going to discuss the development of this continent and the issue of hunger in that area.
And I can't but thank President Obama and express my warmest felt appreciation to him for -- and this position is coming from a person that's been long enough in international politics to chair for the third time the G8 summit; the first one was in the 1994; the second one in 2001; and now the third one -- I want to express my appreciation for his deep knowledge and precision and accuracy with which he discusses all of the issues.
And the positions that he expresses are not only innovative positions looking at a different future, but they're always very concrete and absolutely based on common sense.  And it is extremely comforting and a pleasure to see that the destiny of the biggest democracy in the world is in very good hands.
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I hope my staff all caught that.   (Laughter.)  Gibbs, write that down.  (Laughter.)
Let me call on a couple people.  Steve Thomma, McClatchy.  There you are.
Q    Mr. President, on Iran, does the disputed election results affect -- there's been violence in the street -- in any way change your willingness to meet with Mr. Ahmadinejad without preconditions?  And also, do you have anything to say, any message to send to people who are on the streets protesting, who believe their votes were stolen and who are being attacked violently?
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Obviously all of us have been watching the news from Iran.  And I want to start off by being very clear that it is up to Iranians to make decisions about who Iran's leaders will be; that we respect Iranian sovereignty and want to avoid the United States being the issue inside of Iran, which sometimes the United States can be a handy political football -- or discussions with the United States.
Having said all that, I am deeply troubled by the violence that I've been seeing on television.  I think that the democratic process -- free speech, the ability of people to peacefully dissent -- all those are universal values and need to be respected.  And whenever I see violence perpetrated on people who are peacefully dissenting, and whenever the American people see that, I think they're, rightfully, troubled.
My understanding is, is that the Iranian government says that they are going to look into irregularities that have taken place.  We weren’t on the ground, we did not have observers there, we did not have international observers on hand, so I can't state definitively one way or another what happened with respect to the election.  But what I can say is that there appears to be a sense on the part of people who were so hopeful and so engaged and so committed to democracy who now feel betrayed.  And I think it's important that, moving forward, whatever investigations take place are done in a way that is not resulting in bloodshed and is not resulting in people being stifled in expressing their views.
Now, with respect to the United States and our interactions with Iran, I've always believed that as odious as I consider some of President Ahmadinejad's statements, as deep as the differences that exist between the United States and Iran on a range of core issues, that the use of tough, hard-headed diplomacy -- diplomacy with no illusions about Iran and the nature of the differences between our two countries -- is critical when it comes to pursuing a core set of our national security interests, specifically, making sure that we are not seeing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East triggered by Iran obtaining a nuclear weapon; making sure that Iran is not exporting terrorist activity.  Those are core interests not just to the United States but I think to a peaceful world in general.
We will continue to pursue a tough, direct dialogue between our two countries, and we'll see where it takes us.  But even as we do so, I think it would be wrong for me to be silent about what we've seen on the television over the last few days.  And what I would say to those people who put so much hope and energy and optimism into the political process, I would say to them that the world is watching and inspired by their participation, regardless of what the ultimate outcome of the election was.  And they should know that the world is watching.
And particularly to the youth of Iran, I want them to know that we in the United States do not want to make any decisions for the Iranians, but we do believe that the Iranian people and their voices should be heard and respected.
PRIME MINISTER BERLUSCONI:  ANSA.
Q    (As translated.)  President Obama, after this meeting with Prime Minister Berlusconi, what do you expect, in concrete terms, from the relationship between United States and Italy?  And to Prime Minister Berlusconi, you had very strong relations with President George W. Bush.  Do you expect and do you hope to build the same type of relations with President Obama, as well?
PRIME MINISTER BERLUSCONI:  I took an oath of gratitude towards United States, which gave me freedom and which gave my country dignity after World War II.  So I'm here to cooperate with the President of the United States.  I'm here to cooperate with President Obama, as I cooperated with President Clinton and as I did with President Bush.
So if I can express a hope, I really hope we can build a direct and friendly relationship with President Obama.  I would be more than happy to do so.  And facts will tell.
But anyway, I think we had a good start.
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Absolutely.  We've had a very good start.  What I expect from the Prime Minister is an honest, frank sharing of views and a recognition that the United States and Italy share common values, common interests.  Our economies have very strong commercial ties.  And if we're acting on those mutual interests, then I have no doubt that we'll continue to see strong cooperation.
As I said before, Prime Minister Berlusconi's assistance on our efforts to close Guantanamo is very important to us.  I have to say, by the way, that Bermuda has done us a great service, as well, on that front, and I'm grateful to them.
When it comes to Afghanistan and Pakistan, we are part of the same coalition that wants to make sure that the Afghan government is able and strong to sustain development for the Afghan people, but also to make sure that they're not serving as a safe haven for extremists.
When it comes to the world economy, I think all of us have an interest in improving the kinds of financial regulations that will prevent the kinds of crises that we saw happening most recently.
So, across the board, I think we have a host of common interests.  In addition to liking Prime Minister Berlusconi personally, our peoples like each other and recognize that we have shared interests.  And that, I think, will make the path for continued cooperation that much easier.
(After translation.)  I must say, my answers sound very elegant in Italian.  (Laughter.)
Steve Collinson.
Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  Of the conditions that Prime Minister Netanyahu laid out yesterday for a Palestinian state, the basis for negotiation, do you think they will likely prove a stumbling block, given the broadly negative reaction from the Arab states and the Palestinians?
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, first of all, I think it's important not to immediately assess the situation based on commentary the day after a speech.  I think any time an Israeli Prime Minister makes a statement, the immediate reaction tends to be negative on one side.  If the other side is making a statement, oftentimes the reaction is negative in Israel.
Overall, I thought that there was positive movement in the Prime Minister's speech.  He acknowledged the need for two states.  There were a lot of conditions, and obviously working through the conditions on Israel's side for security, as well as the Palestinian side for sovereignty and territorial integrity and the capacity to have a functioning, prosperous state, that's exactly what negotiations are supposed to be about.  But what we're seeing is at least the possibility that we can restart serious talks.
Now, I've been very clear that, from the United States' perspective, Israel's security is non-negotiable.  We will stand behind their defense.  I've also made very clear that both sides are going to have to move in some politically difficult ways in order to achieve what is going to be in the long-term interests of the Israelis and the Palestinians and the international community.
On the Israeli side, that means a cessation of settlements.  And there is a tendency to try to parse exactly what this means, but I think the parties on the ground understand that if you have a continuation of settlements that, in past agreements, have been categorized as illegal, that's going to be an impediment to progress.  On the Palestinian side, whether it's the Palestinian Authority or other groups like Hamas that claim to speak for the Palestinians, a recognition of the Quartet principles, ensuring that there's a recognition of Israel's right to exist, making sure that past agreements are abided to, that there's an end to incitement against Israel and an end to violence against Israel.  Those are necessary pillars of any serious agreement that's to be reached.
And those pillars have to be supported by the Arab states, because Israel's security concerns extend beyond simply the Palestinian Territories; they extend to concerns that they have in a whole host of neighbors where there's perceived and often real hostility towards Israel's security.  So I'm glad that Prime Minister Netanyahu made the speech.  The United States will continue to try to be as honest as possible to all sides in this dispute to indicate the degree to which it's in everybody's interests to move in a new direction.  And I think it can be accomplished, but it's going to require a lot of work and a partnership with key countries like Italy in order to help the parties come together and recognize their own interests.
Q    You discussed during the meeting the crisis, the economic crisis, you're going to discuss at the G8.  The package of measures you are discussing right now, can this be a kind of basis for the next meetings -- G8 and G20?
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, our respective finance ministers, not just Italy's and the United States', but all the G8 members', have been meeting diligently.  They've put forward a framework that will be discussed and hopefully ratified at the G8.  That will provide a broad set of principles.
Now, the United States is putting forward some very specific regulatory reforms that are going to make sure that we don't find ourselves in this position again, that improves oversight, ensures that banks aren't taking risks with highly leveraged money that can result in systemic collapse, that consumers and investors are protected more effectively.
So we're going to have a lot of work to do.  It's going to be a big, complex piece of legislation.  Different countries are going to have different needs.  Prime Minister Berlusconi was indicating to me that the banking system in Italy has not been under the same kinds of pressures as the banking system in the United States and some other European countries.
But I think the general principle -- that we're going to have improved oversight, better practices, and that there's some coordination and information-sharing between countries on issues like tax havens, for example, so that you don't have global capital avoiding more stringent rules by going to countries with weaker rules -- I think that's going to be something that all G8 members affirm, and we very much appreciate Prime Minister Berlusconi's leadership on this issue.
PRIME MINISTER BERLUSCONI:  I would like to add to this that our ministers of finance have been working on all of these issues and packages.  In particular they paid attention, for instance, to corporate governments and rules for transparency and a regulation of the financial sectors, accounting rules, and as President Obama has also mentioned, also, the issue of tax havens, to try and prevent those situations from happening again.  And the idea is to work out a set of rules and regulations which can prevent situations and conditions like the ones we've experienced which have led -- from happening, experience that is to -- which led first to the financial crisis and then to the economic crisis that we are experiencing right now.
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you.  Grazie.
                                        END                                 6:29 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the First Lady
________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                          June 15, 2009
 
REMARKS BY THE FIRST LADY
AT THE WHITE HOUSE MUSIC SERIES:  THE JAZZ STUDIO
East Room
2:46 P.M. EDT
MRS. OBAMA:  Hey!  Good afternoon everyone.  Please be seated.  We just want to keep you on your toes.  If you're looking that way and I come in that way, then you're completely confused, right?  Keep you on your toes.  Well, welcome to the White House as we kick off the Music Series:  The Jazz Studio.  How has it been for you all?  It's been good?  (Applause.)
Well, I want to just thank a few people.  I want to thank Jazz at Lincoln Center, the Thelonious Monk Jazz Institute and the Duke Ellington Jazz Festival for making today possible and for keeping jazz alive.  So let's give everyone a round of applause.  (Applause.)  
Today's event exemplifies what I think the White House, the People's House, should be about.  This is a place to honor America's past, celebrate its present and create its future.  And that's why all of you all are here today.  It's about you, the future.  And what better example of this is -- than jazz, America's indigenous art form. 
Globally recognized as America's music, originating in the great city of New Orleans just a century ago through the African American experience, today jazz is performed and listened to by people of all ethnicities, backgrounds, ages and creeds.  Indeed, jazz is considered by many to be America's greatest artistic gift to the world.
The understanding and appreciation of jazz is integral to understanding and appreciating American history and culture.  It's an outstanding artistic model of individual expression and democratic expression, as well.  And there's probably no better example of democracy than a jazz ensemble:  individual freedom, but with responsibility to the group.
It's essential that we preserve, develop and expand this treasured art form for our future generations by recognizing and elevating the importance of our jazz education programs in every single school across America.
The budding jazz -- young jazz musicians from across the country who are with us today, all you young talents, are the future guardians of the music.  We salute you and your teachers.  We are counting on you to keep the music vital and evolving for generations to come.  And as jazz has been demonstrating every night for more than a hundred years, when we work together there's nothing that we can't do.
So I'm through talking.  Now we get to the fun part.  We can hear some music.  So I hope you guys enjoy your time here together.  I hope you get to see some of this White House.  I heard a few of you were skipping on your way up to the White House.  I hope you keep skipping and having fun here.  I brought my own family with me today because I want to keep them alive and aware of all kinds of music other than hip hop.  (Laughter.)  So it's so important for me to have you here that I brought them here, as well. 
And jazz has been a part of my life since I was a little girl.  My mother's father, who we call "South Side," before there was room-to-room speakers he had a speaker in every house, in every room in his house, and he played it 24 hours a day at -- on the highest volume he could put it on.  And that's how I grew up in my household.  At Christmas, birthdays, Easter, it didn't matter, there was jazz playing in our household. 
So it means so much to me to be able to bring that music here to the White House and to have you all celebrating with us.  So have a good time.  Thanks so much.  (Applause.)
                                                             
END
2:51 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
_________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                          June 15, 2009
 
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT THE ANNUAL CONFERENCE
OF THE AMERICAN MEDICAL ASSOCIATION
Hyatt Regency Chicago
Chicago, Illinois
11:13 A.M. CDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you so much. Good to see you. (Applause.) Thank you so much. Please, everybody be seated. Thank you very much. You're very kind. (Applause.)
Let me begin by thanking Nancy for the wonderful introduction. I want to thank Dr. Joseph Heyman, the chair of the Board of Trustees, as well as Dr. Jeremy Lazarus, speaker of House of Delegates. Thanks to all of you for bringing me home, even if it's just for a day. (Applause.)
From the moment I took office as President, the central challenge we've confronted as a nation has been the need to lift ourselves out of the worst recession since World War II. In recent months, we've taken a series of extraordinary steps, not just to repair the immediate damage to our economy, but to build a new foundation for lasting and sustained growth. We're here to create new jobs, to unfreeze our credit markets. We're stemming the loss of homes and the decline of home values.
All this is important. But even as we've made progress, we know that the road to prosperity remains long and it remains difficult. And we also know that one essential step on our journey is to control the spiraling cost of health care in America. And in order to do that, we're going to need the help of the AMA. (Applause.)
Today, we are spending over $2 trillion a year on health care -- almost 50 percent more per person than the next most costly nation. And yet, as I think many of you are aware, for all of this spending, more of our citizens are uninsured, the quality of our care is often lower, and we aren't any healthier. In fact, citizens in some countries that spend substantially less than we do are actually living longer than we do.
Make no mistake: The cost of our health care is a threat to our economy. It's an escalating burden on our families and businesses. It's a ticking time bomb for the federal budget. And it is unsustainable for the United States of America.
It's unsustainable for Americans like Laura Klitzka, a young mother that I met in Wisconsin just last week, who's learned that the breast cancer she thought she'd beaten had spread to her bones, but who's now being forced to spend time worrying about how to cover the $50,000 in medical debts she's already accumulated, worried about future debts that she's going to accumulate, when all she wants to do is spend time with her two children and focus on getting well. These are not the worries that a woman like Laura should have to face in a nation as wealthy as ours. (Applause.)
Stories like Laura's are being told by women and men all across this country -- by families who've seen out-of-pocket costs soar, and premiums double over the last decade at a rate three times faster than wages. This is forcing Americans of all ages to go without the checkups or the prescriptions they need -- that you know they need. It's creating a situation where a single illness can wipe out a lifetime of savings.
Our costly health care system is unsustainable for doctors like Michael Kahn in New Hampshire, who, as he puts it, spends 20 percent of each day supervising a staff explaining insurance problems to patients, completing authorization forms, writing appeal letters -- a routine that he calls disruptive and distracting, giving him less time to do what he became a doctor to do and actually care for his patients. (Applause.)
Small business owners like Chris and Becky Link in Nashville are also struggling. They've always wanted to do right by the workers at their family-run marketing firm, but they've recently had to do the unthinkable and lay off a number of employees -- layoffs that could have been deferred, they say, if health care costs weren't so high. Across the country, over one-third of small businesses have reduced benefits in recent years and one-third have dropped their workers' coverage altogether since the early '90s.
Our largest companies are suffering, as well. A big part of what led General Motors and Chrysler into trouble in recent decades were the huge costs they racked up providing health care for their workers -- costs that made them less profitable and less competitive with automakers around the world. If we do not fix our health care system, America may go the way of GM -- paying more, getting less, and going broke.
When it comes to the cost of our health care, then, the status quo is unsustainable. (Applause.) So reform is not a luxury; it is a necessity. When I hear people say, well, why are you taking this on right now, you've got all these other problems, I keep on reminding people I'd love to be able to defer these issues, but we can't. I know there's been much discussion about what reform would cost, and rightly so. This is a test of whether we -- Democrats and Republicans alike -- are serious about holding the line on new spending and restoring fiscal discipline.
But let there be no doubt -- the cost of inaction is greater. If we fail to act -- (applause) -- if we fail to act -- and you know this because you see it in your own individual practices -- if we fail to act, premiums will climb higher, benefits will erode further, the rolls of the uninsured will swell to include millions more Americans -- all of which will affect your practice.
If we fail to act, one out of every five dollars we earn will be spent on health care within a decade. And in 30 years, it will be about one out of every three -- a trend that will mean lost jobs, lower take-home pay, shuttered businesses, and a lower standard of living for all Americans.
And if we fail to act, federal spending on Medicaid and Medicare will grow over the coming decades by an amount almost equal to the amount our government currently spends on our nation's defense. It will, in fact, eventually grow larger than what our government spends on anything else today. It's a scenario that will swamp our federal and state budgets, and impose a vicious choice of either unprecedented tax hikes, or overwhelming deficits, or drastic cuts in our federal and state budgets.
So to say it as plainly as I can, health care is the single most important thing we can do for America's long-term fiscal health. That is a fact. That's a fact. (Applause.)
It's a fact, and the truth is most people know that it's a fact. And yet, as clear as it is that our system badly needs reform, reform is not inevitable. There's a sense out there among some, and perhaps some members who are gathered here today of the AMA, that as bad as our current system may be -- and it's pretty bad -- the devil we know is better than the devil we don't. There's a fear of change -- a worry that we may lose what works about our health care system while trying to fix what doesn't.
I'm here to tell you I understand that fear. And I understand the cynicism. They're scars left over from past efforts at reform. After all, Presidents have called for health care reform for nearly a century. Teddy Roosevelt called for it. Harry Truman called for it. Richard Nixon called for it. Jimmy Carter called for it. Bill Clinton called for it. But while significant individual reforms have been made -- such as Medicare, Medicaid, and the Children's Health Insurance Program -- efforts at comprehensive reform that covers everyone and brings down costs have largely failed.
Part of the reason is because the different groups involved -- doctors, insurance companies, businesses, workers, and others -- simply couldn't agree on the need for reform or what shape it would take. And if we're honest, another part of the reason has been the fierce opposition fueled by some interest groups and lobbyists -- opposition that has used fear tactics to paint any effort to achieve reform as an attempt to, yes, socialize medicine.
And despite this long history of failure, I'm standing here because I think we're in a different time. One sign that things are different is that just this past week, the Senate passed a bill that will protect children from the dangers of smoking, a reform the AMA has long championed -- (applause) -- this organization long championed; it went nowhere when it was proposed a decade ago -- I'm going to sign this into law. (Applause.)
Now, what makes this moment different is that this time -- for the first time -- key stakeholders are aligning not against, but in favor of reform. They're coming out -- they're coming together out of a recognition that while reform will take everyone in our health care community to do their part -- everybody is going to have to pitch in -- ultimately, everybody will benefit.
And I want to commend the AMA, in particular, for offering to do your part to curb costs and achieve reform. Just a week ago, you joined together with hospitals, labor unions, insurers, medical device manufacturers and drug companies to do something that would have been unthinkable just a few years ago -- you promised to work together to cut national health care spending by $2 trillion over the next decade, relative to what it would have otherwise been. And that will bring down costs; that will bring down premiums. That's exactly the kind of cooperation we need, and we appreciate that very much. Thank you. (Applause.)
Now, the question is how do we finish the job? How do we permanently bring down costs and make quality, affordable health care available to every single American? That's what I've come to talk about today. We know the moment is right for health care reform. We know this is a historic opportunity we've never seen before and may not see again. But we also know that there are those who will try and scuttle this opportunity no matter what -- who will use the same scare tactics and fear-mongering that's worked in the past; who will give warnings about socialized medicine and government takeovers, long lines and rationed care, decisions made by bureaucrats and not doctors. We have heard this all before. And because these fear tactics have worked, things have kept getting worse.
So let me begin by saying this to you and to the American people: I know that there are millions of Americans who are content with their health care coverage -- they like their plan and, most importantly, they value their relationship with their doctor. They trust you. And that means that no matter how we reform health care, we will keep this promise to the American people: If you like your doctor, you will be able to keep your doctor, period. (Applause.) If you like your health care plan, you'll be able to keep your health care plan, period. (Applause.) No one will take it away, no matter what. My view is that health care reform should be guided by a simple principle: Fix what's broken and build on what works. And that's what we intend to do.
If we do that, we can build a health care system that allows you to be physicians instead of administrators and accountants; a system that gives Americans -- (applause) -- a system that gives Americans the best care at the lowest cost; a system that eases up the pressure on businesses and unleashes the promise of our economy, creating hundreds of thousands of jobs, making take-home wages thousands of dollars higher, and growing our economy by tens of billions of dollars more every year. That's how we'll stop spending tax dollars to prop up an unsustainable system, and start investing those dollars in innovations and advances that will make our health care system and our economy stronger.
That's what we can do with this opportunity. And that's what we must do with this moment.
Now, the good news is that in some instances, there's already widespread agreement on the steps necessary to make our health care system work better.
First, we need to upgrade our medical records by switching from a paper to an electronic system of record keeping. And we've already begun to do this with an investment we made as part of our Recovery Act.
It simply doesn't make sense that patients in the 21st century are still filling out forms with pens on papers that have to be stored away somewhere. As Newt Gingrich has rightly pointed out -- and I don't quote Newt Gingrich that often -- (laughter) -- we do a better job tracking a FedEx package in this country than we do tracking patients' health records. (Applause.)
You shouldn't have to tell every new doctor you see about your medical history or what prescriptions you're taking. You shouldn't have to repeat costly tests. All that information should be stored securely in a private medical record so that your information can be tracked from one doctor to another -- even if you change jobs, even if you move, even if you have to see a number of different specialists. That's just common sense. (Applause.)
And that will not only mean less paper-pushing and lower administrative costs, saving taxpayers billions of dollars; it will also mean all of you physicians will have an easier time doing your jobs. It will tell you, the doctors, what drugs a patient is taking so you can avoid prescribing a medication that could cause a harmful interaction. It will prevent the wrong dosages from going to a patient. It will reduce medical errors, it's estimated, that lead to 100,000 lives lost unnecessarily in our hospitals every year.
So there shouldn't be an argument there. And we want to make sure that we're helping providers computerize so that we can get this system up and running.
The second step that we can all agree on is to invest more in preventive care so we can avoid illness and disease in the first place. (Applause.) That starts with each of us taking more responsibility for our health and for the health of our children. (Applause.) It means quitting smoking. It means going in for that mammogram or colon cancer screening. It means going for a run or hitting the gym, and raising our children to step away from the video games and spend more time playing outside. (Applause.)
It also means cutting down on all the junk food that's fueling an epidemic of obesity -- (applause) -- which puts far too many Americans, young and old, at greater risk of costly, chronic conditions. That's a lesson Michelle and I have tried to instill in our daughters. As some of you know, we started a White House vegetable garden. I say "we" generously, because Michelle has done most of the work. (Laughter.) That's a lesson that we should work with local school districts to incorporate into their school lunch programs.
Building a health care system that promotes prevention rather than just managing diseases will require all of us to do our parts. It will take doctors telling us what risk factors we should avoid and what preventive measures we should pursue. It will take employers following the example of places like Safeway that is rewarding workers for taking better care of their health while reducing health care costs in the process.
If you're one of three-quarters of Safeway workers enrolled in their "Healthy Measures" program, you can get screened for problems like high cholesterol or high blood pressure. And if you score well, you can pay lower premiums; you get more money in your paycheck. It's a program that has helped Safeway cut health care spending by 13 percent, and workers save over 20 percent on their premiums. (Applause.) And we're open to doing more to help employers adopt and expand programs like this one.
Our federal government also has to step up its efforts to advance the cause of healthy living. Five of the costliest illnesses and conditions -- cancer, cardiovascular disease, diabetes, lung disease, and strokes -- can be prevented. And yet only a fraction of every health care dollar goes to prevention or public health. And that's starting to change with an investment we're making in prevention and wellness programs that can help us avoid disease that harm our health and the health of our economy.
But as important as they are, investments in electronic records and preventive care, all the things that I've just mentioned, they're just preliminary steps. They will only make a dent in the epidemic of rising costs in this country.
Despite what some have suggested, the reason we have these spiraling costs is not simply because we've got an aging population; demographics do account for part of rising costs because older, sicker societies pay more on health care than younger, healthier ones, and there's nothing intrinsically wrong in us taking better care of ourselves. But what accounts for the bulk of our costs is the nature of our health care delivery system itself -- a system where we spend vast amounts of money on things that aren't necessarily making our people any healthier; a system that automatically equates more expensive care with better care.
Now, a recent article in the New Yorker, for example, showed how McAllen, Texas, is spending twice as much as El Paso County -- twice as much -- not because people in McAllen, Texas, are sicker than they are in El Paso; not because they're getting better care or getting better outcomes. It's simply because they're using more treatments -- treatments that, in some cases, they don't really need; treatments that, in some cases, can actually do people harm by raising the risk of infection or medical error.
And the problem is this pattern is repeating itself across America. One Dartmouth study shows that you're less likely -- you're no less likely to die from a heart attack and other ailments in a higher-spending area than in a lower-spending one.
There are two main reasons for this. The first is a system of incentives where the more tests and services are provided, the more money we pay. And a lot of people in this room know what I'm talking about. It's a model that rewards the quantity of care rather than the quality of care; that pushes you, the doctor, to see more and more patients even if you can't spend much time with each, and gives you every incentive to order that extra MRI or EKG, even if it's not necessary. It's a model that has taken the pursuit of medicine from a profession -- a calling -- to a business.
That's not why you became doctors. That's not why you put in all those hours in the Anatomy Suite or the O.R. That's not what brings you back to a patient's bedside to check in, or makes you call a loved one of a patient to say it will be fine. You didn't enter this profession to be bean-counters and paper-pushers. You entered this profession to be healers. (Applause.) And that's what our health care system should let you be. That's what this health care system should let you be. (Applause.)
Now, that starts with reforming the way we compensate our providers -- doctors and hospitals. We need to bundle payments so you aren't paid for every single treatment you offer a patient with a chronic condition like diabetes, but instead paid well for how you treat the overall disease. We need to create incentives for physicians to team up, because we know that when that happens, it results in a healthier patient. We need to give doctors bonuses for good health outcomes, so we're not promoting just more treatment, but better care.
And we need to rethink the cost of a medical education, and do more to reward medical students who choose a career as a primary care physician -- (applause) -- who choose to work in underserved areas instead of the more lucrative paths. (Applause.) That's why we're making a substantial investment in the National Health Service Corps that will make medical training more affordable for primary care doctors and nurse practitioners so they aren't drowning in debt when they enter the workforce. (Applause.) Somebody back there is drowning in debt. (Laughter.)
The second structural reform we need to make is to improve the quality of medical information making its way to doctors and patients. We have the best medical schools, the most sophisticated labs, the most advanced training of any nation on the globe. Yet we're not doing a very good job harnessing our collective knowledge and experience on behalf of better medicine.
Less than 1 percent of our health care spending goes to examining what treatments are most effective -- less than 1 percent. And even when that information finds its way into journals, it can take up to 17 years to find its way to an exam room or operating table. As a result, too many doctors and patients are making decisions without the benefit of the latest research.
A recent study, for example, found that only half of all cardiac guidelines are based on scientific evidence -- half. That means doctors may be doing a bypass operation when placing a stent is equally effective; or placing a stent when adjusting a patient's drug and medical management is equally effective -- all of which drives up costs without improving a patient's health.
So one thing we need to do is to figure out what works, and encourage rapid implementation of what works into your practices. That's why we're making a major investment in research to identify the best treatments for a variety of ailments and conditions. (Applause.)
Now, let me be clear -- I just want to clear something up here -- identifying what works is not about dictating what kind of care should be provided. (Applause.) It's about providing patients and doctors with the information they need to make the best medical decisions. See, I have the assumption that if you have good information about what makes your patients well, that's what you're going to do. (Applause.) I have confidence in that. We're not going to need to force you to do it. We just need to make sure you've got the best information available.
Still, even when we do know what works, we are often not making the most of it. And that's why we need to build on the examples of outstanding medicine at places like the Cincinnati Children's Hospital, where the quality of care for cystic fibrosis patients shot up after the hospital began incorporating suggestions from parents. And places like Tallahassee Memorial Health Care, where deaths were dramatically reduced with rapid response teams that monitored patients' conditions, and "multidisciplinary rounds" with everyone from physicians to pharmacists. And places like Geisinger Health System in rural Pennsylvania, and Intermountain Health in Salt Lake City, where high-quality care is being provided at a cost well below the national average. These are all islands of excellence that we need to make the standard in our health care system.
So replicating best practices, incentivizing excellence, closing cost disparities -- any legislation sent to my desk that does not these -- does not achieve these goals in my mind does not earn the title of reform.
But my signature on a bill is not enough. I need your help, doctors, because to most Americans you are the health care system. The fact is Americans -- and I include myself and Michelle and our kids in this -- we just do what you tell us to do. (Laughter.) That's what we do. We listen to you, we trust you. And that's why I will listen to you and work with you to pursue reform that works for you. (Applause.)
Together, if we take all these steps, I am convinced we can bring spending down, bring quality up; we can save hundreds of billions of dollars on health care costs while making our health care system work better for patients and doctors alike. And when we align the interests of patients and doctors, then we're going to be in a good place.
Now, I recognize that it will be hard to make some of these changes if doctors feel like they're constantly looking over their shoulders for fear of lawsuits. I recognize that. (Applause.) Don't get too excited yet. Now, I understand some doctors may feel the need to order more tests and treatments to avoid being legally vulnerable. That's a real issue. (Applause.) Now, just hold on to your horses here, guys. (Laughter.) I want to be honest with you. I'm not advocating caps on malpractice awards -- (boos from some in audience) -- (laughter) -- which I personally believe can be unfair to people who've been wrongfully harmed.
But I do think we need to explore a range of ideas about how to put patient safety first; how to let doctors focus on practicing medicine; how to encourage broader use of evidence-based guidelines. I want to work with the AMA so we can scale back the excessive defensive medicine that reinforces our current system, and shift to a system where we are providing better care, simply -- rather than simply more treatment.
So this is going to be a priority for me. And I know, based on your responses, it's a priority for you. (Laughter.) And I look forward to working with you. And it's going to be difficult. But all this stuff is going to be difficult. All of it's going to be important.
Now, I know this has been a long speech, but we got more to do. (Laughter.) The changes that I have already spoken about, all that is going to need to go hand-in-hand with other reforms. Because our health care system is so complex and medicine is always evolving, we need a way to continually evaluate how we can eliminate waste, reduce costs, and improve quality.
That's why I'm open to expanding the role of a commission created by a Republican Congress called the Medicare Payment Advisory Commission, which happens to include a number of physicians on the commission. In recent years, this commission proposed roughly $200 billion in savings that never made it into law. These recommendations have now been incorporated into our broader reform agenda, but we need to fast-track their proposals, the commission's proposals, in the future so that we don't miss another opportunity to save billions of dollars, as we gain more information about what works and what doesn't work in our health care system.
And as we seek to contain the cost of health care, we also have to ensure that every American can get coverage they can afford. (Applause.) We must do so in part because it's in all of our economic interests. Each time an uninsured American steps foot into an emergency room with no way to reimburse the hospital for care, the cost is handed over to every American family as a bill of about $1,000 that's reflected in higher taxes, higher premiums, and higher health care costs. It's a hidden tax, a hidden bill that will be cut as we insure all Americans. And as we insure every young and healthy American, it will spread out risk for insurance companies, further reducing costs for everyone.
But alongside these economic arguments, there's another, more powerful one. And it is simply this: We are not a nation that accepts nearly 46 million uninsured men, women and children. (Applause.) We are not a nation that lets hardworking families go without coverage, or turns its back on those in need. We're a nation that cares for its citizens. We look out for one another. That's what makes us the United States of America. We need to get this done. (Applause.)
So we need to do a few things to provide affordable health insurance to every single American. The first thing we need to do is to protect what's working in our health care system. So just in case you didn't catch it the first time, let me repeat: If you like your health care system and your doctor, the only thing reform will mean to you is your health care will cost less. If anyone says otherwise, they are either trying to mislead you or don't have their facts straight.
Now, if you don't like your health care coverage or you don't have any insurance at all, you'll have a chance, under what we've proposed, to take part in what we're calling a Health Insurance Exchange. This exchange will allow you to one-stop shop for a health care plan, compare benefits and prices, and choose a plan that's best for you and your family -- the same way, by the way, that federal employees can do, from a postal worker to a member of Congress. (Applause.) You will have your choice of a number of plans that offer a few different packages, but every plan would offer an affordable, basic package.
Again, this is for people who aren't happy with their current plan. If you like what you're getting, keep it. Nobody is forcing you to shift. But if you're not, this gives you some new options. And I believe one of these options needs to be a public option that will give people a broader range of choices -- (applause) -- and inject competition into the health care market so that force -- so that we can force waste out of the system and keep the insurance companies honest. (Applause.)
Now, I know that there's some concern about a public option. Even within this organization there's healthy debate about it. In particular, I understand that you're concerned that today's Medicare rates, which many of you already feel are too low, will be applied broadly in a way that means our cost savings are coming off your backs.
And these are legitimate concerns, but they're ones, I believe, that can be overcome. As I stated earlier, the reforms we propose to reimbursement are to reward best practices, focus on patient care, not on the current piecework reimbursements. What we seek is more stability and a health care system that's on a sounder financial footing.
And the fact is these reforms need to take place regardless of whether there's a public option or not. With reform, we will ensure that you are being reimbursed in a thoughtful way that's tied to patient outcomes, instead of relying on yearly negotiations about the Sustainable Growth Rate formula that's based on politics and the immediate state of the federal budget in any given year. (Applause.)
And I just want to point out the alternative to such reform is a world where health care costs grow at an unsustainable rate. And if you don't think that's going to threaten your reimbursements and the stability of our health care system, you haven't been paying attention.
So the public option is not your enemy; it is your friend, I believe.
Let me also say that -- let me also address a illegitimate concern that's being put forward by those who are claiming that a public option is somehow a Trojan horse for a single-payer system. I'll be honest; there are countries where a single-payer system works pretty well. But I believe -- and I've taken some flak from members of my own party for this belief -- that it's important for our reform efforts to build on our traditions here in the United States. So when you hear the naysayers claim that I'm trying to bring about government-run health care, know this: They're not telling the truth. (Applause.)
What I am trying to do -- and what a public option will help do -- is put affordable health care within reach for millions of Americans. And to help ensure that everyone can afford the cost of a health care option in our exchange, we need to provide assistance to families who need it. That way, there will be no reason at all for anyone to remain uninsured. (Applause.)
Indeed, it's because I'm confident in our ability to give people the ability to get insurance at an affordable rate that I'm open to a system where every American bears responsibility for owning health insurance -- (applause) -- so long as we provide a hardship waiver for those who still can't afford it as we move towards this system.
The same is true for employers. While I believe every business has a responsibility to provide health insurance for its workers, small businesses that can't afford it should receive an exemption. And small business workers and their families will be able to seek coverage in the exchange if their employer is not able to provide it.
Now, here's some good news. Insurance companies have expressed support for the idea of covering the uninsured and they certainly are in favor of a mandate. I welcome their willingness to engage constructively in the reform debate. I'm glad they're at the table. But what I refuse to do is simply create a system where insurance companies suddenly have a whole bunch of more customers on Uncle Sam's dime, but still fail to meet their responsibilities. We're not going to do that. (Applause.)
Let me give you an example of what I'm talking about. We need to end the practice of denying coverage on the basis of preexisting conditions. (Applause.) The days of cherry-picking who to cover and who to deny, those days are over. (Applause.) I know you see it in your practices, and how incredibly painful and frustrating it is -- you want to give somebody care and you find out that the insurance companies are wiggling out of paying.
This is personal for me also. I've told this story before. I'll never forget watching my own mother, as she fought cancer in her final days, spending time worrying about whether her insurer would claim her illness was a preexisting condition so it could get out of providing coverage. Changing the current approach to preexisting conditions is the least we can do -- for my mother and for every other mother, father, son, and daughter, who has suffered under this practice, who've been paying premiums and don't get care. We need to put health care within the reach for millions of Americans. (Applause.)
Now, even if we accept all of the economic and moral reasons for providing affordable coverage to all Americans, there is no denying that expanding coverage will come at a cost, at least in the short run. But it is a cost that will not -- I repeat -- will not add to our deficits. I've set down a rule for my staff, for my team -- and I've said this to Congress -- health care reform must be, and will be, deficit-neutral in the next decade.
Now, there are already voices saying the numbers don't add up. They're wrong. Here's why. Making health care affordable for all Americans will cost somewhere on the order of $1 trillion over the next 10 years. That's real money, even in Washington. (Laughter.) But remember, that's less than we are projected to have spent on the war in Iraq. And also remember, failing to reform our health care system in a way that genuinely reduces cost growth will cost us trillions of dollars more in lost economic growth and lower wages.
That said, let me explain how we will cover the price tag. First, as part of the budget that was passed a few months ago, we put aside $635 billion over 10 years in what we're calling a Health Reserve Fund. Over half of that amount -- more than $300 billion -- will come from raising revenue by doing things like modestly limiting the tax deductions the wealthiest Americans can take to the same level that it was at the end of the Reagan years -- same level that it was under Ronald Reagan. Some are concerned that this will dramatically reduce charitable giving, for example, but statistics show that's not true. And the best thing for our charities is the stronger economy that we will build with health care reform.
But we can't just raise revenues. We're also going to have to make spending cuts, in part by examining inefficiencies in our current Medicare program. There are going to be robust debates about where these cuts should be made, and I welcome that debate. But here's where I think these cuts should be made.
First, we should end overpayments to Medicare Advantage. (Applause.) Today, we're paying Medicare Advantage plans much more than we pay for traditional Medicare services. Now, this is a good deal for insurance companies. It's a subsidy to insurance companies. It's not a good deal for you. It's not a good deal for the American people. And by the way, it doesn't follow free market principles, for those who are always talking about free market principles. That's why we need to introduce competitive bidding into the Medicare Advantage program, a program under which private insurance companies are offering Medicare coverage. That alone will save $177 billion over the next decade, just that one step. (Applause.)
Second, we need to use Medicare reimbursements to reduce preventable hospital readmissions. Right now, almost 20 percent of Medicare patients discharged from hospitals are readmitted within a month, often because they're not getting the comprehensive care that they need. This puts people at risk; it drives up cost. By changing how Medicare reimburses hospitals, we can discourage them from acting in a way that boosts profits but drives up costs for everyone else. That will save us $25 billion over the next decade.
Third, we need to introduce generic biologic drugs into the marketplace. (Applause.) These are drugs used to treat illnesses like anemia. But right now, there is no pathway at the FDA for approving generic versions of these drugs. Creating such a pathway will save us billions of dollars. We can save another roughly $30 billion by getting a better deal for our poorer seniors while asking our well-off seniors to pay a little more for their drugs.
So that's the bulk of what's in the Health Reserve Fund. I've also proposed saving another $313 billion in Medicare and Medicaid spending in several other ways. One way is by adjusting Medicare payments to reflect new advances and productivity gains in our economy. Right now, Medicare payments are rising each year by more than they should. These adjustments will create incentives for providers to deliver care more efficiently, and save us roughly $109 billion in the process.
Another way we can achieve savings is by reducing payments to hospitals for treating uninsured people. I know hospitals rely on these payments now, legitimately, because of the large number of uninsured patients that they treat. But if we put in a system where people have coverage and the number of uninsured people goes down with our reforms, the amount we pay hospitals to treat uninsured people should go down, as well. Reducing these payments gradually, as more and more people have coverage, will save us over $106 billion. And we'll make sure the difference goes to the hospitals that need it most.
We can also save about $75 billion through more efficient purchasing of prescription drugs. And we can save about $1 billion more by rooting out waste, abuse, fraud throughout our health care system so that no one is charging more for a service than it's worth or charging a dime for a service that they don't provide.
Let me be clear: I'm committed to making these cuts in a way that protects our senior citizens. In fact, these proposals will actually extend the life of the Medicare Trust Fund by seven years, and reduce premiums for Medicare beneficiaries by roughly $43 billion over the next 10 years. And I'm working with AARP to uphold that commitment.
Now, for those of you who took out your pencil and paper -- (laughter) -- altogether, these savings mean that we've put about $950 billion on the table -- and that doesn't count some of the long-term savings that we think will come about from reform -- from medical IT, for example, or increased investment in prevention. So that stuff in congressional jargon is not scorable; the Congressional Budget Office won't count that as savings, so we're setting that aside. We think that's going to come, but even separate and far from that, we've put $950 billion on the table, taking us almost all the way to covering the full cost of health care reform.
In the weeks and months ahead, I look forward to working with Congress to make up the difference so that health care reform is fully paid for -- in a real, accountable way. And let me add that this does not count longer-term savings. I just want to repeat that. By insisting that the reforms that we're introducing are deficit-neutral over the next decade, and by making the reforms that will help slow the growth rate of health care costs over the coming decades -- bending the curve -- we can look forward to faster economic growth, higher living standards, and falling, instead of rising, budget deficits.
Now, let me just wrap up by saying this. I know people are cynical whether we can do this or not. I know there will be disagreements about how to proceed in the days ahead. There's probably healthy debate within the AMA. That's good. I also know this: We can't let this moment pass us by.
You know, the other day, a friend of mine, Congressman Earl Blumenauer, handed me a magazine with a special issue titled, "The Crisis in American Medicine." One article notes "soaring charges." Another warns about the "volume of utilization of services." Another asks if we can find a "better way than fee-for-service for paying for medical care." It speaks to many of the challenges we face today. The thing is, this special issue was published by Harper's Magazine in October of 1960 -- (laughter) -- before I was born. (Laughter.)
Members of the American Medical Association, and my fellow Americans, I'm here today because I don't want our children and their children to still be speaking of a crisis in American medicine 50 years from now. I don't want them to still be suffering from spiraling costs that we did not stem, or sicknesses that we did not cure. I don't want them to be burdened with massive deficits we did not curb or a worsening economy that we did not rebuild.
I want them to benefit from a health care system that works for all of us; where families can open a doctor's bill without dreading what's inside; where parents are talking to their kids and getting them to get regular checkups, and testing themselves for preventable ailments; where parents are feeding their kids healthier food and kids are exercising more; where patients are spending more time with their doctors, and doctors can pull up on a computer all the medical information and latest research they'll ever want to know to meet patients' needs; where orthopedists and nephrologists and oncologists are all working together to treat a single human being; where what's best about America's health care system has become the hallmark of America's health care system.
That's the health care system we can build. That's the future I'm convinced is within our reach. And if we're willing to come together and bring about that future, then we will not only make Americans healthier, we will not only unleash America's economic potential, but we will reaffirm the ideals that led you into this noble profession and we'll build a health care system that lets all Americans heal.
Thank you very much, AMA. Appreciate it, thank you. (Applause.)
END
12:08 P.M. CDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Vice President
___________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                     June 12, 2009

COMMENCEMENT ADDRESS BY DR. JILL BIDEN TO GRADUATES, FAMILY MEMBERS, AND FACULTY OF KINGSBOROUGH COMMUNITY COLLEGE

Kingsborough Community College
Brooklyn, NY
June 12, 2009
DR. BIDEN: Good morning. Thank you for inviting me for such an important day. And I want to say thank you to the Mayor and to Chuck and to all the elected officials.
And to Dr. Peruggi — and Marty — as the granddaughter of Dominic Giacoppa, I like that name too. Thanks to President Peruggi — your decades of work on behalf of higher education have been vital to the field and have helped turn Kingsborough into one of the top community colleges in America. I congratulate you.
And, today, I congratulate all of you. All of you graduates, all of your proud mothers and fathers, husbands and wives, sons and daughters. You did it! And I think you all deserve a round of applause.
The truth is — I feel right at home on a community college campus. I have been an educator for 28 years and have spent the last 16 at a community college. In fact, I continue to teach English at a college in Northern Virginia, not too far from the White House. There was never a question in my mind when we moved to Washington that I would continue to teach.
People often ask me why I choose to teach at a community college. Well — the answer is simple: It’s the students. It’s you. Because I know who you are:
You are Grace Simmons, who after 16 years as a lab technician lost her job and came here to Kingsborough College for retraining. You are graduating today, Grace, with a nursing degree, and I understand you have a job offer waiting at Lutheran Medical Center. Good for you!
You are Taheem Lomax. Stand up, Taheem. Taheem came to Kingsborough as the first in his family to go to college. He became one of 10 students to win a scholarship to study in Austria — the first time you ever left Brooklyn. Now you are transferring into a four-year college and pursuing your dream of starting a non-profit to help children around the world.
You are Jaqueline Carter-Cutting — born in Guyana and moved to the US in 2000. After being laid off from your job as a flight attendant in October of 2001, you joined the US Army Reserves. You were injured while serving abroad — and then you returned here to Kingsborough for your nursing degree. Graduating alongside you today is your daughter, Sherifah Carter.
You all came to this college at many different stages in life, and, today, after hard work and sacrifice, long hours and sleepless nights, you all walk across the same stage, having accomplished something no one can ever take away from you.
I am a community college teacher not simply because I hope to inspire you — but because you inspire me.
Every year, I meet students who have doubts, who are unsure of their destinies, unaware of the abilities they possess. And every year, around this time, I see those same students, in caps and gowns, walk across a stage and receive a diploma, knowing that, yes, they cast those doubts aside, and, yes, they did what they set out to do.
It’s a feeling you can get at most universities, but it’s especially strong at community colleges — where the gap between what is imagined at the beginning and what is achieved at the end can be so wide.
Just watching you close those gaps is exactly why I am a community college professor. I often say that my students are my heroes, and I am not exaggerating. You are all heroes. And today we celebrate your heroism.
The education you receive here at Kingsborough goes so far beyond the four corners of a diploma. So far outside the pages of an English textbook or the walls of a research lab.
What you have learned here is nothing so much as the confidence it takes to succeed, the knowledge that, hey, I set out to do this, and I did it, and now I can do so much more.
Years from now, you may not be able to recite the lines of poetry from your English textbooks; you may not be able to do the complex math problems you finally conquered — but you will be able to say, "No matter what is put in front of me, I can do it."
Over the last 16 years, I have seen firsthand the power of community colleges to change lives. And now the good news is — now we have a president, Barack Obama, who sees the same thing.
The President’s goal is for the United States to once again have the highest proportion of college graduates by the year 2020 — he knows community colleges will play a major part in achieving this goal. He also knows that community colleges are critical to the administration’s efforts to promote access to job training or additional education for unemployed Americans.
We know that community colleges have been meeting these critical needs for decades. This is nothing new to you. 
Community colleges are leaders in creating training programs for green jobs, for manufacturing, and for targeted areas like Kingsborough’s own marine technology program.
I have always said community colleges are one of America’s best-kept secrets — and now we have a president and an administration who are highlighting their contribution, bringing more students to colleges like Kingsborough, so they, too, can gain the skills and the confidence they need to succeed in a new era.
The education gained on campuses just like this will provide the knowledge that will power the 21st century. You’re not just here amassing knowledge; you’re sparking a quest for discovery that will last a lifetime.
Some of you will go on to four-year universities; some to graduate school; and some into the workforce. No matter where you go — let your education continue. Keep your eyes open to the world around you. And always see in others what they are capable of being and becoming.
See it. Pass it on. You need to inspire them. Show them the good that can come from a great education. Show them what they’re capable of. Show them, above all else, that they can do it too!
Thank you. Congratulations, graduates.
###
 
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
______________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                   June 12, 2009                    
REMARKS BY PRESIDENT OBAMA
AND PRIME MINISTER TSVANGIRAI OF ZIMBABWE
AFTER MEETING
Oval Office
4:04 P.M. EDT
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, I want to welcome Prime Minister Tsvangirai to the Oval Office.  He and his delegation have been meeting with my team throughout the day.  I obviously have extraordinary admiration for the courage and the tenacity that the Prime Minister has shown in navigating through some very difficult political times in Zimbabwe.
There was a time when Zimbabwe was the bread basket of Africa and continues to have enormous potential.  It has gone through a very dark and difficult period politically.  The President -- President Mugabe -- I think I've made my views clear, has not acted oftentimes in the best interest of the Zimbabwean people and has been resistant to the kinds of democratic changes that need to take place.
We now have a power-sharing agreement that shows promise, and we want to do everything we can to encourage the kinds of improvement not only on human rights and rule of law, freedom of the press and democracy that is so necessary, but also on the economic front.  The people of Zimbabwe need very concrete things -- schools that are reopened, a health care delivery system that can deal with issues like cholera or HIV/AIDS, an agricultural system that is able to feed its people.  And on all these fronts, I think the Prime Minister is committed to significant concrete improvement in the day-to-day lives of the people of Zimbabwe.
I congratulate him -- they've been able to bring inflation under control after hyperinflation that was really tearing at the fabric of the economy.  We're starting to see slowly some improvements in capacity -- industrial capacity there.  So, overall, in a very difficult circumstance, we've seen progress from the Prime Minister.
We are grateful to him.  We want to encourage him to continue to make progress.  The United States is a friend to the people of Zimbabwe.  I've committed $73 million in assistance to Zimbabwe.  It will not be going to the government directly because we continue to be concerned about consolidating democracy, human rights, and rule of law, but it will be going directly to the people in Zimbabwe and I think can be of assistance to the Prime Minister in his efforts.  He's going to continue to provide us with direction in ways that he thinks we can be helpful.  And I'm grateful to him for his leadership, for his courage, and I'm looking forward to being a partner with him in the years to come.
Mr. Prime Minister.
PRIME MINISTER TSVANGIRAI:  Thank you.  Thank you very much, Mr. President.  I would like to take this opportunity to thank you for receiving us.  I'm sure that -- I want to take the opportunity of congratulating you, although belatedly, for being elected the President.  And I think it's a profound experience for some of us who are committed to change, and hopefully that -- the Prime Minister, who is committed to change, and the President, who is committed to change, find common convergence in position.
I've been explaining to the President that Zimbabwe is coming out of a political conflict and economic collapse or decay, and that the new political dispensation here drafted is an attempt to arrest this decay, but also mindful of the fact that it is a journey.  This is a transitional arrangement.  We want to institute those reforms that will ensure that in 18 months' time the people of Zimbabwe will be given an opportunity to live their own lives.
Yes, there has been a lot of progress made by the transitional government, but there are also problems.  It is the problems of implementation, and I do recognize that even by the standard of our own benchmarks, there are gaps that still exist and that we will strive.  And I want to show my -- to express my commitment that we will strive to implement those benchmarks, not because they are for the international community but because for ourselves it gives people of Zimbabwe freedom and opportunity to grow.
I want to say, lastly, I want to thank you for that demonstrable leadership in assisting the people of Zimbabwe and I want to take this opportunity to thank the humanitarian support that the West -- we have experienced over the years and the continued expression of support.  And of course we continue to engage in ensuring that that support consolidates the process towards democratic change, (inaudible) strengthens (inaudible) in defense of the status quo.
Thank you very much, Mr. President.
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you so much.  Thank you, everybody.  Have a great weekend.
END                                                                     
4:10 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
_____________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                        June 11, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN TOWH HALL MEETING ON HEALTH CARE
Southwest High School
Green Bay, Wisconsin
12:07 P.M. CDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, Green Bay. (Applause.) It's good to see you. Thank you. It is great to be back in Green Bay. (Applause.) We are hoping that both the Packers and the Bears do better this year. (Applause.) Come on, we can bring everybody together.
I want to make just a few acknowledgments; we've got some wonderful special guests here today. First of all, can everybody please give Laura a huge round of applause for sharing her story? (Applause.) I want to thank our hosts, Principal Brian Davis and his beautiful family, and Superintendent Gregg Maass, please gives them a big round of applause. (Applause.) Your outstanding governor, Jim Doyle, is here; give him a big round of applause. (Applause.) Lieutenant Governor Barbara Lawton is here, give Barbara a big round of applause. (Applause.) Congressman Steve Kagen is here, Congressman. (Applause.) Your own Mayor, Jim Schmitt. (Applause.) And Milwaukee Mayor Tom Barrett is here as well. (Applause.)
I want to thank all the tribal leaders of Wisconsin who are with us here today. (Applause.) And they couldn't be with us, but I want to acknowledge the great leadership that you're getting in the United States Senate from Herb Kohl and Russ Feingold, give them a big round of applause. (Applause.)
This is a town hall meeting, but if you don't mind I want to make a few comments at the outset, sort of to frame the discussion, and then we'll get to the fun part and you guys can bombard me with questions.
As I said, I want to thank Southwest High School for hosting us. (Applause.) I especially want to thank Laura for sharing her story. It takes courage to do that and it takes even more courage to battle a disease like cancer with such grace and determination, and I know her family is here and they're working and fighting with her every inch of the way.
Laura’s story is incredibly moving. But sadly, it's not unique. Every day in this country, more and more Americans are forced to worry about not just getting well, but whether they can afford to get well. Millions more wonder if they can afford the routine care necessary to stay well. Even for those who have health insurance, rising premiums are straining family budgets to the breaking point -- premiums that have doubled over the last nine years, and have grown at a rate three times faster than wages. Let me repeat that: Health care premiums have gone up three times faster than wages have gone up. So desperately needed procedures and treatments are put off because the price is too high. And all it takes is a single illness to wipe out a lifetime of savings.
Now, employers aren’t faring any better. The cost of health care has helped leave big corporations like GM and Chrysler at a competitive disadvantage with their foreign counterparts. For small businesses, it’s even worse. One month, they’re forced to cut back on health care benefits. The next month, they've got to drop coverage. The month after that, they have no choice but to start laying off workers.
For the government, the growing cost of Medicare and Medicaid is the biggest threat to our federal deficit, bigger than Social Security, bigger than all the investments that we've made so far. So if you're worried about spending and you're worried about deficits, you need to be worried about the cost of health care.
We have the most expensive health care system in the world, bar none. We spend almost 50 percent more per person on health care than the next most expensive nation -- 50 percent more. But here's the thing, Green Bay: We're not any healthier for it; we don't necessarily have better outcomes. Even within our own country, there are a lot of the places where we spend less on health care, but actually have higher quality than places where we spend more. And it turns out Green Bay is a good example. Right here in Green Bay, you get more quality out of fewer health care dollars than many other communities across this country. (Applause.) That's something to be proud of. I want to repeat that: You spend less; you have higher quality here in Green Bay than in many parts of the country. But across the country, spending on health care keeps on going up and up and up -- day after day, year after year.
I know that there are millions of Americans who are happy, who are content with their health care coverage -- they like their plan, they value their relationship with their doctor. And no matter how we reform health care, I intend to keep this promise: If you like your doctor, you'll be able to keep your doctor; if you like your health care plan, you'll be able to keep your health care plan. (Applause.)
So don't let people scare you. If you like what you've got, we're not going to make you change. But in order to preserve what's best about our health care system, we have to fix what doesn't work. For we've reached the point where doing nothing about the cost of health care is no longer an option. The status quo is unsustainable. If we don't act, and act soon to bring down costs, it will jeopardize everybody's health care. If we don't act, every American will feel the consequences in higher premiums -- which, by the way, means lower take-home pay, because it's not as if those costs are all borne by your employer; that's money that could have gone to giving you a raise -- in lost jobs and shuttered businesses, in a rising number of uninsured and a rising debt that our children and their children will be paying off for decades. If we do nothing, within a decade we will be spending one out of every $5 we earn on health care. And in 30 years, we'll be spending one out of every $3 we earn on health care. And that's untenable. It's unacceptable. I will not allow it as President of the United States. (Applause.)
Health care reform is not something I just cooked up when I took office. Sometimes I hear people say, he's taking on too much, why is he -- I'm not doing this because I don't have enough to do. (Laughter.) We need health care reform because it's central to our economic future. It's central to our long-term prosperity as a nation. In past years and decades there may have been some disagreement on this point, but not anymore. Today, we've already built an unprecedented coalition of people who are ready to reform our health care system: physicians and health insurers; businesses and workers; Democrats and Republicans.
A few weeks ago, some of these groups committed to doing something that would've been unthinkable just a few years ago: They promised to work together to cut national health care spending by $2 trillion over the next decade. And that will bring down costs. It will bring down premiums. That's exactly the kind of cooperation we need.
But the question now is how do we finish the job? How do we permanently bring down costs and make quality, affordable health care available to every single American? And my view is that reform should be guided by a simple principle: We will fix what's broken and we build on what works. (Applause.)
In some cases there's broad agreement on the steps we should take. So in our Recovery Act that we already passed -- hey, buddy -- my guy in the cap, he was waving at me. (Laughter and applause.) In the Recovery Act, we've already made investments in health IT -- that's information technologies -- and electronic medical records that will reduce medical errors, save lives, save money, and still ensure privacy. We also need to invest in prevention and wellness programs to help Americans live longer and healthier lives. (Applause.)
But the real cost savings will come from changing the incentives of a system that automatically equates expensive care with better care. We've got to move from addressing -- we've got to address flaws that increase profits but don't actually increase the quality of care for patients.
We have to ask why places like Geisinger Health systems in rural Pennsylvania, or Intermountain Health in Salt Lake City, or communities like Green Bay can offer high-quality care at costs well below average, but other places in America can't. We need to identify the best practices across the country, learn from the successes, and then duplicate those successes everywhere else.
And we should change the warped incentives that reward doctors and hospitals based on how many tests and procedures they do -- (applause) -- even if those tests and procedures aren't necessary or result from medical mistakes. Doctors didn't get into the medical profession to be bean counters or paper pushers. They're not interested in spending all their time acting like lawyers or business executives. They became doctors to heal people, and that's what we have to free them to be able to do.
We also have to provide Americans who can't afford health insurance more affordable options. That's a economic imperative but it's also a moral imperative, because we know that when somebody doesn't have health insurance, they're forced to get treatment at the ER, and all of us end up paying for it. The average family pays a thousand dollars in extra premiums to pay for people going to the emergency room who don't have health insurance. So you're already subsidizing other folks; it's just you're subsidizing the most expensive care. You'd be better off subsidizing to make sure they were getting regular checkups. We're already paying for it. It's just it's hidden in your premiums.
So what we're working on is the creation of something called the Health Insurance Exchange, which would allow you to one-stop shop for a health care plan, compare benefits and prices, choose the plan that's best for you. If you're happy with your plan, you keep it. None of these plans, though, would be able to deny coverage on the basis of pre-existing conditions. (Applause.)
Every plan should include an affordable, basic benefits package. And if you can't afford one of these plans, we should provide assistance to make sure that you can. (Applause.) I also strongly believe that one of the options in the Exchange should be a public insurance option. (Applause.) And the reason is not because we want a government takeover of health care -- I've already said if you've got a private plan that works for you, that's great. But we want some competition. If the private insurance companies have to compete with a public option, it'll keep them honest and it'll help keep their prices down. (Applause.)
Now, covering more Americans is obviously going to require some money up front. We'll save money when they stop going to the emergency room and getting regular checkups, but it's going to cost some money up front. Helping families lower their costs, there's going to be a cost to this. And it comes at a time when we don't have a lot of extra money to spend, let's be honest. When I came in we had a $1.3 trillion deficit. And with the economic recession that we're going through, tax revenues are down -- I was talking to Governor Doyle -- tax revenues are down, more people are seeking help from the state. So we've got a lot of pressure on our budget.
So that's why I've already promised that reform cannot add to our deficit over the next 10 years. And to make that happen, we've already identified hundreds of billions of dollars worth of savings in our budget -- savings that will come from steps like reducing Medicare overpayments to insurance companies and rooting out waste and fraud and abuse in both Medicare and Medicaid. And I'll be outlining hundreds of billions of dollars more in savings in the days to come. And I'll be honest, even with these savings, reform will require some additional up front resources. And that's why I've proposed that we scale back how much the highest-income Americans can deduct on their taxes back -- take it back to the rate that existed under the Reagan years, and we could use some of that money to help finance health care reform. (Applause.)
In all these reforms, our goal is simple: the highest-quality health care at the lowest-possible cost. Let me repeat what I said before: We want to fix what's broken, build on what works. As Congress moves forward on health care legislation in the coming weeks there are going to be different ideas and disagreements about how to achieve this goal. And I welcome all ideas; we've got to have a good debate. What I will not welcome, what I will not accept is endless delay or a denial that reform needs to happen. (Applause.)
Because when it comes to health care, this country can't continue on its current path. I know there are some who will say that it's too expensive. I know some people say it's too complicated. But I can assure you: The cost of doing nothing is going to be a lot higher in the years to come. Our deficits will be higher. Our premiums will keep going up. Our wages will be lower. Our jobs will be fewer. Our businesses will suffer.
So to those who criticize our efforts, I ask them, "What's the alternative?" What else do we say to all the families who spend more on health care than on housing or on food? What do we tell those businesses that are choosing between closing their doors and letting their workers go? What do we say to Americans like Laura, a woman who has worked all her life; whose husband has worked; whose family has done everything right; a brave and proud woman whose child's school recently took up a penny drive to help pay her medical bills? What do we tell them? (Applause.)
Here's what I'm going to tell them: that after decades of inaction, we have finally decided to fix what's broken about health care in America. (Applause.) We have finally decided it's time to give every American quality health care at an affordable cost. (Applause.) We have decided to invest in reforms that will bring costs down now. (Applause.) We've decided to bring costs down now and in the future. And we've decided to change the system so that our doctors and health care providers are free to do what they trained and studied and worked so hard to do: to make people well again. That's what we can do in this country right now, at this moment.
So I don't want to accept "no" for an answer. We need to get this down, but I'm going to need your help. That's why I want your thoughts, your questions on this and any other issues.
Thank you very much, Green Bay. God bless you. Thank you. (Applause.)
Okay. Here's what we're going to do. I've got about 15, 20 minutes. Everybody sit down. (Laughter.) And here's how we're going to work it. There are no prearranged questions here. You just raise your hand. I haven't pre-selected anybody. I'm going to go girl-boy-girl-boy --(laughter) -- so that I'm not accused of bias in any way, all right. And I won't be able to get to every single question, but I'll try to get to as many as possible.
So there are microphones in the audience. If you can wait until the microphone comes to you, and that way everybody will be able to hear your question. Stand up and introduce yourself as well, that would be helpful.
This young lady right here, right here, since you're near a microphone. There you go.
Q Good afternoon, Mr. President. I am Paulette Garren (phonetic). As a self-employed individual, I spend approximately $8,000 annually on my health insurance premium, and it's a $2,000 deductible -- no dental, no vision, no prescription coverage. As my business is declining because of the economy we have, I am now in a situation where I'm taking savings to help pay for food and housing, because I also still don't want to lose my health insurance. And I will be frank and honest with you: I am a supporter of a single-payer system over any other system, because I do -- (applause) -- thank you -- I do believe that it will meet your three criteria and be the most economically feasible plan that we have.
When you were speaking, you mentioned that if we go with a public and a private option, that the public option will keep the private insurers honest. My concern is that we will end up in a situation like we have with Medicare, where Medicare is basically a subsidy of private insurance companies, because folks are able to buy Medicare Advantage. It seems to me that we would take that same scenario and increase it outward for the entire country. And that is why I still support single payer, and I know that at one point you did. And I would ask that it still be on the table for consideration, and thank you so much for your time. (Applause.)
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you for the great question.
Let me just talk about some of the different options that are out there, because sometimes there's been confusion in the press and the public, and people use, you know, politics in talking about the issue. There are some folks who say, "socialized medicine." You hear that all the time, "socialized medicine." Well, socialized medicine would mean that the government would basically run all of health care. They would hire the doctors, they would run the hospitals. They would just run the whole thing. Great Britain has a system of socialized medicine.
Nobody is talking about doing that, all right? So when you hear people saying, "socialized medicine," understand I don't know anybody in Washington who is proposing that, certainly not me.
Socialized medicine is different from a single-payer plan. Now, the way a single-payer plan works is that you still have private doctors, private hospitals, providers, et cetera, but everything is reimbursed through a single payer; usually, the government. So Medicare would be an example of a single-payer plan. Doctors don't work for Medicare, but Medicare reimburses for services that are provided to seniors who are on Medicare.
There have been proposals to have, essentially, Medicare for all, a single-payer plan for all Americans, and -- that person likes it. (Laughter.) And there are some appealing things to a single-payer plan, and there are some countries where that's worked very well.
Here is the thing: We're not starting from scratch. We've already got -- because of all kinds of historical reasons, we have primarily an employer-based system that uses private insurers alongside a Medicare plan for people above a certain age; and then you've got Medicaid for folks who are very poor and don't have access to health care. So we've got sort of a patchwork system. And it was my belief and continues to be my belief that whatever we might do if we were just starting from scratch, that it was important in order to get it done politically, but also to minimize disruptions to families that we start with what we have, as opposed to try to completely scrap the system and start all over again.
And so what my attitude was if you've got an employer-based system -- and a lot of people still get their health insurance through their jobs -- obviously, you're self-employed, so there's a different category, but the majority of people still get their health insurance through their employer. Rather than completely disrupt things for them, my attitude is let them keep the health insurance that they've got, the doctors that they have -- there's still a role for private insurance -- but number one, let's have insurance reform so that you can't eliminate people for preexisting conditions -- (applause) -- so that there's none of the cherry picking that's going on to try to just get the healthiest people insured and get rid of the sick people. So you've got to set up some rules for how insurance companies operate.
Number two, that for people who are self-employed, for small businesses, for others, they should have an option that they can go to if they can't get insurance through the private marketplace. That's why I've said that I think a public option would make sense. What that then does is it gives people a choice. If they're happy with what they've got, if they're employed by somebody who provides them with good health care, you can keep it, you don't have to do anything. But if you don't have health insurance, then you have an option available to you.
Now, how this debate is evolving in Washington, unfortunately sometimes kind of falls into the usual politic. So what you've heard is some folks on the other side saying, "I'm opposed to a public option because that's going to lead to government running your health care system." Now, I don't know how clearly I can say this, but let me try to repeat it: If you've got health insurance that you're happy with through the private sector, then we're not going to force you to do anything. All we're saying is for the 46 million people who don't have health insurance, or for people who've got health insurance, like you, who are self-employed but the premiums and the deductibles are so high that you almost never get prevention services -- you've put off going to a doctor until you're really sick because of the out-of-pocket expenses -- let's change some of those incentives so that we get more people getting prevention, more people getting health care to keep them healthy, as opposed to just treating them when they get sick.
And I think that we can come up with a sensible, common sense way that's not disruptive, that still has room for insurance companies and the private sector, but that does not put people in the position where they are potentially bankrupt every time they get sick.
Now, how this debate is going to evolve over the next eight weeks -- I'm very open-minded. And if people can show me, here's a good idea and here's how we can get it done and it's not something I've thought of -- I'm happy to steal people's ideas. (Laughter.) I'm not ideologically driven one way or another about it. (Applause.)
The one thing that I do think is critically important, though, is for self-employed people -- because there are a lot of self-employed people here and a lot of small business people -- they don't have the ability to pool their health insurance risk. And what that means is part of the reason that -- typically if you work for a big company, you get a better deal on health insurance than if you're just working for a small company is because there's a bigger pool. And that means that -- each of us have a certain risk of getting sick, but if that's spread around, everybody's premiums can be lowered because the total risk for everybody is somewhat lower.
If you're self-employed, you don't have access to that same pool. And part of what we have to do -- and that's where a public plan potentially comes in, or at least some mechanism to allow you to join a big pool. That will help drive down your costs immediately: your out-of-pocket costs for premiums, lower your deductibles. And what I'd like to see, as I said, is that every plan includes not only prohibitions against discriminating against people with pre-existing conditions, but also every plan should have incentives for people to use preventive services and wellness programs so that they can stay healthier.
You are somebody who I think could be directly impacted and directly helped if Congress gets this thing done and gets it on my desk, I hope, by sometime in October of this year. (Applause.)
Okay, it's a guy's turn. It's a guy's turn. This gentleman in the suit.
Q Welcome to Green Bay, Mr. President. It's an honor to have you here.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, sir.
Q My name is John Corpus (phonetic). I am fortunate enough to be here with my 10-year-old daughter who is missing her last day of school for this. I hope she doesn't get in trouble.
THE PRESIDENT: Oh, no. (Laughter.) Do you need me to write a note?
Q I'll take you up on that actually, Mr. President. (Laughter and applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: All right, go ahead. I'll start writing it now. What’s her name?
Q John Corpus.
THE PRESIDENT: No, her. (Laughter.)
Q Well, considering I have some people here from work that are very interested in --
THE PRESIDENT: No, no, I'm serious. What's your daughter's name?
Q Her name is Kennedy.
THE PRESIDENT: Kennedy. All right, that's a cool name. (Laughter.)
Q That's a very cool name, thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: All right, I'm going to write to Kennedy's teacher. (Laughter.) Okay, go ahead, I'm listening to your question.
Q Thank you, sir. I work in the health system and we work with employers; we work with payers, brokers, everybody to try to lower costs for employers. We have retail health clinics, walk-in clinics, regular primary clinics and emergency departments. And everybody is trying to do something now, but all I'm hearing is about what's going to happen long term.
And my question is: What is a time line that we have set up for this? What do you see happening, especially in the area of working with employers to either offer more insurance, or, for the uninsured, being able to get them something now?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, look, we're not going to be able -- whatever reforms we set up, it will probably take a couple of years to get it in place. Here you go, Kennedy. There you go. (Laughter and applause.)
So whatever reforms we pass, it's going to take a couple of years to get all the reforms and all the systems in place. There are some things that I think we should be able to do fairly quickly. For example, the pre-existing condition issue, some of the insurance reform issues I think we should be able to get in place more rapidly.
The thing that I think we're going to have to spend the most time thinking about and really get right -- and you probably know more about this than I do, because you're working with a lot of these employers and insurers and so forth -- is how do we change the medical delivery systems that can either drive costs way up and decrease quality or drive cost down and improve quality?
Let me describe to you what's happening, part of the reason that Green Bay is doing a better job than some other parts of the country. There are places where doctors typically work together as teams. And they start off asking themselves, "How can we provide the best possible care for this patient?" And because they're coordinating, they don't order a bunch of duplicative tests. And the primary care physician who initially sees the patient is in contact with all the specialists so that in one meeting they can consult with each other and make a series of decisions. And then they don't over-prescribe, and they make decisions about how quickly you can get somebody out of a hospital, because oftentimes being in a hospital actually increases the incidence of infection, for example. So there's a whole series of decisions that can be made that improve quality, increase coordination, but actually lower costs.
Now, the problem is more and more what our health care system is doing is it's incentivizing each doctor individually to say, "How many tests can I perform? Because the more tests I perform, the more I get paid." And it may not even be a conscious decision on the part of the doctor; it's just that the medical system starts getting in bad habits. And it's driven from a business mentality instead of a mentality of, how do we make patients better? (Applause.)
And so what you've got is a situation where, for example, the Mayo Clinic in Rochester, Minnesota, is famous for some of the best quality and some of the lowest cost. People are healthier coming out of there, they do great. And then you've got places -- there's a town in McAllen, Texas, where costs are actually a third higher than they are at Mayo, but the outcomes are worse.
So the key for us is to figure out, how do we take all the good ideas in the Mayo Clinic and spread them all across the country so that that becomes the dominant culture for providing health care? That's going to take some time. It involves changing how we reimburse doctors. It involves doctors forming teams and working in a more cooperative way. And that's kind of a slow, laborious process.
So here's the bottom line: If we pass health care reform this year, my expectation would be that immediately, families are going to see some relief on some issues, but we will not have the whole system perfectly set up probably until, say, four or five years from now. And I think that's a realistic time frame.
But if we wait -- if we said, well, you know, since we're not going to get it right, right away, let's put this off until two or four or five years from now -- it's never going to happen. That's what's been going on for the last 50 years now -- people have said, we can't do it right now. And as a consequence, it never gets done. Now is the time to do it, all right? (Applause.)
Okay, it's a girl's turn. I see a lady right there.
Q Thank you. Thank you, Mr. President. You've talked a little bit about the government plan and the competition with other insurance companies, and we all know that in the insurance business everything is about managing risk. And I guess I'd like to know what your vision is for how we would better manage the risk, especially if there is going to be a government program. What's your philosophy about primary care or the role of primary care? Do you subscribe to the medical home theory? How do you engage patients in this model so that that risk can be better managed and we can ultimately result in a population that has better health at a lower cost?
THE PRESIDENT: You sound very knowledgeable. Are you in the health care system?
Q Yes, I am. My name is Chris Waleski (phonetic) and I'm with (inaudible).
THE PRESIDENT: Well, look, in some ways you answered your own question because I think that the more we are incentivizing high quality primary care, prevention, wellness, management of chronic illnesses, the one things that it turns out is that about 20 percent of the patients account for 80 percent of the care and the costs of the health care system. And if we can get somebody first of all who is overweight to lose weight so that they don't become diabetic, we save tons of money. Even after they've become diabetic, if we are working with them to manage their regiment of treatments in a steady way, then it might cost us $150 when you prorate the costs for a counselor to call the diabetic on a regular basis to make sure they're taking their meds, and as a consequence, we don't pay $30,000 for a foot amputation. (Applause.)
So there are all sorts of ways that I think that we want to improve care, and that helps us manage risk.
Now, people are still going to get sick, and they are still going to be really catastrophic costs. And there have been a lot of ideas floated around in Congress, are there ways that we can help to underwrite some of the catastrophic care that takes place that would help lower premiums.
I'm open to a whole range of these ideas, and one of the things, one of the approaches that I've tried to take is to not just put down my plan and say, "It's my way or the highway." First of all, one of the things it turns out is Congress doesn't really like you to just tell them exactly what to do. (Laughter.) Steve Kagen can testify to that. (Laughter.) So it's always better to -- always better to be in a collaborative mode, and to listen.
But part of the reason is it's not just the politics of it, it's also because these are genuinely complicated issues, and nobody has all the right answers. So what we have to do is to find the 80 percent of stuff that everybody agrees on, things like electronic medical records that can eliminate errors in hospitals, because right now nurses can't read the doctors' handwriting. But if it comes out on a PDA that they're reading, then they're more likely to be accurate. And reducing paperwork -- everybody agrees, there's no reason why you should have to fill out five, six, eight forms every time you go to see a doctor. Everybody knows that. (Applause.) Huge amounts of wasted money. Electronic billing, and billing that you can understand -- everybody knows that's something that needs to be done. (Applause.)
So there are things that can be done that Republican, Democrat, liberal, conservative, we all know need to happen. The challenge is going to revolve around, how do we deal with the 20 percent of the stuff where people disagree?
This whole issue of the public plan is a good example, by the way. I mean, right now, a number of my Republican friends have said, we can't support anything with a public option. It's not clear that it's based on any evidence as much as it is their thinking; their fear that somehow, once you have a public plan, that government will take over the entire health care system. I'm trying to be fair in presenting what their basic concern is. And that's going to be a significant debate. And what we're trying to explain is, is that all we're trying to make sure of is that there is an option out there for people where the public -- where the free market fails. And we've got to admit that the free market has not worked perfectly when it comes to health care, because you've got a lot of people -- (applause) -- who are really getting hurt: 46 million uninsured, a whole bunch of more people who are underinsured who are seeing their premiums and deductibles rise. So I think a lot of the questions you're asking, those details are exactly what we're trying to work out.
This next eight weeks is going to be critical, though. And you need to be really paying attention and putting pressure on your members of Congress to say, there's no excuses. If we don't get it done this year, we're probably not going to get it done. And understand, even if you're happy with your health care right now, if you look at the trends, remember what I said: Your premiums are going up three times faster than your wages and your incomes. So just kind of extrapolate, think about what does that mean for you five years from now or 10 years from now? If nothing changes, then you, essentially, are going to be going more -- deeper and deeper into your pocket to keep the health care that you've got. And at some point your employers may decide, we just can't afford it. And there are a lot of people where that's happened, where their employers suddenly say, either you can't afford it or you've got to pay a much bigger share of your health care.
So don't think that somehow just by standing still, just because you're doing okay now, that you're going to be doing good five years from now. We've got to catch the problem now before it overwhelms our entire economy. (Applause.)
It's a guy's turn. It's a guy's turn. (Applause.) This gentleman right here, right there in the blue shirt. There you go.
Q I don't know if I need a microphone or not --
THE PRESIDENT: You got a good voice, but we still want to give you a microphone. Hold on a second. Where's my mic people? Here we go.
Q My name is Matt Stein. I'm a teacher. I've been in education for almost 20 years. (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, Matt. Where do you teach? Where do you teach?
Q I teach at North Central Area schools in the Upper Peninsula of Michigan. (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: Outstanding. (Applause.)
Q UP, baby? (Laughter.)
Q UP power, UPers. (Laughter.)
THE PRESIDENT: Is that what you call yourselves, UPers?
Q Yes. (Laughter.)
THE PRESIDENT: Okay, that's cool. (Applause.) All right.
Q Proudly, we call ourselves UPers. (Laughter.)
One of the things that I've learned in education in the last 20 years is that the system is not broken. And it bothers me when I hear politicians, and even my President, say that our educational system is broken. Not to insult you, but --
THE PRESIDENT: I don't feel insulted.
Q Good. This system works in cases. There are great things happening in Green Bay and Appleton and all over the UP. And there are things that can be reproduced. My question is: When will the focus be on reproducing those things -- smaller classrooms, creating communities in your classrooms -- and moving the focus away from single-day testing and test-driven outcomes? (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: Well, let me -- first of all, thank you for teaching. My sister is a teacher, and I think there is no more noble a profession than helping to train the next generation of Americans. (Applause.)
I completely agree with you that there is a lot of good stuff going on in American education. The problem is, is that it's uneven. (Applause.) Well, let me put it this way. There are actually two problems. In some places it is completely broken. In some urban communities where you've got 50 percent of the kids dropping out, you only have one out of every 10 children who are graduating at grade level -- this system is broken for them.
Q Crime -- (inaudible).
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I'm going to get to that. We can't have too big of a debate here. You got your question. (Laughter.) Don't worry, though, I'm going to answer your question.
So there are some places where it really is completely broken. And there, yes, a lot of it has to do with poverty and families that are in bad shape. There are all kinds of reasons. And yet, even there, there are schools that work. So the question is, why is it that some schools are working and some schools aren't, and even in the worst circumstances, and why don't we duplicate what works in those schools so that all kids have a chance?
Now, in other places, Green Bay and Appleton and many communities throughout Wisconsin and Michigan, the average public school is actually doing a reasonably good job -- but can I still say that even if you factor out the urban schools, we are falling behind when it comes to math; our kids are falling behind when it comes to science. We have kind of settled into mediocrity when we compare ourselves to other advanced countries and wealthy countries. That's a problem because the reason that America over the last hundred years has consistently been the wealthiest nation is because we've also been the most educated nation.
It used to be by a pretty sizable factor we had the highest high school graduation rates, we had the highest college graduation rates, we had the highest number of Ph.D.s, the highest number of engineers and scientists. We used to be head and shoulders above other countries when it came to education. We aren't anymore. We're sort of in the middle of the pack now among wealthy, advanced, industrialized countries.
So even with the good schools, we've got to pick up the pace, because the world has gotten competitive. The Chinese, the Indians, they're coming at us and they're coming at us hard, and they're hungry, and they're really buckling down. And they watch -- their kids watch a lot less TV than our kids do, play a lot fewer video games, they're in the classroom a lot longer. (Applause.)
So here's the bottom line. We've got to improve, we've got to step up our game -- which brings me to the next point in your question, which is, how do we do that? I agree with you that if all we're doing is spreading around a lot of standardized tests and teaching to the test, that's not improving our education system. (Applause.)
There's a saying in Illinois I learned when I was down in a lot of rural communities. They said, "Just weighing a pig doesn't fatten it." (Applause.) You can weigh it all the time, but it's not making the hog fatter. So the point being, if we're all we're doing is testing and then teaching to the test, that doesn't assure that we're actually improving educational outcomes.
We do need to have accountability, however. We do need to measure progress with our kids. Maybe it's just one standardized test, plus portfolios of work that kids are doing, plus observing the classroom. There can be a whole range of assessments, but we do have to have some kind of accountability, number one.
Number two, we do have to upgrade the professional development for our teachers. (Applause.) I mean, we still have a lot of teachers who are -- we've got a lot of teachers who are well-meaning, but they're teaching science and they didn't major in science and they don't necessarily know science that well. And they certainly don't know how to make science interesting. So we've got to give them the chance to train and become better teachers. We've got to recruit more teachers, train them better, retain them better, match them up with master teachers who are doing excellent work so that they are upgrading their skills.
If after all that training, the teacher is still not very good, we've got to ask that teacher, probably, there are a lot of other professions out there; you should try one. (Applause.) I mean, I'm just being blunt, but we're going to have to pick up the pace.
Now, the key point I want to make is this: We should focus on what works, based on good data. And Arne Duncan, my Secretary of Education, this guy is just obsessed with improving our education system. He is focused a hundred percent on it, and he is completely committed to teachers. We think that teachers are the most important ingredient in good schools. We're going to do whatever works to help teachers do a better job -- (applause) -- we're going to eliminate those thing that don't help teachers do a good job. Some of it is going to require more money, so in our Recovery Act, we have more money for improving curriculums, teacher training, recruitment, a lot of these things. But you can't just put more money without reform, and so some of it is demanding more accountability and more reform.
There's one other ingredient, though, and that is parents. (Applause.) We've got to have parents putting more emphasis on education with our kids. That's how we're all going to be able to pick up our game. (Applause.)
So, all right, I've got time for one more question, and I'm going to go with this young lady right here who's got a picture of me, I guess. (Laughter.)
Q We're very strong supporters of you. We followed you at the campaign rally back in September. I took my five-month-old son. His name is Daniel Clay Stevens (phonetic), and he's enrolled in the Oneida Nation of Indians of Wisconsin. (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: There you go.
Q And we were fortunate that you got to hold him. You actually called him "adorable" -- I don't know if you remember.
THE PRESIDENT: I'm sure he was. (Laughter.) I do.
Q I was just wondering if you'd be able to sign this for me.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I can sign that, yes. I'll ask -- I'll get one more question. I'll be happy to sign it. It's a young lady, sir. Everybody is pointing at this young lady, so she must be really important -- (laughter) -- or very popular.
Q Well, my name is Jean Marsch. I am the president of the Green Bay School Board, and I'm also a registered nurse and I work at Saint Vincent Hospital. (Applause.) My question centers on wellness and personal responsibility for one's health care. Could you talk about how your reforms would incorporate wellness and encouraging people to take more responsibility for their own health care? (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I think it's a great question. For those of you who still have employer-based care, one of the things that we've been doing is meeting with companies who are really doing some innovative things to encourage their employees to get well. And some of it involved financial incentives. So these employers, they'll say, you know what, we provide for your health insurance, but if you quit smoking, you will see money in your pockets in the form of lower premiums. If you lose weight, you will see an incentive, money in your pocket. Then they set up gyms or a range for club memberships for their employees. Then what they do is they set up a computerized system so you can check your progress on an ongoing basis, just by logging on through the company.
So there are a whole range of steps that a lot of employers are taking to help encourage that, and what we want to do is to work with those employers to give every company an incentive to do the right thing with their employees.
Now, for those who don't have an employer-based system, or they're going through Medicare or Medicaid or what have you, any time that we can reimburse for preventive care -- getting a regular mammogram or a pap smear, or just having a regular checkup for colon cancer -- to the extent that we are encouraging reimbursements on those items, then hopefully people will utilize them more.
But I think that this is extraordinarily important. We can all take steps to become healthier. And there is nothing wrong with us giving a little bit of a nudge in moving people in the direction of healthier lifestyles.
But look, it's hard, and changing habits are hard, and it starts with our children, which is why, as a part of our overall health care reform we've also got to talk about, for example, our school lunch programs. (Applause.) And, you know, you're at the head of a school board, as well as a nurse, I know you're struggling with this. The cheapest way to feed all the kids is to have the frozen tater tots, and you get them out and heat them up, and then you've got pizza and fries. And then the soda companies, they all say, we'll put in a free soda machine in there so the kids can have as much soda as they want. And pretty soon our kids are seeing their rates of Type 2 diabetes skyrocket. They're not getting the exercise, because a lot of schools are running out of money when it comes to PE. Kids are sitting in front of the TV all day long.
Michelle and I always used to talk -- when we were kids, folks our age and over will remember this -- (laughter) -- basically, your folks, especially during the summer, you would leave at 8:00 a.m., and then maybe you came home for some lunch, and then you'd be gone until dark and you'd come back in. And that whole time you were out there running around. Well, kids aren't doing that. Now, some of it is safety issues, and that's why public safety is important; having playgrounds is important; having adults who are willing to volunteer for Little League and basketball leagues -- that's all important. But we've got to get our children into healthier habits. That in turn will lead to healthier adults.
And so government can't do all of this. I'm the first one to acknowledge this. That's why I'm always puzzled when people -- they go out there creating this bogeyman about how, you know, "Obama wants government-run" -- I don't want government to run stuff. Like I said, I've got enough stuff to do. (Laughter.) I've got North Korea, and I've got Iran. And I've got Afghanistan and Iraq. (Applause.) I don't know where people get this idea that I want to run stuff, or I want government to run stuff. I think it'd be great if the health care system was working perfectly and we didn't have to be involved at all. That would be wonderful. That's not how it's worked. We've got a 50-year experiment in that. It's not worked well.
So I actually think that if everybody has a pragmatic attitude about this problem, they say we're all going to have to do our part; families are going to have to do their part by being healthier; employers do their parts by encouraging their employers to be healthier; government doing its part by making sure that those people who are working very hard but still don't have health insurance or their premiums are getting too sky-high, that they're getting a hand up; insurance companies, drug companies doing their parts by not price gouging or trying to cut people out of the system; hospitals adopting best practices. If we're doing all those pieces, then we can start bending this cost curve down.
And that's one last point I want to make, because what you'll hear during this debate over the next several weeks is people will also say "The deficit and the debt are skyrocketing, and that's the reason why we can't afford to do health reform." So I just want to repeat the single biggest problem we have in terms of the debt and the deficit is health care, it's Medicare and Medicaid. (Applause.) That is -- when you hear all these projections about all these trillions of dollars and red ink going out as far as the eye can see -- almost all of that is because of the increase in Medicare and Medicaid costs that are going up much, much faster than inflation.
It's undoubtedly true that this economic crisis has hurt our budget situation, because again, a lot less money is coming in from corporate taxes, sales taxes, et cetera. So that reduces the amount of money coming out at the same time as we're having to put a lot more money out for food stamps and for unemployment insurance and all kinds of other help that people need when they get thrown out of their jobs; subsidizing COBRA so they can keep their health care. That's contributed to some of it.
Some of it is that I have proposed some investments in education and in energy and in health information technologies. But there was just an article in The New York Times yesterday that showed that all that stuff, everything that I've proposed -- my stimulus package, what we've done in terms of bailing out the financial system -- all that stuff, that accounts for maybe 7, 8 percent of what you've seen in terms of increased debt and deficit. The real problem is Medicaid and Medicare. That's the nightmare scenario. If we can bend the curve, the cost-curve down so that health care inflation is no more than ordinary inflation, it's matching up with the amount of increases that you're seeing on your paychecks in your wages and your incomes, then we're going to be okay. And if we don't get a handle on it, we're not going to be okay. It doesn't matter, you know, that we eliminate earmarks or do all that other stuff. That won't make any difference -- we'll still be consumed by huge debt for the next generation.
That's why it's so important, that's why we're going to get it done, that's why I need your help, Green Bay. Thank you, everybody. God bless you. (Applause.)
END
1:08 P.M. CDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
______________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                           June 9, 2009
 
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT ON "PAY AS YOU GO"
East Room
1:07 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Thank you all for joining us here in the White House. Before I begin, I want to comment briefly on the announcement by the Treasury Department with regard to the financial stability plan.
As you know, through this plan and its predecessor, taxpayer dollars were used to stabilize the financial system at a time of extraordinary stress. And these funds were also meant to be an investment -- and they were meant to be temporary. And that's why this morning's announcement is important.
Several financial institutions are set to pay back $68 billion to taxpayers. And while we know that we will not escape the worst financial crisis in decades without some losses to taxpayers, it's worth noting that in the first round of repayments from these companies the government has actually turned a profit.
This is not a sign that our troubles are over -- far from it. The financial crisis this administration inherited is still creating painful challenges for businesses and families alike. And I think everybody sees it in their own individual districts. But it is a positive sign. We're seeing an initial return on a few of these investments. We're restoring funds to the Treasury where they'll be available to safeguard against continuing risks to financial stability. And as this money is returned, we'll see our national debt lessened by $68 billion -- billions of dollars that this generation will not have to borrow and future generations will not have to repay.
I've said repeatedly that I have no interest in managing the banking system -- or, for that matter, running auto companies or other private institutions. So today's announcement is welcome news to me. But I also want to say the return of these funds does not provide forgiveness for past excesses or permission for future misdeeds. It's critical that as our country emerges from this period of crisis, that we learn its lessons; that those who seek reward do not take reckless risk; that short-term gains are not pursued without regard for long-term consequences.
At the same time, as we seek greater responsibility from those in the private sector, it's my view -- and the view of those who are standing behind me today, as well as those in the audience -- that greater responsibility is required on the part of those who serve the public as well.
As a nation, we have several imperatives at this difficult moment in our history. We're confronting the worst recession this country has faced in generations, and this has required extraordinary investments in the short term. Another imperative is addressing long-deferred priorities -- health care, energy, education -- which threaten the American economy and the well-being of American families. And we've begun to tackle these problems as well.
But we are also called upon to rein in deficits by addressing these and other challenges in a manner that is fiscally responsible. This, in part, requires the kind of line-by-line review of the budget that is ongoing to remove things that we don't need and make the programs we do need work more efficiently. There are billions of dollars to be saved this way. But much of our effort will entail going after the big-ticket items that drive the deficits.
By ending unnecessary no-bid contracts and reforming the way government contracts are awarded, we can save the American people up to $40 billion every year. In addition, Secretary Robert Gates has proposed a badly needed overhaul of a defense contracting system riddled with hundreds of billions of dollars in cost overruns, and the cancelation of superfluous defense systems unnecessary to combat the threats of the 21st century.
We're also going to eliminate unwarranted subsidies currently lavished on health insurance companies through Medicare, which will save roughly $177 billion over the next decade. And this is part of broader health reform, about which I'll have more to say in the coming days, which will both cut costs and improve care.
So all told, in the next four years the deficit will be cut in half. Over the next decade, non-defense discretionary spending will reach its lowest level as a share of our national income since we began keeping records in 1962.
But we must go further, and one important step we can and must take is restoring the so-called "pay as you go" rule, or PAYGO. This is a rule I championed in the Senate and called for time and again on the campaign trail. Today, with the support of these legislators, including the Speaker of the House, my administration is submitting to Congress a proposal to codify this rule into law -- and I hope that the House and Senate will act quickly to pass it. (Applause.)
The "pay as you go" rule is very simple. Congress can only spend a dollar if it saves a dollar elsewhere. And this principle guides responsible families managing a budget. And it is no coincidence that this rule was in place when we moved from record deficits to record surpluses in the 1990s -- and that when this rule was abandoned, we returned to record deficits that doubled the national debt. Entitlement increases and tax cuts need to be paid for. They're not free, and borrowing to finance them is not a sustainable long-term policy.
Paying for what you spend is basic common sense. Perhaps that's why, here in Washington, it's been so elusive. Of course, there have been those in Washington leading the charge to restore PAYGO, and many of them are here today. I want to recognize Congressman George Miller, who introduced the first PAYGO bill in the House. (Applause.) I want to thank the House Blue Dogs and their leader, especially Baron Hill, who has been a driving force in favor of PAYGO. (Applause.) I want to acknowledge Senator Claire McCaskill, who's shown real leadership on this issue in the Senate. (Applause.) And as I said, I want to acknowledge the Speaker of the House, as well as leader Steny Hoyer, who are here because they understand the importance of this principle and are fully supportive of our efforts.
In fact, two years ago, a new Democratic Congress put in place congressional rules to restore this principle, but could not pass legislation without the support of the administration. I want you all to know you now have that support. (Applause.)
The fact is there are few who aren't distressed by deficits. It's a concern that crosses party lines, geographic boundaries, and ideological divides. But often, in the give-and-take of the political process, the vested interests of the few overtake the broader interests of the many. The debate of the day drowns out those who speak of what we may face tomorrow. And that's why "pay as you go" is essential. It requires Congress to navigate the ebb and flow of politics while remaining fixed on that fiscal horizon.
The reckless fiscal policies of the past have left us in a very deep hole. And digging our way out of it will take time, patience, and some tough choices. I know that in the face of this historic challenge there are many across this country who are skeptical of our collective ability to meet it. They're not wrong to feel that way. They're not wrong to draw this lesson after years in which we've put off difficult decisions; in which we've allowed our politics to grow smaller as our challenges grew ever more daunting.
But I think everybody understands this is an extraordinary moment, one in which we are called upon not just to restore fiscal responsibility, but to once again live up to the broader responsibilities we have to one another. And I know that we can summon that sense of shared obligation; that we have the capacity to change, and to grow, and to solve even our toughest of problems.
And that's at the heart of why we're here. I appreciate the work of the people in this room who've shown a willingness to make hard choices and do the hard work that's essential to overcoming the challenges of the present, while leaving our nation better off in the future. So this is going to be a lift. We know it's going to be tough. I think we can get it done, especially with the extraordinary leadership that is on display here today.
Thank you very much, everybody. (Applause.)
END
1:16 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
_____________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                           June 8, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT AND THE VICE PRESIDENT
BEFORE MEETING WITH CABINET TO DISCUSS ROADMAP TO RECOVERY
State Dining Room
12:04 P.M. EDT
THE VICE PRESIDENT: Mr. President, it seems strange to thank you for joining us in your house, but thank you for joining us. In a little more than a hundred days, I think your Cabinet has done a pretty good job, Mr. President, on the Recovery Act. I think we've put in place -- or they've put in place a pretty strong platform upon which we can begin to build this new economy.
And so far, Mr. President, you've provided immediate relief for instability through Make Work Pay tax credit -- 95 percent of the families in America are now receiving a tax break, and they're seeing it in their paycheck every month. We've increased food assistance to people in need, and the people hurt worst by this recession. We've kept thousands of people on the Medicaid rolls, and we've added a thousand more. And we also have expanded unemployment insurance and increased it.
You've implemented a tax credit program, Mr. President, and other incentives that's driving new consumer spending and is creating new products. And there is -- for example, there's a transformer factory in Missouri some of us visited that's making transformers now, paying people a good, decent wage, because of the tax credits for a company in Missouri that's building a hundred new windmills. This is happening all over.
We went to your hometown, Mr. President -- Chicago. There's an outfit called Serious Windows -- came in and bought Republic Windows; it had gone out of business -- not only bought their factory there, but several others around the country, hiring laid off workers because of the increased demand for energy-efficient windows.
You've provided aid to state governments, which has been of real consequence to them, protecting critical safety net programs and saving thousands of teaching jobs and thousands of law enforcement jobs. Mr. President, the Department of Transportation has provided more than 4,000 -- 4,000 infrastructure improvement projects they've authorized: highways, airports, mass transit system -- many of which have already begun construction in the last hundred days and even more which are going to come online, putting people to work at decent wages in the next hundred days.
You've made record investments in new technologies, new energy technologies -- wind and solar and biomass -- that are going to build a platform upon which this whole new energy economy is going to be built. And, Mr. President, in the process of doing this, you've already saved or created more than 150,000 jobs.
And, Mr. President, a couple of weeks ago -- and you've authorized me, and I thank the Cabinet for doing this, to call a Cabinet meeting once a week. A couple weeks ago, I asked the Cabinet members to give me a list of new projects that they were absolutely certain of they could get up and running in the second hundred days that would build momentum and accelerate the job growth in the next hundred days
And they each came back with new projects. The 10 most significant of those projects, Mr. President, we've put in this book that we're going to give you -- it's called "Roadmap to Recovery" -- here. And as we release that today, this document explains our ambitious plans for the next hundred days throughout the summer, lays out in graphs, which you'll see, Mr. President, exactly where these jobs are geographically; how they're distributed in each of the projects we're talking about.
And so, Mr. President, I think nothing we've begun in the first hundred days is going to come to an end. Everything from unemployment insurance is going to continue to spend out; the tax cuts; weatherization of tens of thousands of homes; development of a nationwide smart grid -- none of it will stop. But what we're talking about here is putting some pace on the ball here, Mr. President. And we wanted to emphasize the 10 new major initiatives that are going to kick in, in this next hundred days.
And the truth is, Mr. President, that recovery isn't meant to be neatly divided into 100 days here; it's about the cumulative impact of what the Congress passed and what you asked for. And, as I said, if I can -- if you don't mind my using a sports metaphor again -- it's about pace on the ball. Every hundred days, if we're doing this right, Mr. President, should produce more than the last hundred days.
And so in the next hundred days, Mr. President, we think we're going to grow the jobs by another 600,000. And this summer I think we're going to achieve a number of things.
I want to quickly go through the 10 major initiatives we're going to talk about. The Justice Department -- you're going to hear from each of the Cabinet members -- they believe they're going to be able to put 5,500 law enforcement officers on the street during this summer.
Health and Human Services: They're going to enable us, the states, to create and build on 1,129 health care centers in eight states and eight territories, providing service to approximately 300,000 additional people.
Interior: 107 new park projects that are underway that are going to make a real difference. A lot them have to do with energy savings, Mr. President, using high-tech energy standards.
Veterans: 90 veterans’ medical centers across the country are going to see improvements in their facility. Access and caring for veterans is better and is going to begin this summer.
We're going to start, in the Department of Agriculture, 200 new waste water and waste (inaudible) projects in rural America. As you know, Mr. President, representing Illinois, in the southern part of the state, these are big-ticket items. Most of these little towns can't afford this. But it impacts on -- it impacts on their quality of life.
Transportation: We're going to begin work and rehabilitation on 80 -- 98 airports, 1,500 highway locations throughout the country. That means we've authorized the money, Mr. President, but now the contracts are let, shovels are going to be in the ground, people out there in hard hats are going to be working, making a decent wage.
And at EPA, Mr. President, we're going to accelerate the clean-up on 21 super-fund sites that exist on the national priority list.
Education: 135,000 education-related jobs, including teachers, principals, administrators and staff support, which Arne will talk about in a minute.
We're going to create, at Labor, 125,000 summer jobs, and the idea of these summer jobs is it's not make-work jobs, Mr. President. We're putting these kids in a position they're going to learn a skill that hopefully they'll be able to turn around.
And lastly, Mr. President, the Defense Department, they're going to initiate 2,300 construction and rehabilitation projects on 359 military facilities across the country.
So, Mr. President, whether it's more energy-efficient facilities in our park system or more teachers or more cops on the street, construction cranes and hard hats are going to be seen a lot more this summer than they have in the past. We're accelerating our efforts, Mr. President, across the federal government. And as I said, at the end of this hundred days we feel confident we're going to be able to demonstrate to you we have created or saved another 600,000 jobs.
Fairly ambitious, Mr. President, but I asked the Cabinet, give me what they think is realistic, what's within their wheelhouse, what they can get done. And as a consequence of all this, Mr. President, we're also starting up a new Web site today; it's www.whitehouse.gov/recovery -- as well as the individual agency Web sites, as well our as our overall Web site.
And this is going to have a little bit of an interactive aspect to it, Mr. President, because what we want to do is we want average Americans as they're watching this happen this summer, as they're watching it happen in their neighborhoods, the parks they're visiting, whatever, we want them knowing that what we're doing is fully transparent, we're fully accountable, and we want them to watch us closely, and we want their input. We want them to tell us whether they think it's working or not working and how it's affecting them.
So Mr. President, by the fall I think we're going to be much further down the road to recovery. And I can say in conclusion, Mr. President, we've made a lot of trips around the country and I understand we got a lot of major, major things you're dealing with here in Washington and we're all dealing with, and it's a worldwide consequence.
But I'm telling you, when we go out -- and almost every Cabinet member has been with me at least once -- when we go out, the feeling of optimism, the feeling of something getting done is palpable. People are coming up to us at these meetings and saying, I'm now working now; my brother-in-law has got a job; look at what (inaudible)doing down the street here; this school is open. And the coverage in the communities we go into -- big cities like St. Louis; small, little towns in eastern part of North Carolina -- it's uniform. They get it, it's starting to work, Mr. President, and hopefully we're going to be able to sit with you in the beginning of the fall and say, "Boss, another 600,000 jobs and we're on our way to that 3.5 million."
THE PRESIDENT: Well, thank you, Joe, and thanks to all of you Cabinet, sub-Cabinet, agencies that have been involved in this process. Your leadership, Joe, has been critical on this; I'm grateful to you and your team for helping to coordinate between all the agencies because there are a lot of moving parts to this whole process.
On Friday, we learned that we had lost an additional 345,000 jobs in the month of May. That was far less than was expected, but it's still too many. That means that there are families who are still losing not only their jobs, but maybe losing their homes, finding themselves under extraordinary financial straits. And it's a reminder that we're still in the middle of a very deep recession that was years in the making, and it's going to take a considerable amount of time for us to pull out of.
Having said that, this was the fewest number of jobs that we have lost in about eight months -- so it was about half the number lost of just a few months ago. And it's a sign that we're moving in the right direction. The key is for us to build on the modest progress that has been made in the months to come.
When we arrived here, we were confronting the most significant recession since the Great Depression. It was bad and it was getting worse. Had we done nothing, I think it's fair to say that most economists believed we could have really gone into a tailspin. We decided to move swiftly and boldly, and I signed a Recovery Act into law just over a hundred days ago, and we've done more than ever, faster than ever, more responsibly than ever, to get the gears of the economy moving again. We've created and saved, as you said, Joe, at least 150,000 jobs -- jobs of teachers and nurses and firefighters and police officers. People who have been laid off are not being laid off. Folks who might have seen that plant close, as you pointed out, in my hometown, suddenly they started seeing orders coming back in, and that meant that they were retained.
We offered immediate relief to 95 percent of working families through our tax cut. We helped struggling state governments safeguard critical safety-net programs and in some cases made them work better. So Kathleen, as you know, a lot of people, they lose their jobs, they lose their health care. Because of the Recovery Act, if even when they lost their jobs, many of them were actually able to use the COBRA program that was cost-prohibitive previously.
So we've got some good news to report. I've been receiving the weekly reports from all of you, and I thank you and your teams for your dedication in moving this forward.
Having said that, I'm not satisfied. We've got more work to do. The biggest concern that I have moving forward is that the toll that job losses take on individual families and communities can be self-reinforcing. People lose jobs, they pull back on spending, that means businesses don't have customers, and suddenly you start seeing more job lay-offs. Our whole task here with the Recovery Act is to reverse that negative cycle into a positive cycle, and it's going to take some work.
So I'm pleased to know that having put the infrastructure in place, having gotten your teams up and running, many of the criteria by which money is going out in a responsible way that protects taxpayers, having been created, now we're in a position to really accelerate.
And so the goal here is that we're going to create or save 600,000 jobs over the next 100 days. Joe highlighted some of the specific commitments that we're making to keep the recovery moving forward: keeping teachers in the classroom, cops on the streets, providing summer jobs for youth that are particularly hard-hit in this job market, breaking ground on hundreds of new projects all across the country in clean energy and transportation, and so on.
And we're going to do it continuing to operate in a transparent fashion so that taxpayers know this money is not being wasted on a bunch of boondoggles. And I think that sometimes good news comes in what you don't hear about, and you haven't heard a bunch of scandals -- knock on wood -- (laughter) -- so far.
That doesn't mean that this thing is going to be flawless, but I think it is fair to say that given the speed with which we've acted, all of you can be proud that many of the safeguards and transparency measures that have taken place so far seem to have worked. We've got to keep that up because at a time when everybody is tightening their belts, the last thing the American people want to see is that any of this money is being wasted.
Now I know that there are some who, despite all evidence to the contrary, still don't believe in the necessity and promise of this Recovery Act, and I would suggest to them that they talk to the companies who, because of this plan, scrapped the idea of laying off employees and in fact decided to hire employees. Tell that to the Americans who receive that unexpected call saying, come back to work. Tell it to the Americans poised to benefit from critical investments that this plan makes in our long-term growth and prosperity.
In the end, that's the only measure of progress, is whether or not the American people are seeing some progress in their own lives. And so although we've seen some stabilizing in the financial markets and credit spreads have gone down, we're seeing a reduction in the fear that gripped the market just a few months ago, stock market is up a little bit -- all that stuff is not our ultimate goal. Our ultimate goal is making sure that the average family out there -- mom working, dad working -- that they are able to pay their bills, feel some job security, make their mortgage payments; the small business owner there is starting to see customers coming back in, they can make payroll, they can even think about hiring a little bit more and expanding. That's the measure, how ordinary families are helping to rebuild America once more.
We've got a long way to go, but I feel like we've made great progress. I'm grateful to you, Joe, for your leadership. I want to thank all of you for the good work you're doing. And now we're going to get into the nitty-gritty of how we're going to make this happen.
Press, thank you. You're getting kicked out now.
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12:20 P.M. EDT