THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
_______________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                    March 11, 2009
Remarks by the President
On Earmark Reform
Room 350
Dwight D. Eisenhower Executive Office Building
11:23 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Good morning. I ran for President pledging to change the way business is done in Washington and build a government that works for the people by opening it up to the people. And that means restoring responsibility and transparency and accountability to actions that the government takes. And working with the Congress over my first 50 days in office, we've made important progress toward that end.
Working together, we passed an American Recovery and Reinvestment Act that's already putting people back to work doing the work that America needs done. We did it without the customary Congressional earmarks -- the practice by which individual legislators insert projects of their choosing. We're implementing the Recovery Act with an unprecedented level of aggressive oversight and transparency, including a website -- recovery.gov -- that allows every American to see how their tax dollars are spent and report on cases where the system is breaking down.
I also signed a directive that dramatically reforms our broken system of government contracting, reining in waste and abuse and inefficiency; saving the American taxpayers up to $40 billion each year in the process.
And I've laid out plans for a budget that begins to restore fiscal discipline so we can bring down the $1.3 trillion budget deficit we've inherited and pave the way for our long-term prosperity. For the first time in many years, we've produced an honest budget that makes the hard choices required to cut our deficit in half by the end of my first term in office.
Now, yesterday Congress sent me the final part of last year's budget; a piece of legislation that rolls nine bills required to keep the government running into one, a piece of legislation that addresses the immediate concerns of the American people by making needed investments in line with our urgent national priorities.
That's what nearly 99 percent of this legislation does -- the nearly 99 percent that you probably haven't heard much about.
What you likely have heard about is that this bill does include earmarks. Now, let me be clear: Done right, earmarks have given legislators the opportunity to direct federal money to worthy projects that benefit people in their districts, and that's why I've opposed their outright elimination. And I also find it ironic that some of those who rail most loudly against this bill because of earmarks actually inserted earmarks of their own –- and will tout them in their own states and their own districts.
But the fact is that on occasion, earmarks have been used as a vehicle for waste, and fraud, and abuse. Projects have been inserted at the 11th hour, without review, and sometimes without merit, in order to satisfy the political or personal agendas of a given legislator, rather than the public interest. There are times where earmarks may be good on their own, but in the context of a tight budget might not be our highest priority. So these practices hit their peak in the middle of this decade, when the number of earmarks had ballooned to more than 16,000, and played a part in a series of corruption cases.
In 2007, the new Democratic leadership in Congress began to address these abuses with a series of reforms that I was proud to have helped to write. We eliminated anonymous earmarks and created new measures of transparency in the process, so Americans can better follow how their tax dollars are being spent. These measures were combined with the most sweeping ethics reforms since Watergate. We banned gifts and meals and made sure that lobbyists have to disclose who they're raising campaign money from, and who in Congress they send it to. So we've made progress. But let's face it, we have to do more.
I am signing an imperfect omnibus bill because it's necessary for the ongoing functions of government, and we have a lot more work to do. We can't have Congress bogged down at this critical juncture in our economic recovery. But I also view this as a departure point for more far-reaching change.
In my discussions with Congress, we have talked about the need for further reforms to ensure that the budget process inspires trust and confidence instead of cynicism. So I believe as we move forward, we can come together around principles that prevent the abuse of earmarks.
These principles begin with a simple concept: Earmarks must have a legitimate and worthy public purpose. Earmarks that members do seek must be aired on those members' websites in advance, so the public and the press can examine them and judge their merits for themselves. Each earmark must be open to scrutiny at public hearings, where members will have to justify their expense to the taxpayer.
Next, any earmark for a for-profit private company should be subject to the same competitive bidding requirements as other federal contracts. The awarding of earmarks to private companies is the single most corrupting element of this practice, as witnessed by some of the indictments and convictions that we've already seen. Private companies differ from the public entities that Americans rely on every day –- schools, and police stations, and fire departments.
When somebody is allocating money to those public entities, there's some confidence that there's going to be a public purpose. When they are given to private entities, you've got potential problems. You know, when you give it to public companies -- public entities like fire departments, and if they are seeking taxpayer dollars, then I think all of us can feel some comfort that the state or municipality that's benefitting is doing so because it's going to trickle down and help the people in that community. When they're private entities, then I believe they have to be evaluated with a higher level of scrutiny.
Furthermore, it should go without saying that an earmark must never be traded for political favors.
And finally, if my administration evaluates an earmark and determines that it has no legitimate public purpose, then we will seek to eliminate it, and we'll work with Congress to do so.
Now I know there are members in both Houses with good ideas on this matter. And just this morning, the House released a set of recommendations for reform that I think hold great promise. I congratulate them on that.
Now I'm calling on Congress to enact these reforms as the appropriation process moves forward this year. Neither I nor the American people will accept anything less.
It's important that we get this done to ensure that the budget process works better, that taxpayers are protected, and that we save billions of dollars that we so desperately need to right our economy and address our fiscal crisis. Along with that reform, I expect future spending bills to be debated and voted on in an orderly way, and sent to my desk without delay or obstruction, so that we don't face another massive, last-minute omnibus bill like this one.
I recognize that Congress has the power of the purse. As a former senator, I believe that individual members of Congress understand their districts best. And they should have the ability to respond to the needs of their communities. I don't quarrel with that. But leadership requires setting an example and setting priorities, and the magnitude of the economic crisis we face requires responsibility on all our parts.
The future demands that we operate in a different way than we have in the past. So let there be no doubt: This piece of legislation must mark an end to the old way of doing business, and the beginning of a new era of responsibility and accountability that the American people have every right to expect and demand.
If we're going to solve our economic crisis; if we're going to put Americans back to work; if we're going to make the investments required to build a foundation for our future growth -- then we must restore the American people's faith that their government is working for them, and that it's on their side. That's the government I promised. That's the government I intend to lead.
Thank you very much, everybody.
END                    11:33 A.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
_______________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                    March 11, 2009
Remarks by the President
And Treasury Secretary Geithner
After Economic Daily Briefing
Oval Office
10:47 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I just wanted to let you guys know that Secretary Geithner is going to be discussing our approach to the G20 today, and this is going to be I think a critical meeting at a obviously critical time in the world's economy.
We've got two goals in the G20. The first is to make sure that there is concerted action around the globe to jumpstart the economy. The second goal is to make sure that we are moving forward on a regulatory reform agenda that ensures that we don't see these same kinds of systemic risks and the potential for this kind of crisis again in the future.

Now, I think that the United States has actually taken a significant leap on a number of these steps that are required. We've already passed the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act. We are doing a good job stimulating our economy here at home.

We're moving forward in stabilizing the financial system through a whole host of steps that have already been taken, and a number of steps that we intend to take in the future to make sure that the financial system is solvent, that our banks are strong, and that we start lending again to businesses and consumers.
We also have already been in discussions with the relevant members of the congressional committees to talk about how we can move forward on a regulatory framework. You heard from the Federal Reserve Chairman Bernanke yesterday about the need for us to revamp our regulations. That's not just something that we want to do domestically, but we ought to make sure that we're coordinating with the other G20 countries.
A few other areas that haven't been discussed as much. The United States is part of the integrated global economy. And so we have to not only think about what's happening here at home, but in order for us to grow businesses, create jobs here at home, we also have to be mindful about what's happening overseas. And that's why, at this G20 meeting, one of the things that Secretary Geithner is going to be talking about is how can we make sure that emerging markets, developing countries that may be very hard hit as a consequence of the contracting economy, how do we make sure that they remain stable, that they can still purchase American goods; how do we make sure also that we are not falling into protectionist patterns and that world trade is still something that countries support and embrace as opposed to scaling back on.
So there are going to be a host of issues that we need to discuss. The job of Secretary Geithner is to lay the groundwork so that -- with other finance ministers from the other G20 countries so that when the leaders of these various countries actually show up, we can go ahead and craft the kind of agreement that's going to be necessary, not just for the stability of the financial system but ultimately to make sure that we're creating jobs and that businesses are reinvesting here in the United States.
We can do a really good job here at home with a whole host of policies, but if you continue to see deterioration in the world economy, that's going to set us back. And I think it's very important for the American people to understand that as aggressive as the actions we are taking have been so far, it's very important to make sure that other countries are moving in the same direction, because the global economy is all tied together.
Tim, anything you want to add?
SECRETARY GEITHNER: Mr. President, I travel to Europe tomorrow night to meet with the G20 finance ministers and central bank governors. We need to bring the world together to put in place a very substantial, sustained program of support for recovery and growth. And we want to bring together a new consensus globally on how to strengthen this global financial system so that a crisis like this never happens again.
There's been a lot of talk and a lot of ideas over the last two years in these areas. It's time now for us to move together and to begin to act to put in place a stronger framework of reforms. A lot of good work has happened, but we need to now bring this together so that we're together as a world economy working together.
Everything we do in the United States will be more effective if we have the world moving with us. You know, we're the most productive economy in the world, most productive workers in the world, but they need markets for their products that are expanding, and we have a lot of work to do, but I think we can make a lot of progress.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Good. And just one last point I want to make. I've already had discussions with a number of world leaders on these issues -- obviously, when Gordon Brown came to visit, when Prime Minister Aso of Japan came. We have already started laying the groundwork. You're starting to see a lot of coordination at various levels, both in terms of the financial regulators as well as those who are shaping potential stimulus packages in their own countries.
So I'm actually optimistic about the prospects. Everybody understands that we're in this together. I think the G20 countries are going to be seeking a lot of cooperation. One of the messages that is consistently hammered home when I talk to foreign leaders is their recognition that a strong U.S. economy will help their economy. And so they're rooting for our success.
We've got to make sure that we're rooting for theirs, as well, because we've got a lot of exporters. Until just a few months ago, exports were actually one of the areas where we were still getting some lift in the economy. That has now gone away. It's now banished because purchasing power in many of these other countries, as well as credit in these other countries, has contracted. So we've got to spend some time thinking about how we're going to strengthen them, as well, in order to make sure that ultimately our plans here at home are successful.
All right? Thank you, everybody.
Q Did you sign that omnibus yet?
THE PRESIDENT: Not yet. We're going to --
Q -- planning on these earmarks --
THE PRESIDENT: We're going to have a -- we're going to have a signing. We're going to have a signing. Thank you, guys.
END                  10:54 A.M. EDT

THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary
______________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                March 10, 2009

REMARKS BY PRESIDENT OBAMA
AND UNITED NATIONS SECRETARY GENERAL BAN KI-MOON
AFTER MEETING

Oval Office
6:23 P.M. EDT
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, let me just say that I am very grateful for the Secretary General taking the time to visit with us today.  As I've said previously, I think the United Nations can be an extraordinarily constructive, important partner in bringing about peace and stability and security to people around the world.  And the Secretary General has shown extraordinary leadership during his tenure as Secretary General.

We had a wide-ranging conversation.  There are a host of international issues that we both agreed have to be addressed.  We talked about the economic crisis and how that's affecting not only developed countries, but very poor countries around the world, and the potential threat to food supplies if it continues to worsen, and the need for international coordination. 

We discussed the issue of Afghanistan, where the Secretary General has been very helpful in bringing together a donors conference.  We're going to be talking about how we can ramp up and better coordinate civilian activities in Afghanistan so that we can be more effective in that region.  And we also talked about the upcoming elections in Afghanistan.

We discussed Haiti and the concerns that we both have about a long-suffering country that's just gone through a terrible crisis as a consequence of hurricanes. 

And one of the things that we spent I think the most time talking about was the issue of Darfur.  As many of you are aware, we have a ongoing crisis in Darfur that has heightened recently, where the Khartoum government has kicked out some of the most important nongovernmental organizations that provide direct humanitarian aid to millions of people who've been internally displaced in the Sudan.  And we have a potential crisis of even greater dimensions that what we already saw.

I impressed upon the Secretary General how important it is from our perspective to send a strong, unified, international message that it is not acceptable to put that many people's lives at risk; that we need to be able to get those humanitarian organizations back on the ground; and that the United States wants to work as actively as possible with the United Nations to try to resolve the immediate humanitarian crisis and to start putting us on a path for long-term peace and stability in the Sudan. 

And this is something that the United States Secretary to the United Nations, Secretary Rice, has been working on diligently.  It's something that we care about deeply.  And we're hopeful that we can make some significant progress.

Last point that I would make is Secretary Ban has spoken extensively about the issue of climate change, and as all of you know, this is something that my administration is deeply concerned about, as well.  We welcome his leadership.  We're looking forward to working with some of the major countries involved to figure out how, even in the midst of economic crisis, we can move forward and prevent what could be longer-term ecological crises that could have a tremendously adverse effect on the international economy if we don't take action.

SECRETARY GENERAL BAN:  Thank you very much, Mr. President.  I'm very much honored to meet you and discuss on all the matters of our mutual concern and interest between the United Nations and the United States. 

It's a very encouraging sign coming from your office to the United Nations that we are meeting at such an early stage of your administration.  And I count on your great leadership.  The United Nations and the United States share common visions and objectives for peace, stability, development and human rights.  As Secretary General of the United Nations, you can count on me my full commitment and working together with you.

I think year 2009 is a make-or-break year, full of crises on many fronts -- for the United Nations, for the United States, and whole international community as a whole.  For that, we need to work very closely to address all the issues.  I have been closely following with a deepest admiration what you have been taking, demonstrating great leadership, very dynamic and visionary, to overcome this international economic crisis.  I welcome your very strong national stimulus packages, and I'm also looking forward to meeting you and discussing with you and other leaders at G20 summit meeting in London.

What I'd like to emphasize, as Secretary General of the United Nations, is that leaders of G20 should not lose sight of the challenges and plight of hundreds of hundreds of millions of poorest people of the developing countries who have been impacted by this economic crisis.

The leaders of industrialized countries should keep their commitment on Millennium Development goals and official development assistance, and help developing countries overcome food security and also help them to adapt and mitigate climate change.

Climate change, as, Mr. President, you have said, is a priority for the United Nations and for whole international community.  I am going to focus and work together with the leaders of the world to address this issue, to unlock all this massive investment for the green economic recovery, and also to save our planet.  This is an issue of our era.  I count on your strong commitment and leadership.  Whole world is now looking at your leadership.  And I'm willing to -- I'm committed to work together with you.

We have discussed, as President Obama just mentioned, on many issues, starting from Afghanistan, Sudan and Iraq and Pakistan, and disarmament, and nonproliferation issues like North Korean nuclear issues.  And on all of these issues, we -- I'm committed to work together with you.  I count on your leadership.

United Nations stands ready to work together with you, Mr. President, to make this make-or-break year turn into make-it-work, full of optimism and resolution.  And thank you very much, Mr. President.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you so much.
SECRETARY GENERAL BAN:  Thank you, sir.
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you, everybody.  Appreciate it.

END                
6:31 P.M. EDT
 
 
THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary
_______________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                                March 10, 2009
 

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT TO THE HISPANIC CHAMBER OF COMMERCE ON A COMPLETE AND COMPETITIVE AMERICAN EDUCATION

Washington Marriott Metro Center

Washington, D.C.

9:54 A.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. (Applause.) Si se puede.

AUDIENCE: Si se puede! Si se puede! Si se puede!

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Thank you so much. Please, everybody have a seat. Thank you for the wonderful introduction, David. And thank you for the great work that you are doing each and every day. And I appreciate such a warm welcome. Some of you I've gotten a chance to know; many of you I'm meeting for the first time. But the spirit of the U.S. Hispanic Chamber of Commerce, the desire to create jobs and provide opportunity to people who sometimes have been left out -- that's exactly what this administration is about. That's the essence of the American Dream. And so I'm very proud to have a chance to speak with all of you.

You know, every so often, throughout our history, a generation of Americans bears the responsibility of seeing this country through difficult times and protecting the dream of its founding for posterity. This is a responsibility that's fallen to our generation. Meeting it will require steering our nation's economy through a crisis unlike anything that we have seen in our time.

In the short term, that means jump-starting job creation and restarting lending, and restoring confidence in our markets and our financial system. But it also means taking steps that not only advance our recovery, but lay the foundation for lasting, shared prosperity.

I know there's some who believe we can only handle one challenge at a time. And they forget that Lincoln helped lay down the transcontinental railroad and passed the Homestead Act and created the National Academy of Sciences in the midst of civil war. Likewise, President Roosevelt didn't have the luxury of choosing between ending a depression and fighting a war; he had to do both. President Kennedy didn't have the luxury of choosing between civil rights and sending us to the moon. And we don't have the luxury of choosing between getting our economy moving now and rebuilding it over the long term.

America will not remain true to its highest ideals -- and America's place as a global economic leader will be put at risk -- unless we not only bring down the crushing cost of health care and transform the way we use energy, but also if we do -- if we don't do a far better job than we've been doing of educating our sons and daughters; unless we give them the knowledge and skills they need in this new and changing world.

For we know that economic progress and educational achievement have always gone hand in hand in America. The land-grant colleges and public high schools transformed the economy of an industrializing nation. The GI Bill generated a middle class that made America's economy unrivaled in the 20th century. Investments in math and science under President Eisenhower gave new opportunities to young scientists and engineers all across the country. It made possible somebody like a Sergei Brin to attend graduate school and found an upstart company called Google that would forever change our world.

The source of America's prosperity has never been merely how ably we accumulate wealth, but how well we educate our people. This has never been more true than it is today. In a 21st-century world where jobs can be shipped wherever there's an Internet connection, where a child born in Dallas is now competing with a child in New Delhi, where your best job qualification is not what you do, but what you know -- education is no longer just a pathway to opportunity and success, it's a prerequisite for success.

That's why workers without a four-year degree have borne the brunt of recent layoffs, Latinos most of all. That's why, of the 30 fastest growing occupations in America, half require a Bachelor's degree or more. By 2016, four out of every 10 new jobs will require at least some advanced education or training.

So let there be no doubt: The future belongs to the nation that best educates its citizens -- and my fellow Americans, we have everything we need to be that nation. We have the best universities, the most renowned scholars. We have innovative principals and passionate teachers and gifted students, and we have parents whose only priority is their child's education. We have a legacy of excellence, and an unwavering belief that our children should climb higher than we did.

And yet, despite resources that are unmatched anywhere in the world, we've let our grades slip, our schools crumble, our teacher quality fall short, and other nations outpace us. Let me give you a few statistics. In 8th grade math, we've fallen to 9th place. Singapore's middle-schoolers outperform ours three to one. Just a third of our 13- and 14-year-olds can read as well as they should. And year after year, a stubborn gap persists between how well white students are doing compared to their African American and Latino classmates. The relative decline of American education is untenable for our economy, it's unsustainable for our democracy, it's unacceptable for our children -- and we can't afford to let it continue.

What's at stake is nothing less than the American Dream. It's what drew my father and so many of your fathers and mothers to our shores in pursuit of an education. It's what led Linda Brown and Gonzalo and Felicitas Mendez to bear the standard of all who were attending separate and unequal schools. It's what has led generations of Americans to take on that extra job, to sacrifice the small pleasures, to scrimp and save wherever they can, in hopes of putting away enough, just enough, to give their child the education that they never had. It's that most American of ideas, that with the right education, a child of any race, any faith, any station, can overcome whatever barriers stand in their way and fulfill their God-given potential. (Applause.)

Of course, we've heard all this year after year after year after year -- and far too little has changed. Certainly it hasn't changed in too many overcrowded Latino schools; it hasn't changed in too many inner-city schools that are seeing dropout rates of over 50 percent. It's not changing not because we're lacking sound ideas or sensible plans -- in pockets of excellence across this country, we're seeing what children from all walks of life can and will achieve when we set high standards, have high expectations, when we do a good job of preparing them. Instead, it's because politics and ideology have too often trumped our progress that we're in the situation that we're in.

For decades, Washington has been trapped in the same stale debates that have paralyzed progress and perpetuated our educational decline. Too many supporters of my party have resisted the idea of rewarding excellence in teaching with extra pay, even though we know it can make a difference in the classroom. Too many in the Republican Party have opposed new investments in early education, despite compelling evidence of its importance. So what we get here in Washington is the same old debate about it's more money versus more reform, vouchers versus the status quo. There's been partisanship and petty bickering, but little recognition that we need to move beyond the worn fights of the 20th century if we're going to succeed in the 21st century. (Applause.)

I think you'd all agree that the time for finger-pointing is over. The time for holding us -- holding ourselves accountable is here. What's required is not simply new investments, but new reforms. It's time to expect more from our students. It's time to start rewarding good teachers, stop making excuses for bad ones. It's time to demand results from government at every level. It's time to prepare every child, everywhere in America, to out-compete any worker, anywhere in the world. (Applause.) It's time to give all Americans a complete and competitive education from the cradle up through a career. We've accepted failure for far too long. Enough is enough. America's entire education system must once more be the envy of the world -- and that's exactly what we intend to do.

That's exactly what the budget I'm submitting to Congress has begun to achieve. Now, at a time when we've inherited a trillion-dollar deficit, we will start by doing a little housekeeping, going through our books, cutting wasteful education programs. My outstanding Secretary of Education, Arne Duncan, who's here today -- stand up, Arne, so everybody can see you. (Applause.) I'm assuming you also saw my Secretary of Labor, Hilda Solis. (Applause.) But Secretary Duncan will use only one test when deciding what ideas to support with your precious tax dollars: It's not whether an idea is liberal or conservative, but whether it works. And this will help free up resources for the first pillar of reforming our schools -- investing in early childhood initiatives.

This isn't just about keeping an eye on our children, it's about educating them. Studies show that children in early childhood education programs are more likely to score higher in reading and math, more likely to graduate from high school and attend college, more likely to hold a job, and more likely to earn more in that job. For every dollar we invest in these programs, we get nearly $10 back in reduced welfare rolls, fewer health care costs, and less crime. That's why the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act that I signed into law invests $5 billion in growing Early Head Start and Head Start, expanding access to quality child care for 150,000 more children from working families, and doing more for children with special needs. And that's why we are going to offer 55,000 first-time parents regular visits from trained nurses to help make sure their children are healthy and prepare them for school and for life. (Applause.)

Even as we invest in early childhood education, let's raise the bar for early learning programs that are falling short. Now, today, some children are enrolled in excellent programs. Some children are enrolled in mediocre programs. And some are wasting away their most formative years in bad programs. That includes the one-fourth of all children who are Hispanic, and who will drive America's workforce of tomorrow, but who are less likely to have been enrolled in an early childhood education program than anyone else.

That's why I'm issuing a challenge to our states: Develop a cutting-edge plan to raise the quality of your early learning programs; show us how you'll work to ensure that children are better prepared for success by the time they enter kindergarten. If you do, we will support you with an Early Learning Challenge Grant that I call on Congress to enact. That's how we will reward quality and incentivize excellence, and make a down payment on the success of the next generation.

So that's the first pillar of our education reform agenda. The second, we will end what has become a race to the bottom in our schools and instead spur a race to the top by encouraging better standards and assessments. Now, this is an area where we are being outpaced by other nations. It's not that their kids are any smarter than ours -- it's that they are being smarter about how to educate their children. They're spending less time teaching things that don't matter, and more time teaching things that do. They're preparing their students not only for high school or college, but for a career. We are not. Our curriculum for 8th graders is two full years behind top performing countries. That's a prescription for economic decline. And I refuse to accept that America's children cannot rise to this challenge. They can, and they must, and they will meet higher standards in our time. (Applause.)

So let's challenge our states -- let's challenge our states to adopt world-class standards that will bring our curriculums to the 21st century. Today's system of 50 different sets of benchmarks for academic success means 4th grade readers in Mississippi are scoring nearly 70 points lower than students in Wyoming -- and they're getting the same grade. Eight of our states are setting their standards so low that their students may end up on par with roughly the bottom 40 percent of the world.

That's inexcusable. That's why I'm calling on states that are setting their standards far below where they ought to be to stop low-balling expectations for our kids. The solution to low test scores is not lowering standards -- it's tougher, clearer standards. (Applause.) Standards like those in Massachusetts, where 8th graders are -- (applause) -- we have a Massachusetts contingent here. (Laughter.) In Massachusetts, 8th graders are now tying for first -- first in the whole world in science. Other forward-thinking states are moving in the same direction by coming together as part of a consortium. And more states need to do the same. And I'm calling on our nation's governors and state education chiefs to develop standards and assessments that don't simply measure whether students can fill in a bubble on a test, but whether they possess 21st century skills like problem-solving and critical thinking and entrepreneurship and creativity.

That is what we'll help them do later this year -- that what we're going to help them do later this year when we finally make No Child Left Behind live up to its name by ensuring not only that teachers and principals get the funding that they need, but that the money is tied to results. (Applause.) And Arne Duncan will also back up this commitment to higher standards with a fund to invest in innovation in our school districts.

Of course, raising standards alone will not make much of a difference unless we provide teachers and principals with the information they need to make sure students are prepared to meet those standards. And far too few states have data systems like the one in Florida that keep track of a student's education from childhood through college. And far too few districts are emulating the example of Houston and Long Beach, and using data to track how much progress a student is making and where that student is struggling. That's a resource that can help us improve student achievement, and tell us which students had which teachers so we can assess what's working and what's not. That's why we're making a major investment in this area that we will cultivate a new culture of accountability in America's schools.

Now, to complete our race to the top requires the third pillar of reform -- recruiting, preparing, and rewarding outstanding teachers. From the moment students enter a school, the most important factor in their success is not the color of their skin or the income of their parents, it's the person standing at the front of the classroom. That's why our Recovery Act will ensure that hundreds of thousands of teachers and school personnel are not laid off -- because those Americans are not only doing jobs they can't afford to lose, they're rendering a service our nation cannot afford to lose, either. (Applause.)

America's future depends on its teachers. And so today, I'm calling on a new generation of Americans to step forward and serve our country in our classrooms. If you want to make a difference in the life of our nation, if you want to make the most of your talents and dedication, if you want to make your mark with a legacy that will endure -- then join the teaching profession. America needs you. We need you in our suburbs. We need you in our small towns. We especially need you in our inner cities. We need you in classrooms all across our country.

And if you do your part, then we'll do ours. That's why we're taking steps to prepare teachers for their difficult responsibilities, and encourage them to stay in the profession. That's why we're creating new pathways to teaching and new incentives to bring teachers to schools where they're needed most. That's why we support offering extra pay to Americans who teach math and science to end a teacher shortage in those subjects. It's why we're building on the promising work being done in places like South Carolina's Teachers Advancement Program, and making an unprecedented commitment to ensure that anyone entrusted with educating our children is doing the job as well as it can be done.

Now, here's what that commitment means: It means treating teachers like the professionals they are while also holding them more accountable -– in up to 150 more school districts. New teachers will be mentored by experienced ones. Good teachers will be rewarded with more money for improved student achievement, and asked to accept more responsibilities for lifting up their schools. Teachers throughout a school will benefit from guidance and support to help them improve.

And just as we've given our teachers all the support they need to be successful, we need to make sure our students have the teacher they need to be successful. And that means states and school districts taking steps to move bad teachers out of the classroom. But let me be clear -- (applause.) Let me be clear -- the overwhelming number of teachers are doing an outstanding job under difficult circumstances. My sister is a teacher, so I know how tough teaching can be. But let me be clear: If a teacher is given a chance or two chances or three chances but still does not improve, there's no excuse for that person to continue teaching. I reject a system that rewards failure and protects a person from its consequences. The stakes are too high. We can afford nothing but the best when it comes to our children's teachers and the schools where they teach. (Applause.)

Now, that leads me to the fourth part of America's education strategy –- promoting innovation and excellence in America's schools. One of the places where much of that innovation occurs is in our most effective charter schools. And these are public schools founded by parents, teachers, and civic or community organizations with broad leeway to innovate -– schools I supported as a state legislator and a United States senator.

But right now, there are many caps on how many charter schools are allowed in some states, no matter how well they're preparing our students. That isn't good for our children, our economy, or our country. Of course, any expansion of charter schools must not result in the spread of mediocrity, but in the advancement of excellence. And that will require states adopting both a rigorous selection and review process to ensure that a charter school's autonomy is coupled with greater accountability –- as well as a strategy, like the one in Chicago, to close charter schools that are not working. Provided this greater accountability, I call on states to reform their charter rules, and lift caps on the number of allowable charter schools, wherever such caps are in place.

Now, even as we foster innovation in where our children are learning, let's also foster innovation in when our children are learning. We can no longer afford an academic calendar designed for when America was a nation of farmers who needed their children at home plowing the land at the end of each day. That calendar may have once made sense, but today it puts us at a competitive disadvantage. Our children -- listen to this -- our children spend over a month less in school than children in South Korea -- every year. That's no way to prepare them for a 21st century economy. That's why I'm calling for us not only to expand effective after-school programs, but to rethink the school day to incorporate more time -– whether during the summer or through expanded-day programs for children who need it. (Applause.)

Now, I know longer school days and school years are not wildly popular ideas. (Laughter.) Not with Malia and Sasha -- (laughter) -- not in my family, and probably not in yours. But the challenges of a new century demand more time in the classroom. If they can do that in South Korea, we can do it right here in the United States of America.

Of course, no matter how innovative our schools or how effective our teachers, America cannot succeed unless our students take responsibility for their own education. That means showing up for school on time, paying attention in class, seeking out extra tutoring if it's needed, staying out of trouble. To any student who's watching, I say this: Don't even think about dropping out of school. Don't even think about it. (Applause.)

As I said a couple of weeks ago, dropping out is quitting on yourself, it's quitting on your country, and it's not an option -- not anymore. Not when our high school dropout rate has tripled in the past 30 years. Not when high school dropouts earn about half as much as college graduates. Not when Latino students are dropping out faster than just about anyone else. It's time for all of us, no matter what our backgrounds, to come together and solve this epidemic.

Stemming the tide of dropouts will require turning around our low-performing schools. Just 2,000 high schools in cities like Detroit and Los Angeles and Philadelphia produce over 50 percent of America's dropouts. And yet there are too few proven strategies to transform these schools. And there are too few partners to get the job done.

So today, I'm issuing a challenge to educators and lawmakers, parents and teachers alike: Let us all make turning around our schools our collective responsibility as Americans. And that will require new investments in innovative ideas -- that's why my budget invests in developing new strategies to make sure at-risk students don't give up on their education; new efforts to give dropouts who want to return to school the help they need to graduate; and new ways to put those young men and women who have left school back on a pathway to graduation.

Now, the fifth part of America's education strategy is providing every American with a quality higher education -– whether it's college or technical training. Never has a college degree been more important. Never has it been more expensive. And at a time when so many of our families are bearing enormous economic burdens, the rising cost of tuition threatens to shatter dreams. And that's why we will simplify federal college assistance forms so it doesn't take a Ph.D to apply for financial aid. (Applause.)

That's why we're already taking steps to make college or technical training affordable. For the first time ever, Pell Grants will not be subject to the politics of the moment or the whim of the market –- they will be a commitment that Congress is required to uphold each and every year. (Applause.) Not only that; because rising costs mean Pell Grants cover less than half as much tuition as they did 30 years ago, we're raising the maximum Pell Grant to $5,550 a year and indexing it above inflation. We're also providing a $2,500-a-year tuition tax credit for students from working families. And we're modernizing and expanding the Perkins Loan Program to make sure schools like UNLV don't get a tenth as many Perkins loans as schools like Harvard.

To help pay for all of this, we're putting students ahead of lenders by eliminating wasteful student loan subsidies that cost taxpayers billions each year. All in all, we are making college affordable for 7 million more students with a sweeping investment in our children's futures and America's success. And I call on Congress to join me and the American people by making these investments possible. (Applause.)

This is how we will help meet our responsibility as a nation to open the doors of college to every American. But it will also be the responsibility of colleges and universities to control spiraling costs. We can't just keep on putting more money in and universities and colleges not doing their part to hold down tuitions. And it's the responsibility of our students to walk through the doors of opportunity.

In just a single generation, America has fallen from 2nd place to 11th place in the portion of students completing college. That is unfortunate, but it's by no means irreversible. With resolve and the right investments, we can retake the lead once more. And that's why, in my address to the nation the other week, I called on Americans to commit to at least one year or more of higher education or career training, with the goal of having the highest proportion of college graduates in the world by the year 2020. And to meet that goal, we are investing $2.5 billion to identify and support innovative initiatives across the country that achieve results in helping students persist and graduate.

So let's not stop at education with college. Let's recognize a 21st century reality: Learning doesn't end in our early 20s. Adults of all ages need opportunities to earn new degrees and new skills -- especially in the current economic environment. That means working with all our universities and schools, including community colleges -- a great and undervalued asset -- to prepare workers for good jobs in high-growth industries; and to improve access to job training not only for young people who are just starting their careers, but for older workers who need new skills to change careers. And that's going to be one of the key tasks that Secretary Solis is involved with, is making sure that lifelong learning is a reality and a possibility for more Americans.

It's through initiatives like these that we'll see more Americans earn a college degree, or receive advanced training, and pursue a successful career. And that's why I'm calling on Congress to work with me to enact these essential reforms, and to reauthorize the Workforce Reinvestment Act. That's how we will round out a complete and competitive education in the United States of America.

So here's the bottom line: Yes, we need more money; yes, we need more reform; yes, we need to hold ourselves more accountable for every dollar we spend. But there's one more ingredient I want to talk about. No government policy will make any difference unless we also hold ourselves more accountable as parents -- because government, no matter how wise or efficient, cannot turn off the TV or put away the video games. Teachers, no matter how dedicated or effective, cannot make sure your child leaves for school on time and does their homework when they get back at night. These are things only a parent can do. These are things that our parents must do.

I say this not only as a father, but also as a son. When I was a child my mother and I lived overseas, and she didn't have the money to send me to the fancy international school where all the American kids went to school. So what she did was she supplemented my schooling with lessons from a correspondence course. And I can still picture her waking me up at 4:30 a.m., five days a week, to go over some lessons before I went to school. And whenever I'd complain and grumble and find some excuse and say, "Awww, I'm sleepy," she'd patiently repeat to me her most powerful defense. She'd say, "This is no picnic for me either, buster." (Laughter and applause.)

And when you're a kid you don't think about the sacrifices they're making. She had to work; I just had to go to school. But she'd still wake up every day to make sure I was getting what I needed for my education. And it's because she did this day after day, week after week, because of all the other opportunities and breaks that I got along the way, all the sacrifices that my grandmother and my grandfather made along the way, that I can stand here today as President of the United States. It's because of the sacrifices -- (applause.) See, I want every child in this country to have the same chance that my mother gave me, that my teachers gave me, that my college professors gave me, that America gave me.

You know these stories; you've lived them, as well. All of you have a similar story to tell. You know, it's -- I want children like Yvonne Bojorquez to have that chance. Yvonne is a student at Village Academy High School in California. Now, Village Academy is a 21st century school where cutting edge technologies are used in the classroom, where college prep and career training are offered to all who seek it, and where the motto is "respect, responsibility, and results."

Now, a couple of months ago, Yvonne and her class made a video talking about the impact that our struggling economy was having on their lives. And some of them spoke about their parents being laid off, or their homes facing foreclosure, or their inability to focus on school with everything that was happening at home. And when it was her turn to speak, Yvonne said: "We've all been affected by this economic crisis. [We] are all college bound students; we're all businessmen, and doctors and lawyers and all this great stuff. And we have all this potential -- but the way things are going, we're not going to be able to [fulfill it]."

It was heartbreaking that a girl so full of promise was so full of worry that she and her class titled their video, "Is anybody listening?" So, today, there's something I want to say to Yvonne and her class at Village Academy: I am listening. We are listening. America is listening. (Applause.) And we will not rest until your parents can keep your jobs -- we will not rest until your parents can keep their jobs and your families can keep their homes, and you can focus on what you should be focusing on -- your own education; until you can become the businessmen, doctors, and lawyers of tomorrow, until you can reach out and grasp your dreams for the future.

For in the end, Yvonne's dream is a dream shared by all Americans. It's the founding promise of our nation: That we can make of our lives what we will; that all things are possible for all people; and that here in America, our best days lie ahead. I believe that. I truly believe if I do my part, and you, the American people, do yours, then we will emerge from this crisis a stronger nation, and pass the dream of our founding on to posterity, ever safer than before. (Applause.)

Thank you very much. God bless you. God bless the United States of America. Thank you. (Applause.)

END 10:20 A.M. EDT

THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Vice President
________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                   March 10, 2009
OPENING REMARKS BY THE VICE PRESIDENT
TO THE NORTH ATLANTIC COUNCIL
NATO Headquarters
Brussels, Belgium
VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN: Well, thank you very much, Secretary General, and thank you for the warm welcome. It's a pleasure to meet and greet every one of you.
To the NATO allies represented at this table, my purpose here today is quite straightforward and simple: I came to listen. I realize there may be some questions for our administration, but I primarily came here today to listen.
In January, President Obama ordered a strategic review of U.S. policy in Afghanistan and Pakistan to make sure that our goals were clear and that they are achievable. And as part of that review, at that time the President pledged that we would consult closely with all of you in an attempt to form a -- and forge a common and comprehensive approach. That's why I'm here, straightforward and simple: I came to keep the commitment that the President made within weeks after becoming the President of the United States of America.
What we want to learn is what your countries believe are working, what you think is not working, how we can do a better job in stopping Afghanistan and Pakistan from being a haven for terrorists. And the United States believes that we share a vital security interest in meeting that challenge. Each of our countries has a vital interest in the -- from the point of view of the United States in meeting that challenge.
The deteriorating situation in the region poses a security threat, from our perspective, not just to the United States, but to every single nation around this table. It was from that remote area of the world that al Qaeda plotted 9/11. It was from that very same area that extremists planned virtually every major terrorist attack in Europe since 9/11, including the attacks on London and Madrid.
And if I might add, we had a brief discussion with the Secretary General before I came in -- he was kind enough to host me in his office. I want to make it clear to you, from the perspective of the average United States citizen, an attack, a terrorist attack in Europe is viewed as an attack on us. That is not hyperbole -- that is not hyperbole -- because we understand and we view it as an attack on the West. And we view it as a gateway to further attacks on the United States.
So please understand this is not a U.S.-centric view that only if America is attacked is there a terrorist threat. It was, as I said, from the very same mountains the attacks of 9/11 were planned and the attacks that have taken place thus far in Europe, and -- and -- it is from that area that al Qaeda and the extremist allies are regenerating and conceiving new atrocities aimed at the people around the world -- from Afghanistan, Pakistan, and India, to the United States, Europe, and Australia.
And our responsibility, in my humble opinion, each of our responsibilities, is, first and foremost, to protect our citizens. President Obama and I are deeply committed to NATO. Let's get that straight right from the start. There is no ambivalence on the part of our administration about the value and necessity of a strong, coherent NATO. We know that our Alliance works best when we've listened to each other. I had been a United States senator for 36 years before becoming Vice President. I have made multiple trips to this building. I've observed when we consult, when we genuinely consult, when we internally argue and bang out our differences, we generate the kind of consensus that our political leadership needs to take to our own people to make the case about what we've decided. When we build strategies together, it works.
And once we reach an agreement, when we commit to putting the full measure of our strength into achieving our common goals, then it works. I want to make it clear: We're here to consult; we're here to listen; we're here to come up with a joint common strategy. Once that is arrived at, we, the United States, expect everyone to keep whatever commitments were made in arriving at that joint strategy. It's as simple and as straightforward as that.
Together, I am absolutely confident we can handle not only Afghanistan, but many other crises we'll face in the 21st century. I'm also equally as confident that absent that kind of cohesion, it will be incredibly more difficult for us to meet the common threats we're going to face.
We always use the phrase, gentlemen and ladies, that we have common values, which brings us together. Well, that is literally true. And it's time for us to put it to work. Our administration is committed to doing that.
And again, I want to thank you, Secretary General, for the opportunity to be here. And thank you all for giving me the opportunity to come and hear what's on your minds. Thank you very much.
END
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Vice President
___________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                         March 10, 2009
REMARKS BY VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN
AND NATO SECRETARY GENERAL JAAP DE HOOP SCHEFFER
IN JOINT PRESS CONFERENCE
NATO Headquarters
Brussels, Belgium
12:45 P.M. (Local)
VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN: I'd be happy to take your questions.
Q Thank you, Mr. Vice President. Over the weekend, President Obama opened the door, said that he would possibly talk to and create alliances with moderate Taliban in Afghanistan. How much of a factor meets -- how many moderate Taliban are there, and is it enough to make a difference there? And what kind of concessions would the U.S. consider giving them?
VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN: Well, let me just say -- and to paraphrase Secretary Holbrooke, our Special Envoy, and I agree with his assessment after numerous visits to the region and throughout the country -- 5 percent of the Taliban is incorrigible, not susceptible to anything other than being defeated. Another 25 percent or so are not quite sure, in my view, the intensity of their commitment to the insurgency. And roughly 70 percent are involved because of the money, because of them being -- getting paid.
To state the obvious, as you know, the Taliban, most of whom are Pashtun -- you have 60 percent of the Pashtun population in Pakistan; only 40 percent live in Afghanistan. The objectives that flow from Kandahar may be different than Quetta, may be different than the FATA. So it's worth exploring.
The idea of what concessions would be made is well beyond the scope of my being able to answer, except to say that whatever is initiated will have to be ultimately initiated by the Afghan government, and will have to be such that it would not undermine a legitimate Afghan government. But I do think it is worth engaging and determining whether or not there are those who are willing to participate in a secure and stable Afghan state.
Q To continue on this same subject, what kind of negotiation could we have with moderate Talibans? And is the British experience on this matter useful for NATO and for you? And then, Mr. -- President Obama said this weekend also that we're not winning the war in Afghanistan. I would like to have your analysis on this.
VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN: Well, I think the President is accurate; we are not now winning the war, but the war is far from lost -- number one. Number two, with regard to the experience, it is different, but not wholly different. We engaged in Iraq the most extreme elements of the Sunni resistance in Anbar Province. We ended up with an operation called the Sons of Iraq, because we accurately determined, as some of us had pointed out in numerous visits there, that the idea that every Sunni was a supporter of -- every Sunni insurgent was a supporter of al Qaeda was simply not true -- simply not true.
The same principle pertains here. Whether or not it will bear as much fruit remains to be seen. There's only one way, and that is to engage -- engage in the process, looking for pragmatic solutions to accomplishing what our goal is; that is an Afghanistan that is, at minimum goal, is not a haven for terror and is able to sustain itself on its own and provide its own security.
Q Mr. Biden, when we speak about Afghanistan, I wanted to ask you what do you plan for Kosovo? For example, how do you assess the security situation there? And do you plan withdrawing some troops and relocating them, these troops, in Afghanistan when you need them more? And I'm sorry, but I'm using also this opportunity to ask you how do you assess the developments in Kosovo since independence? Are you expecting some recognition from member countries of NATO? Thank you.
VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN: Thank you for all three questions. (Laughter.) No, we do not believe we need to withdraw or make a judgment relative to Afghanistan based on progress or lack thereof in Kosovo. Number two, there is more to be done in Kosovo. The business is not finished. Number three, it is primarily the responsibility of the European Union and the European Community to follow through on the commitments that we have made. But on balance, I want to make it clear that there is not a tradeoff in terms of our concern for Kosovo and the progress in Kosovo and what need be done in Iraq.
Q On another subject relating to the summit next month, do you expect that the Alliance will decide at that summit who the next Secretary General will be? And could you give us some sense of the U.S. thinking in this debate? Would you like to see, as is traditional, another Western European? Is it perhaps time for an Eastern European, or as a widely read American newspaper columnist said on the weekend, would the U.S. like to see a Canadian?
And if I could ask the Secretary General, realizing that you're not part of the search process, to give your thoughts on how this process is going.
VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN: The Secretary General has decided to stay. (Laughter.) That was a joke. (Laughter.) That was a joke. Look, let me say that the United States has not made a decision yet. This is a consensus matter, it is a consultative matter. We believe there are -- it's a very strong field. We don't think as a matter of policy any -- any member nation should be ruled out as being able to provide a Secretary General, but we have not taken a position on who should be that successor of the Secretary General I'm standing next to. And, yes, I do believe that decision will be made, and hopefully will be made by that time.
And I'm sure the Secretary General hopes that to be the case, too. (Laughter.)
SECRETARY GENERAL JAAP DE HOOP SCHEFFER: I do indeed, Mr. Vice President. (Laughter.) Otherwise I would have to change plans, which I do not intend to do. But as the Vice President was saying, that is, of course, a decision which needs consensus and which will be taken by the allies at the appropriate time.
If I could hear your question to me through the -- all the tricks of the camera -- it was about the surge in Afghanistan? Is that correct? Would you otherwise repeat it, because I had difficulty in hearing it?
Q No, I just wondered, since you're not part of the process of finding your own successor, if you could, nonetheless, give us your thoughts on the essential qualities that the Alliance should be looking for.
SECRETARY GENERAL JAAP DE HOOP SCHEFFER: No, no, no, yes. I can give those thoughts, but I will do that in the privacy of my own office or my own house, but certainly not to you and your highly respected colleagues -- since I'm not part of the process. Many qualities; it goes without saying, many qualities.
VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN: Well, thank you all very much. Appreciate your time.
SECRETARY GENERAL JAAP DE HOOP SCHEFFER: Thank you.
END
12:55 P.M. (Local)
THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Vice President
________________________________________________________________

For Immediate Release                                                         March 10, 2009

Remarks by Vice President Biden at Press Conference with NATO Secretary General

NATO Headquarters
Brussels, Belgium

12:38 P.M. (Local)

VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN: Thank you very much, Secretary General. I want to thank all the members for the warm welcome they've afforded me. And thank you for your leadership of the Alliance.

Less than a month from today, NATO is going to meet to celebrate the 60th anniversary of NATO. There's a great deal to celebrate, but there's also a great deal left to do. The Alliance has been the cornerstone of our security since the end of World War II. And to state the obvious, it has anchored the United States in Europe. And I believe it's been helpful in forging a Europe whole and free. There's much to celebrate, as I said, but there's also much to do.

Our community of democratic nations faces extraordinary challenges: a worldwide economic crisis, the likes of which we haven't seen; the spread of mass destruction weapons and dangerous diseases; the growing gap between the rich and the poor; ethnic animosities and failed states; a rapidly warming planet and uncertain supplies of water, energy, and food; and the challenge to freedom and security from radical fundamentalism. And nowhere is that challenge more acute than in Afghanistan.

I know the people of Europe, like the people of my country, are tired of war, and they are tired of this war. But many of our citizens both here in Europe and at home question why we need to send troops and treasure so far from our homes. But we know, we know that it was from the space that joins Afghanistan and Pakistan that the attacks of 9/11 occurred. We know that it was from the very same area that extremists planned virtually every major terrorist attack on Europe since 9/11, and the attack on Mumbai. We know that it was from this same area that al Qaeda and its extremist allies are regenerating and conceiving new atrocities to visit upon us.

As leaders entrusted with the security of our citizens, none of us -- none of us -- none of us can deny that the new threats of the 21st century must be dealt with. None of us can escape the responsibility to meet these threats.

And that's why President Obama ordered a full-scale strategic review of our policy with regard to Afghanistan and Pakistan. He insisted that we consult with our allies and partners so that we produce a truly common vision of how to proceed. And that's what I had the privilege to do today at the North Atlantic Council.

I heard from our allies. I heard the concerns and they listed their priorities. And I pledged to them, as I pledge to all Europeans now, that we will build their ideas into our review, which we expect to present to President Obama before the end of this month, in preparation of the NATO summit in April.

I also shared with my colleagues some of the factors that are shaping our thinking right now, including the requirement that we set clear goals and achievable goals: We need to look at Afghanistan and Pakistan together, because success in one requires progress in the other; the imperative of a comprehensive approach with a strong civilian and diplomatic effort is necessary because we know there is no purely military solution to either Afghanistan or Pakistan; the centrality of building up Afghan security forces -- because our goal is not to stay in Afghanistan, it's to be able to leave, and to leave behind Afghan forces that can provide for the security and safety of the people of Afghanistan; and the need to ensure the security and legitimacy in this year's presidential elections.

In each of these areas, NATO and it member countries plays a critical role. So does the European Union. The Secretary General and I will meet with that leadership after this press conference. And I look forward to hearing from representatives of non-NATO countries, as well, who are doing so much in Afghanistan.

So we had a very good meeting. There was an incredible amount of consensus around the table. Each member country spoke, including two of the aspirant nations. And I came away with a much clearer sense of what our NATO friends would like us to consider in this review.

I might add this is not the end of the consultation; this is essentially the beginning of it. Each of the member countries is going to submit in more detail their concerns, their recommendations and their observations. They all will be taken into consideration -- because I know from my significant experience in this building -- over 37 years -- that we only succeed when, in fact, there is a real consensus. There's a need for a real consensus as it relates to Afghanistan.

END 12:45 P.M. (Local)

THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
______________________________________________________________________________
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE                         Monday, March 9, 2009
Remarks of President Barack Obama – As Prepared for Delivery

Signing of Stem Cell Executive Order and Scientific Integrity Presidential Memorandum
Washington, DC
March 9, 2009

Today, with the Executive Order I am about to sign, we will bring the change that so many scientists and researchers; doctors and innovators; patients and loved ones have hoped for, and fought for, these past eight years: we will lift the ban on federal funding for promising embryonic stem cell research. We will vigorously support scientists who pursue this research. And we will aim for America to lead the world in the discoveries it one day may yield.
At this moment, the full promise of stem cell research remains unknown, and it should not be overstated. But scientists believe these tiny cells may have the potential to help us understand, and possibly cure, some of our most devastating diseases and conditions. To regenerate a severed spinal cord and lift someone from a wheelchair. To spur insulin production and spare a child from a lifetime of needles. To treat Parkinson’s, cancer, heart disease and others that affect millions of Americans and the people who love them.
But that potential will not reveal itself on its own. Medical miracles do not happen simply by accident. They result from painstaking and costly research – from years of lonely trial and error, much of which never bears fruit – and from a government willing to support that work. From life-saving vaccines, to pioneering cancer treatments, to the sequencing of the human genome – that is the story of scientific progress in America. When government fails to make these investments, opportunities are missed. Promising avenues go unexplored. Some of our best scientists leave for other countries that will sponsor their work. And those countries may surge ahead of ours in the advances that transform our lives.
But in recent years, when it comes to stem cell research, rather than furthering discovery, our government has forced what I believe is a false choice between sound science and moral values. In this case, I believe the two are not inconsistent. As a person of faith, I believe we are called to care for each other and work to ease human suffering. I believe we have been given the capacity and will to pursue this research – and the humanity and conscience to do so responsibly.
It is a difficult and delicate balance. Many thoughtful and decent people are conflicted about, or strongly oppose, this research. I understand their concerns, and we must respect their point of view.
But after much discussion, debate and reflection, the proper course has become clear. The majority of Americans – from across the political spectrum, and of all backgrounds and beliefs – have come to a consensus that we should pursue this research. That the potential it offers is great, and with proper guidelines and strict oversight, the perils can be avoided.
That is a conclusion with which I agree. That is why I am signing this Executive Order, and why I hope Congress will act on a bi-partisan basis to provide further support for this research. We are joined today by many leaders who have reached across the aisle to champion this cause, and I commend them for that work.
Ultimately, I cannot guarantee that we will find the treatments and cures we seek. No President can promise that. But I can promise that we will seek them – actively, responsibly, and with the urgency required to make up for lost ground. Not just by opening up this new frontier of research today, but by supporting promising research of all kinds, including groundbreaking work to convert ordinary human cells into ones that resemble embryonic stem cells.
I can also promise that we will never undertake this research lightly. We will support it only when it is both scientifically worthy and responsibly conducted. We will develop strict guidelines, which we will rigorously enforce, because we cannot ever tolerate misuse or abuse. And we will ensure that our government never opens the door to the use of cloning for human reproduction. It is dangerous, profoundly wrong, and has no place in our society, or any society.
This Order is an important step in advancing the cause of science in America. But let’s be clear: promoting science isn’t just about providing resources – it is also about protecting free and open inquiry. It is about letting scientists like those here today do their jobs, free from manipulation or coercion, and listening to what they tell us, even when it’s inconvenient – especially when it’s inconvenient. It is about ensuring that scientific data is never distorted or concealed to serve a political agenda – and that we make scientific decisions based on facts, not ideology.
By doing this, we will ensure America’s continued global leadership in scientific discoveries and technological breakthroughs. That is essential not only for our economic prosperity, but for the progress of all humanity.
That is why today, I am also signing a Presidential Memorandum directing the head of the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy to develop a strategy for restoring scientific integrity to government decision making. To ensure that in this new Administration, we base our public policies on the soundest science; that we appoint scientific advisors based on their credentials and experience, not their politics or ideology; and that we are open and honest with the American people about the science behind our decisions. That is how we will harness the power of science to achieve our goals – to preserve our environment and protect our national security; to create the jobs of the future, and live longer, healthier lives.
As we restore our commitment to science, and resume funding for promising stem cell research, we owe a debt of gratitude to so many tireless advocates, some of whom are with us today, many of whom are not. Today, we honor all those whose names we don’t know, who organized, and raised awareness, and kept on fighting – even when it was too late for them, or for the people they love. And we honor those we know, who used their influence to help others and bring attention to this cause – people like Christopher and Dana Reeve, who we wish could be here to see this moment.
One of Christopher’s friends recalled that he hung a sign on the wall of the exercise room where he did his grueling regimen of physical therapy. It read: "For everyone who thought I couldn’t do it. For everyone who thought I shouldn’t do it. For everyone who said, ‘It’s impossible.’ See you at the finish line."
Christopher once told a reporter who was interviewing him: "If you came back here in ten years, I expect that I’d walk to the door to greet you."
Christopher did not get that chance. But if we pursue this research, maybe one day – maybe not in our lifetime, or even in our children’s lifetime – but maybe one day, others like him might.
There is no finish line in the work of science. The race is always with us – the urgent work of giving substance to hope and answering those many bedside prayers, of seeking a day when words like "terminal" and "incurable" are finally retired from our vocabulary.
Today, using every resource at our disposal, with renewed determination to lead the world in the discoveries of this new century, we rededicate ourselves to this work.
Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless America.
##
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
_________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                               March 6, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT GRADUATION OF COLUMBUS POLICE DIVISION'S 114TH CLASS
Aladdin Shrine Center
Columbus, Ohio
10:53 A.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you very much.  Please, everybody have a seat.  Thank you so much.
Well, what a wonderful reception.  Thank you very much.  I want to begin by thanking Mayor Coleman, Director Brown, and the entire Columbus police force for inviting me to be a part of this ceremony.  It is a great honor and a privilege to stand with the men and women of this police academy's 114th graduating class.  (Applause.)  You have studied hard, you have trained tirelessly, and there is no longer any doubt that you will be employed as officers of the law when you leave here today.  (Applause.)
I also want to just very quickly acknowledge one of the finest governors in the country, who's been just dealing with all kinds of stuff and doing it with grace and aplomb and never breaks a sweat, but is working hard on behalf of his constituency -- Ted Strickland.  (Applause.)  The Attorney General of the United States, Eric Holder.  (Applause.)
I came out here with a number of members of the Ohio congressional delegation, but I want to make a special note of my former colleague when I was in the Senate who is just as passionate about working people as anybody in the country, Sherrod Brown.  Give Sherrod a big round of applause.  (Applause.)
This city of Columbus needs the courage and the commitment of this graduating class to keep it safe, to make sure that people have the protection that they need.  This economy needs your employment to keep it running.  Just this morning we learned that we lost another 651,000 jobs throughout the country in the month of February alone, which brings the total number of jobs lost in this recession to an astounding 4.4 million.
Four point four million jobs.  I don't need to tell the people of this state what statistics like this mean, because so many of you have been watching jobs disappear long before this recession hit.  And I don't need to tell this graduating class what it's like to know that your job might be next, because up until a few weeks ago, that is precisely the future that this class faced -– a future that millions of Americans still face right now.
Well, that is not a future I accept for the United States of America.  (Applause.)  That is why I signed the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act into law.  (Applause.)
Now there were those -- there were those who argued that our recovery plan was unwise and unnecessary.  They opposed the very notion that government has a role in ending the cycle of job loss at the heart of this recession.  There are those who believe that all we can do is repeat the very same policies that led us here in the first place.
But I also know that this country has never responded to a crisis by sitting on the sidelines and hoping for the best.  I know that throughout our history, we have met every great challenge with bold action and big ideas.  That's what's fueled a shared and lasting prosperity.  And I know that at this defining moment for America we have a responsibility to ourselves and to our children to do it once again.  We have a responsibility to act, and that's what I intend to do as President of the United States of America.  (Applause.)
So for those who still doubt the wisdom of our recovery plan, I ask them to talk to the teachers who are still able to teach our children because we passed this plan.  I ask them to talk to the nurses who are still able to care for our sick, and the firefighters and first responders who will still be able to keep our communities safe.  I ask them to come to Ohio and meet the 25 men and women who will soon be protecting the streets of Columbus because we passed this plan.  (Applause.)  I look at these young men and women, I look into their eyes and I see their badges today and I know we did the right thing.
These jobs and the jobs of so many other police officers and teachers and firefighters all across Ohio will now be saved because of this recovery plan -– a plan that will also create jobs in every corner of this state.  Last week, we announced that Ohio would receive $128 million that will put people to work renovating and rebuilding affordable housing.  (Applause.)  On Tuesday -- on Tuesday I announced that we'd be sending another $935 million to Ohio that will create jobs rebuilding our roads, our bridges, and our highways.  (Applause.)  And yesterday, Vice President Biden announced $180 million for this state that will go towards expanding mass transit and buying fuel-efficient buses -– money that will be putting people to work, getting people to work.  (Applause.)
Altogether, this recovery plan will save and create over three and a half million American jobs over the next two years.
Because of this plan, those who have lost their jobs in this recession will be able to receive extended unemployment benefits and continued health care coverage.  Because of this plan, 95 percent of working Americans will receive a tax break that you will see in your paychecks starting on April 1st.  (Applause.)
And because of this plan, stories like the one we're celebrating here in Columbus will soon take place all across this nation.
Today I'm pleased to announce that Attorney General Eric Holder and the Department of Justice are making available $2 billion in Justice Assistance Grants from the recovery act.  (Applause.)  That's funding that will help communities throughout America keep their neighborhoods safer with more cops, more prosecutors, more probation officers; more radios and equipment; more help for crime victims and more crime prevention programs for youth.  Cities and states can apply for these funds right away, and as soon as those applications are received, the Justice Department will start getting the money out the door within 15 days.
In Savannah, Georgia, the police department would use this funding to hire more crime and intelligence analysts and put more cops on the beat protecting our schools.  In Long Beach, California, it will be able to help fund 17,000 hours of overtime for law enforcement officials who are needed in high-crime areas.  West Haven, Connecticut will be able to restore crime prevention programs that were cut, even though they improved the quality of life in the city's most troubled neighborhoods.  And the state of Iowa will be able to rehire drug enforcement officers and restart drug prevention programs that have been critical in fighting the crime and violence that plagues too many cities and too many towns.
So the list goes on and on.  From Maine to San Francisco, from Colorado to New Jersey, these grants will put Americans to work doing the work necessary to keep America safe.  They'll be directed only towards worthy programs that have been carefully planned and proven to work -- and Vice President Biden and I will be holding every state and community accountable for the tax dollars they spend.
Now, by itself, this recovery plan won't turn our economy around or solve every problem.  In the flight over here with the Ohio delegation, I talked to them about the fact that we've got big challenges ahead of us.  We inherited a big mess.  This police force still faces budget challenges down the road, there are still workers in Columbus who are losing their jobs, and there is still so much work to be done throughout Ohio to lay a new foundation for growth and prosperity.
That's the work we must continue in the days and months ahead.  That's why my administration is also moving quickly and aggressively to restart lending for families and businesses; to help responsible homeowners pay their mortgages and refinance their homes; to address the major economic challenges of our time:  the cost of health care, our dependence on foreign oil, the state of our schools.
All of this takes time and it will take patience.  It will entail great effort and cooperation.  But most of all, it will require a renewed sense of responsibility from every American -– a responsibility to ourselves and one another; a responsibility that's already been demonstrated by the men and women who are sitting behind me here today.
The job you signed up for is not easy.  It can mean long shifts and late nights.  It demands focus, and determination, and great bravery in the face of unknown dangers.  When you run into that building or chase down that suspect, you will be risking your own life in order to protect the lives of men and women you have never met, and some that you may never know.
But you knew all that when you joined the academy.  You knew the risks involved, you knew the sacrifices required, and yet you stood up and said, "I'll take that risk.  I'll make that sacrifice.  I will do that job."
And that, Columbus, is the very essence of responsibility.  That's the spirit we need in this country right now, no matter what our role is or what our profession that we've chosen.  It's a spirit that asks us to look beyond our own individual ambitions to the wider obligations we have as the good citizens of a great nation; a spirit that calls on us to say, "I'll make that sacrifice.  I'll do that job."
If we can summon that spirit once more; if we're willing to look out for one another and listen to one another; if we are willing to pull together and do our part; if we can show even a fraction of the courage and selflessness that these cadets have already demonstrated, then I have no doubt that we will emerge from this crisis stronger than before and keep this nation's dream alive for future generations.
Thank you.  God bless you.  God bless the United States of America.  (Applause.)
END
11:06 A.M. EST
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
_________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                               March 5, 2009

Closing Remarks by the President at White House Forum on Health Reform, followed by Q&A, 3/5/09
East Room
4:08 P.M. EST
      THE PRESIDENT:  To Sir Edward Kennedy.  (Applause.)  That's the kind of greeting a knight deserves.  (Laughter.)  It is thrilling to see you here, Teddy.  We are so grateful for you taking the time to be here and the extraordinary work that your committee has already started to do, along with Mike Enzi; I know Max Baucus and Chuck Grassley on the Senate side; Henry, I know that you guys are gearing to go on the House side.
      So I just want to, first of all, thank all of you for participating.  Today was the first discussion in this effort, but it was not the last.  In the coming days and weeks we'll be convening a series of meetings with senior administration officials here at the White House to further explore some of the key issues that were raised today and to bring more voices into the conversation.
      But my understanding is, is that we had an extraordinarily productive set of sessions throughout the day.  And I've gotten a readout from some of the breakout groups and breakout sessions.  And I just want to summarize a few things that my staff thought were notable and that I thought were notable and are worth mentioning before I start taking some questions or some comments.
      First of all:  A clear consensus that the need for health care reform is here and now.  Senators Hatch, Enzi, Congressman Jim Cooper and many others agreed that we can do health care reform.  Senator Hatch said that we needed leadership on both sides, and he believes that Democrats and Republicans need to put politics aside and work together to do it.  Senator Whitehouse said this isn't a "Harry and Louise" moment, it's a "Thelma and Louise" moment.  (Laughter.)  We're in the car headed toward the cliff and we must act.
      Now, I just want to be clear -- if you actually saw the movie, they did drive over the cliff.  (Laughter.)  So I just want to be clear that's not our intention here.  (Laughter.)
     
      Insurers agree:  Scott Serota with Blue Cross Blue Shield Association said to consider past opposition the past, it is not the present; the time is right for action now.  The American Medical Association said that they are here to be partners and to help.  Tom Donahue, with the Chamber of Commerce, said that in the previous debate we knew where everyone stood; people are in different places now, including business, and that there is a vigorous understanding with all parties that improvements are needed.  And Congressman Joe Barton complimented the process we've begun and said that he can agree with the principles that we've laid out.  My staff thought that was a very notable statement, they complimenting the process.  Melody, I think, slipped that one in.  (Laughter.)
      With respect to the cost of care, Richard Kirsch with the Health Care for America Now said that we can't have a false dichotomy between coverage and costs, that by covering more people we can also lower costs at the same time, presumably because those who are not insured at the moment are ending up using extraordinarily expensive emergency room care.
      Senator Whitehouse -- you've got two quotes in here -- (laughter) -- Senator Whitehouse pointed out that we pay more than a trillion dollars -- we pay more than a trillion dollars more than other countries for the same or lower qualities of care.
      Ken Powell, CEO of General Mills, and a member of the Business Roundtable, stressed the need to preserve the role of employers, and that many employers are investing in excellent prevention programs that are reducing costs and improving productivity.  And I can testify to that.  I've met a lot of extraordinary companies that have really taken the bull by the horns and are doing extraordinary work.  Many participants stressed the need to invest in prevention to lower costs and improve care, to tackle obesity, manage chronic care, invest in comparative effectiveness.
      Congressman Dingell talked about the need to simplify the system to reduce costs and medical errors.  Senator Baucus mentioned the need to make investments up front, such as health IT and comparative effectiveness to get big savings and that we have to align incentives towards quality.  And Congressman Waxman suggested the same point that's been made earlier:  that we can't control costs unless everyone is covered.
      With respect to the public plan, Congressman Jan Schakowsky and the AFL-CIO talked about the need to create a public option in order to reduce cost to consumers and save money within the system.  There were others who raised the -- some concerns about the impact of a public plan limiting choices.
      As for paying for reform, Congressman Rob Andrews challenged the group to identify additional ways to pay for reform and suggested that everyone needs to put something on the table to get reform done.  And Senator Wyden raised the issue of modifying the tax exclusion for higher income Americans.
      Last set of points that we thought were notable:  Senators Grassley and Hatch and Congressman Dingell all discussed the need to address medical malpractice and reduce defensive medicine as a cost saving measure.
      So that's just some of the points that were made.  I know that many of you had other insights.  They have all been recorded, and we are going to be generating a document coming out of this that summarizes much that was heard in these various breakout sessions.
      But what I want to do is just take some time now to give all of you a chance to hear from me directly, and I'm going to call on some members; I'm going to call from some of the groups that were participating, as well.  I'm not going to be able to get to everybody.
      And since he got such a weak reception when he walked in, I think that -- (laughter) -- it's only fitting that we give Ted Kennedy the first question.  So we've got a microphone here, Ted, go ahead -- or comment; it doesn't have to be a question.
      SENATOR KENNEDY:  Thank you very much, Mr. President.  I join in welcoming and seeing all of you once again at this very special gather.  I join with all of those that feel that this is the time, now is the time, for action.  I think most of us who have been in this room before have seen other times when the House and the Senate have made efforts, but they haven't been the kind of serious effort that I think that we're seeing right now.
      If you look over this gathering here today, you see the representatives of all the different groups that we have met with over the period of years.  I mean, you have the insurance companies, you have the medical professions -- all represented in one form or another.  That has not been the case over the history of the past, going all the way back to Harry Truman's time.
      But it is the case now.  And it is, I think, a tribute to your leadership in bringing all these people together and really a leadership of so many that are gathered here today.  Just in a very brief look around, you can see representatives of so many of the different interests.  It'd be hard to think of those interests being together and being as concerned and providing the leadership that they are as they are demonstrating that kind of a commitment as we have today.
      What it does is basically challenges all of us to really do the best we can.  And I know that you and all of your staff -- I congratulate Max Baucus and my colleagues who have done such an extraordinary effort to date.  Just say that I'm looking forward to being a foot soldier in this undertaking.  And this time, we will not fail.  (Applause.)
      THE PRESIDENT:  Let me -- I want to make sure that we are getting a good cross-section of views on this issue, so why don't I call on our Republican Leader, Mitch McConnell, if you've got any thoughts or comments on the issue.
      SENATOR McCONNELL:  First of all, Mr. President, thank you very much for having this session today.  I think it's useful and it is significant, as Ted indicated, to have everybody in the room.
      I'm also among those, as you and I have discussed before, interested in seeing us address entitlement reform -- and admittedly, Medicare and Medicaid would be a part of that -- but also Social Security.  And particularly concerned about having a mechanism in place that guarantees you get a result.  And I wonder where you see yourself and the administration now, for example, in supporting something like the Conrad-Gregg proposal, which would set in place a mechanism that could actually guarantee that we get a result -- if not on Medicare and Medicaid, at least on Social Security.
      THE PRESIDENT:  Well, I appreciate the question, Mitch.  As you know, we had a fiscal responsibility summit similar to the gathering that we've had here -- although I have to say the attendance here is even greater -- and what I said in that forum was that I was absolutely committed to making sure that we got entitlement reform done.
      The mechanism by which we do it I think is going to have to be determined by you, Harry Reid, Nancy Pelosi and John Boehner and the members of Congress.  We've got to make certain that the various committees are comfortable with how we move forward.
      But the important point that I want to emphasize today is that on Medicare and Medicaid, in particular -- which everybody here understands is the 800-pound gorilla -- I don't see us being able to get an effective reform package around those entitlements without fixing the underlying problem of health care inflation.  If we've got 6, 7, 8 percent health care inflation we could fix Medicare and Medicaid temporarily for a couple of years, but we would be back in the same fix 10 years from now.  And so our most urgent task is to drive down costs both on the private side and on the public side, because Medicare and Medicaid costs have actually gone up fairly comparably to what's been happening in the private sector what businesses and families and others have been doing.  That's why I think it's so important for us to focus on costs as part of this overall reform package.
      With respect to Social Security, I actually think it's easier than Medicare and Medicaid, and as a consequence, I'm going to be interested in working with you.  And I know that others like Senator Durbin, Lindsay Graham have already begun discussions about what the best mechanisms would be.  I remain committed to that task.
      But if we don't tackle health care, then we're going to break the bank.  I think that's true at the federal level, I think it's true at the state level.  It's certainly true for businesses and it's certainly true for families, okay.
      Henry, do you want to just give a little feedback in terms of what you heard, and any points you'd like to make?
      REPRESENTATIVE WAXMAN:  Thank you very much, Mr. President.  Let me just say that Senator Kennedy will not be a foot soldier in this battle.  He has been the inspiration to all of us, all Americans who held out the dream that every American ought to have affordable, quality health care.  And I want to salute him for that.  (Applause.)
      Mr. President, by bringing people together -- with different stakeholders and the people representing different interest groups and Democrats and the Republicans, all of us together -- I think you've given us an opportunity not to insist that we get all that we want, but to realize that we're part of a process; and that we if don't get everything we want, the alternative is not to do nothing, as you pointed out earlier, but to make sure that we've got the best system we can develop.  And that has to be a system that includes all Americans in health insurance that they'll be able to hold onto if they think they're satisfied with it, or to be able to access if they don't have it at the present time.
      So I think this is a very useful meeting.  Our breakout session was very on point.  And I think it leads all of us to recognize that we have to work together, we all need to recognize there are going to be tradeoffs; but if we don't get the tradeoff exactly the way we want it, we've got to recognize there's a broader public goal and purpose.  And your leadership, I think, is going to make this bill possible --
      THE PRESIDENT:  Good.  Thank you.  Thank you, Henry.
      Is Jo Ann Emerson here?  There you are.  Good to see you, Jo Ann.
      REPRESENTATIVE EMERSON:  Thank you very much for having me here today.  And thank you very much for your passion on this issue.  Coming from a very rural, poor district in southeast and south central Missouri, I have so many constituents who have no insurance, nor do they have -- nor do those who have insurance necessarily have access --
      THE PRESIDENT:  To providers.
      REPRESENTATIVE EMERSON:  -- to providers, particularly primary providers.  And so for us to be able to get together, all stakeholders, members of the House, Senate Republicans, Democrats, business, labor -- you name it -- I think that that's critical.  And I hope that all of us from both parties will be willing to kind of take a fresh look and say, you know, if there are laws that we had on the books before, that they need to be opened up if we need to change the system.  And I think all of us have to be willing to kind of give a little, if you will.
      And I thank you so very much because for me this has been a passion for all 13 years I've been in Congress.  Thank you.
      THE PRESIDENT:  Good.  Well, listen, I appreciate your point, Jo Ann, and I want to amplify it.  I think it is so important that all of us make decisions throughout this process based on evidence and data and what works, as opposed to what our dug-in positions may have been in the past.  Because if we can at least agree on a set of facts, we're still going to have tough choices, but we're more likely to make good decisions on behalf of families.
      And so I want to be clear about my own position in this process.  During the campaign I put forward a plan for health care reform.  I thought it was a excellent plan, but I don't presume that it was a perfect plan or that it was the best possible plan.  It's conceivable that there were other ideas out there that we had not thought of.
      If there is a way of getting this done where we're driving down costs and people are getting health insurance at an affordable rate and have choice of doctor, have flexibility in terms of their plans, and we could do that entirely through the market, I'd be happy to do it that way.  If there was a way of doing it that involved more government regulation and involvement, I'm happy to do it that way, as well.
      I just want to figure out what works.  But that requires us to actually look at the evidence and try to figure out, based on the experience that now has been accumulated for a lot of years, you know, how can we improve the system.  And I'm absolutely confident that there's going to be low-hanging fruit.  For example, the issue of health IT -- I don't think there's any dispute between Newt Gingrich and Ted Kennedy that if we digitalize our health care system, we're going save money over the long term and we're going to reduce error and save lives.
      There are going to be some other areas that's not such low-hanging fruit and there's greater dispute about what might work.  But we have to keep that open mind that you called for, Jo Ann.  That's going to be critical.
      Let me go to Max Baucus and then Chuck Grassley.  I want to get a sense of the folks on the finance committee -- they're going to have some influence on this process.  (Laughter.)  Just a little bit.  (Laughter.)  Max.
      SENATOR BAUCUS:  Thank you, Mr. President.  First, we've got some real luminaries in this room -- yourself.  A few hours ago, you mentioned that President Roosevelt tried to accomplish health care reform.  He's over there right there in the corner -- (laughter) --
      THE PRESIDENT:  There's Teddy -- the other Teddy.  (Laughter.)
      SENATOR BAUCUS:  And the third luminary is sitting right to my right, right here.  And I think in the spirit of all three of you, this is a terrific opportunity.
      Second, the American public wants it.  That's a no-brainer.  We're at a time in American history when the American people want health care reform, for all the reasons that you mentioned.  And it is, as you mentioned, a moral and physical imperative.  There's no doubt about that.  And you've started this process I think in very much the right way, namely, getting us all together, a tone and a culture and a feeling of cooperation in a constructive way, evidence-based -- what's the science, what works/doesn't work, practically and pragmatically.
      And the real key here is for us to continue that frame of mind, continue that attitude, keep everybody at the table.  This is all-encompassing.  There are tradeoffs everywhere.  This is not a short-term, tactical exercise.  This is a strategic, longer-term plan here.
      There has to be a uniquely American solution.  We're not Europe.  We're not Canada.  We're not Japan.  We're not other countries.  We're American, with public and private participation.  And there's no doubt in my mind just tapping into the good old American can-do and entrepreneurial spirit that we are going to find a solution.  And the key here really is to keep -- for us to all stay at the table, keep an open mind, after we've seen how this works with that and so forth.
      This is really not going to be easy, it has a fairly steep learning curve for an awful lot of people to get this done.  But clearly the attitude is here, that is, the frame of mind is here, the desire is here to do this in a very cooperative way.  And I can't thank you enough for your quiet leadership to help make all that happen.  (Applause.)
      THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you, Max.  Chuck.
      SENATOR GRASSLEY:  Mr. President, thank you very much for this opportunity.
      From our breakout session you probably get the idea that it's pretty easy to get done.  We know it's very difficult to get done.  But without that sort of feeling starting out, nothing would get done.  And I think you served with us in the Senate long enough to know that Max Baucus and I have a pretty good record of working out bipartisan things -- neither one of us, or neither one of our parties get everything that they want, but we've had a pretty good record -- I think only two bills in eight years that haven't been bipartisan.
      And so we have a process in place that has hearings coming up, it has a process of getting roundtable discussions, getting stakeholders in, getting authorities in.  And we expect to have -- work on this in the committee in June.  It maybe will sound a little ambitious, but if you are ambitious on a major problem like this that the country decides needs to be done, it will never get done.
      So the only thing that I would throw out for your consideration -- and please don't respond to this now, because I'm asking you just to think about it -- there's a lot of us that feel that the public option that the government is an unfair competitor and that we're going to get an awful lot of crowd out, and we have to keep what we have now strong, and make it stronger.
      THE PRESIDENT:  Okay.  Well, let me just -- I'm not going to respond definitively.  The thinking on the public option has been that it gives consumers more choices, and it helps give -- keep the private sector honest, because there's some competition out there.  That's been the thinking.
      I recognize, though, the fear that if a public option is run through Washington, and there are incentives to try to tamp down costs and -- or at least what shows up on the books, and you've got the ability in Washington, apparently, to print money -- that private insurance plans might end up feeling overwhelmed.  So I recognize that there's that concern.  I think it's a serious one and a real one.  And we'll make sure that it gets addressed, partly because I assume it will be very -- be very hard to come out of committee unless we're thinking about it a little bit.  And so we want to make sure that that's something that we pay attention to.
      A couple of other people I want to call on.  I'm going to -- I'm going to switch gears and get some groups in here, and then I'll come back to a couple of other legislators.
      Karen Ignagni -- there you are, good.  Why don't you wait for a mic, Karen, so that we can hear you.  Karen represents America's Health Insurance Plans.
      MS. IGNAGNI:  Thank you, Mr. President.  Thank you for inviting us to participate in this forum.  I think on behalf of our entire membership, they would want to be able to say to you this afternoon, and everyone here, that we understand we have to earn a seat at the table.
      We've already offered a comprehensive series of proposals.  We want to work with you, we want to work with the members of Congress on a bipartisan basis here.  You have our commitment.  We hear the American people about what's not working.  We've taken that very seriously.  You have our commitment to play, to contribute, and to help pass health care reform this year.
      THE PRESIDENT:  Good, thank you.  Karen, that's good news.  That's America's Health Insurance Plans.  (Applause.)
      And while I'm on it, why don't I call on Dan Danner, who's NFIB.  Is Dan still here?  There he is.  Dan.
      MR. DANNER:  Thank you, Mr. President.
      THE PRESIDENT:  Give us the business perspective.
MR. DANNER:  I'm honored to be here representing small business.  We do think that small business has a key role in this debate, and for them, cost is still the top issue.  And we very much look forward to finding a solution together that works for America's job creators.  So, appreciate being here, and thank you.
      THE PRESIDENT:  Good.  One thing I want to talk about just -- this whole cost issue.  I can't emphasize this enough:  There is a moral imperative to health care.  I get 40,000 letters, I guess, every day here in the White House.  I don't read all 40,000 -- (laughter) -- but my staff selects 10 every single day that I read and try to respond to as many of them as possible.  It's a way of staying in touch with the constituencies that I had a chance to meet during the course of the campaign.
      I can tell you that on average, out of the 10 at least three every single day relate to somebody who's having a health care crisis.  Either it's a small business that's frustrated because they can't even insure themselves, much less their employees; it's a mom who's trying to figure out how to insure their child because they make a little bit too much money so they don't qualify for SCHIP in their state -- heartbreaking stories.  So there is a moral component to this that we can't leave behind.
      Having said that, if we don't address costs, I don't care how heartfelt our efforts are, we will not get this done.  If people think that we can simply take everybody who's not insured and load them up in a system where costs are out of control, it's not going to happen -- we will run out of money.  The federal government will be bankrupt; state governments will be bankrupt.
      So I hope everybody understands that -- for those of you who are passionate about universal coverage and making sure that the moral dimension of health care is dealt with, don't think that we can get that done without -- (coughing) -- excuse me -- this is a health care forum, so I thought I'd, you know -- (laughter) -- model what happens when you don't get enough sleep.  (Laughter.)
      Don't think that we can -- that's right, I'm talking to you liberal bleeding hearts out there.  (Laughter.)  Don't think that we can solve this problem without tackling costs.  And that may make some in the progressive community uncomfortable, but it's got to be dealt with.  And the flip side is what I would say to those who are obsessed with costs -- and this goes to the issue of Medicare and Medicaid reform, as well -- I don't think it is a viable option as a means of controlling costs simply to throw seniors off the Medicare rolls, for example, or to prevent them from getting vital care that they need, which means, you know, we've got to balance heart and head as we move this process forward.
     
      A couple other people I want to call on.  How about Charlie Rangel?  He has a tax committee that's important.  (Laughter.) 
      REPRESENTATIVE RANGEL:  People have said that, when I first came to Washington -- George Washington, act like him.  (Laughter.)  But I have to tell you, Mr. President, this is one of the most exciting experience and opportunities.  There hasn't been a year that we haven't talked about this.  And you have brought all of these different stakeholders to read from the same page, to show how important it is to our country.  And I'm excited about it.  Our speakers made it abundantly clear that there may be a lot of people to blame but it won't be our committee people, it won't be those of us who have jurisdictions.  There's nothing that we would rather do than be able to say that we helped for you to fulfill not just a campaign obligation but a moral obligation.  We all are indebted. 
      And so, Senator Kennedy, this is a fantastic day.  There hasn't been a time we haven't hoped that we could do this.  And so, we know that there's going to be a lot of problems.  But we also what you've created is a group of missionaries to make our political job easier so that when we have the problems they won't have to say, what are they doing in Congress?  They can go to our union leaders, our business people, advocate for children's, those that do want public programs.  And at least we would know that we're moving in the direction which our country wants us to do collectively.  So, I'm proud to be on the team.
      THE PRESIDENT:  Good, thank you.  Is your counterpart on your committee here?
      REPRESENTATIVE RANGEL:  Yes, he is.  Dave and I --
      THE PRESIDENT:  Come on, Dave.
      REPRESENTATIVE RANGEL:  -- have worked so closely together.  If we can keep disagreements down, we'll be a hell of a team.
      THE PRESIDENT:  Well, what I meant, Charlie, was let's give him the mic.  (Laughter and applause.) 
      REPRESENTATIVE CAMP:  It's tough in the minority, let me tell you.  (Laughter.)  You do lose the microphone when you're not in the majority.
      But thank you, Mr. President.  Thank you so much for bringing us all together.  I think much of what has been said I can agree with.  And I think particularly the idea that we have an American solution, and certainly in America the idea that a patient and a physician make the health care decisions that affect them is certainly something we need to protect.
      And I just appreciate the opportunity to be here, look forward to working with you.  There's so many things that we talked about that we had in common, in terms of health information technology, wellness.  But we are going to have to figure out just how much of our economy is devoted to health care, and that's going to be a big issue we have to face.
      THE PRESIDENT:  Right.
      REPRESENTATIVE CAMP:  And this cost-shifting that goes on between public and private health care dimensions, and those are challenging things, but I look forward to working with you and your team on this.
      THE PRESIDENT:  Well, you raise a couple of important points.  Number one, doctors.  And I'm assuming that we've got somebody -- and I'm going to call on them in a second -- but I've got a lot of very close friends who are doctors.  And the enormous pressure and strain that the medical profession is now feeling from a whole variety of sources is something that we've got to attend to in this reform process.  We're not producing enough primary care physicians, because the costs of medical education are so high that people feel they've got to specialize.
      The issue of malpractice insurance is real, and if you're an OB/GYNE, that is enormous pressure that you've having to deal with.
      One of the things that we've done in this budget that we're presenting is to finally surface what had been the fiction that we weren't going to give doctors higher reimbursements -- we always did it in the end; we just didn't budget for it -- and caused enormous stress for them. 
      Now, the flip of it is if we're going to do more for doctors, part of what we've also got to say is, if there are states like Minnesota that are providing as good or better care than other states, and yet are keeping their costs lower, and Medicare and Medicaid reimbursements are better controlled, shouldn't we be learning from what those states are doing, and then making that more generally applicable? 
      And there may be some resistance on the part of providers to say, well, you know, our circumstances are different in this state or that state.  But this is what I mean when I say that data and evidence have to drive the process.  If we can find better practices, then doctors have to be willing to learn from the experience of others in terms of controlling costs.  They've got to be part of the solution, as well.
     
      So since I'm talking about doctors, we've got Ted Epperly of the American Academy of Family Physicians.  Is Ted around here somewhere?  Here we go.  Go ahead.  You've got a mic right behind you.
     
      DR. EPPERLY:  Well, first, Mr. President, what an honor to be here and to be with all of you.  Speaking on behalf of over 100,000 family doctors, we're ready to do our part.  We very much believe that we need to expand coverage in this country to everyone, and we need to fix the workforce, sir, so that all those patients have a place to go.  We'll roll up our shirt sleeves and do everything possible to make this work, because it is the right thing to do, and I applaud you and this body for doing this today, to do it this year, and we must do it.  Thank you.
     
      THE PRESIDENT:  Good.  Okay, before we break up, because we've been using some time, and I'm starting to get Reggie Love signaling over there -- whenever he stands, since he's 6'5, I see him -- (laughter) -- and I know that we're running out of time.  Are there some people that I did not call on that have a critical question or point that they would like to make?
     
      Yes, go ahead, please.
     
      REPRESENTATIVE CAPPS:  Thank you very much.  I'm Lois Capps, and I will love to follow the doctor.  I also want to say to Senator Kennedy, this is the time.  As one of three nurses in the U.S. Congress, the proposals you are putting forward resonate.  Nurses do provide quality care.  They help reduce costs through increased preventive care, and they deliver cost-effective primary care, along with physicians, especially in underserved areas. 
     
      But we have a huge shortage of nurses today.  And estimates are that the U.S. will be lacking over 500,000 nurses in the next seven years.  Our nursing schools are only able to admit a tiny fraction of applicants.  The great -- greatest bottleneck for educating more nurses comes from the lack of nursing school faculty.
     
      You've done a great job by proposing an increase in nursing education in your 2010 budget and by including nurse education funding in the Recovery Act.  I'd love to hear your thoughts.  If not -- if there's no time today, I'd love to pursue this -- there are other nurses in the room -- on how we can further advance nursing education and faculty training, because they are going to be essential to our overall efforts to contain costs while expanding and improving care.  Thank you very much.
     
      THE PRESIDENT:  Well, let me respond to this right away, because it's not that complicated.  Nurses provide extraordinary care.  I mean, they are -- they are the front lines of the health care system.  And they don't get paid very well.  Their working conditions aren't as good as they should be.  And when it comes to nurse faculty, they get paid even worse than active nurses.  So what happens is, is that it is very difficult for a nurse practitioner to go into teaching, because they're losing money.
     
      The notion that we would have to import nurses makes absolutely no sense.  And for people who get fired up about the immigration debate and yet don't notice that we could be training nurses right here in the United States -- and there are a lot of people who would love to be in that helping profession and yet we just aren't providing the resources to get them trained -- that's something that we've got to fix.  That should be a no-brainer.  That should be a bipartisan no-brainer to make sure that we've got the best possible nursing staffs in the country.  (Applause.)
     
      Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  I know you stressed the cost efficiencies and that is certainly important and it was an important part of our breakout session.  But I also want to commend you for also being honest in saying that there has to be a new source of funding, as well, because in your reserve fund you mentioned a new source of funding dealing with deductions, whatever, for people over a certain income.  And I do notice that there is a tendency to think that we can somehow expand health insurance and achieve coverage for everyone just with the existing money in the system, and I don't think that's true.
     
      So I want to commend you for that, and I want everyone to keep in mind the fact that we have to come up with a new source of funding, either what you proposed or perhaps others, because, even as you said in your budget message, that this only pays, this reserve fund, for about half the cost if we're going to cover everyone.  And that's an important part of this, as well.
     
      THE PRESIDENT:  Let me -- I want to make a important distinction, though, between short-term costs and long-term costs.  I don't think that we can expand coverage on the front end without some money.  By definition, we will not have changed the system sufficiently to drive down costs in order to pay for new people being part of the system.
     
      Now, keep in mind, we're already paying for those folks.  Every single person at home, the average family is paying $900 per family in additional premiums because of the care that people are receiving in emergency rooms.  So we're paying for it, but it's oftentimes hidden.
     
      But capturing those savings will take some time.  Health IT is going to save money -- but it's not going to save money in year one or year two; it'll save money in year 10, 11, 15 and 20.  If we're doing a good job on prevention and are reducing rates of obesity -- if we went back to the obesity rates that existed back in 1980, we'd save the system a trillion dollars, but we're not going to do that overnight -- it's going to take some time.
     
      So what we constantly have to think about is short-term costs versus even higher long-term costs.  And what I'm trying to do in this debate is make sure that we're focused not just on year one and year two, but on year 10, year 20, year 30 and year 50, and making sure that our children are not bankrupted.  Now, that creates a very difficult political task.  Nothing is harder in politics than doing something now that costs money in order to gain benefits 20 years from now.  It's the single hardest thing to do in politics, and that's part of the reason why health care reform has consistently broken down.
     
      There should be enough money in the system.  We spend more per capita than any nation on Earth.  And to find that American solution that mixes public and private, but also says we shouldn't have such an inefficient system and we should make investments today to ensure that we're saving money down the road, that's going to be our challenge.
     
      Okay, I've got time for maybe a couple more questions.  The gentleman right here.  And I'll catch folks back here, as well.
     
      MR. McANDREWS: Mr. President, my name is Lawrence McAndrews.  I represent the National Association of Children's Hospitals.  First, I'd like to thank you for your leadership with CHIP; extending coverage to 4 million children is just fantastic.  (Applause.)
     
      THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.
     
      MR. McANDREWS:  Second, as your leadership in CHIP has illustrated, perhaps children can lead the way.  And I think we in the pediatric community -- children represent 25 percent of the population, 10 percent of the health care costs -- and we I think are a small enough community, cohesive enough, the doctors and the hospitals working together, we know each other, that perhaps we can offer an opportunity to be another leading edge in your plan for change.  And we would work with you in the implementation of any quality measures, any new incentive structures.
     
      And I think children's hospitals tend to be a disrupter in the cost of care, because they take care of 40 to 50 percent of the market and we can -- and the most expensive kids.  Working with you, we can make the biggest down payment, the Willie Sutton principle, so to speak, where the money is, we can help you manage that.
     
      THE PRESIDENT:  Good.
     
      MR. McANDREWS:  Thank you very much.
     
      THE PRESIDENT:  That's a great point, that's a great point.  (Applause.)  I'm going to make this -- I'm -- oh, suddenly everybody raises their hand.  (Laughter.)  I'm going to take two more questions -- this young lady right here and then this gentleman right here, just because they had their hands up a little bit early.
     
      Go ahead.
     
      Q    Thank you so very much, Mr. President.  And it's quite an honor for you having all of us here today.  You've created a network among us that we didn't even know exists.  We are more alike than we are different.  And I would ask that all of us help to make sure that the elimination of racial and ethnic health disparities be a core component of whatever health care reform legislation may look like that you enact.
     
      And I thank you again.  (Applause.)
     
      THE PRESIDENT:  Well, I think that's important, I think that's important.  And that's an example of where there is some data out there that's pretty indisputable that even when you account for incomes and levels of insurance, that you're still seeing problems in the African American community and the Latino community, Native American communities, in terms of quality of care and outcomes. 
     
      And part of what we should be doing is to think about, based on this evidence and this data, are there ways that we can close those gaps.  And to the extent that that is reflected in this reform, I think that will ultimately save everybody money.  Okay?
     
      Q    Thank you so much.  Just one really quick one -- if you will give us the marching orders before we leave.  (Laughter.)
     
      DR. REDLENER: Mr. President, I'm Irwin Redlener, a pediatrician at Columbia University's Mailman School of Public Health, and President of the Children's Health Fund.  And I also just want to underscore how extraordinarily important this meeting was.  It launches health care in a way that I don't think we've ever seen before in this country.  And we all, I know, congratulate you deeply about that.
     
      And I wanted to say just a couple of words about prevention, which has been mentioned a few times.  Prevention needs to be bolstered by a strong American public health system, as well.  And we cannot forget about the public health infrastructure as we're building and strengthening our health care system in general.  So the public health schools are often the places where the research is done that tell us and guide us what kinds of preventive interventions actually work.  And what works is really going to be important.
     
      I also wanted to underscore what Larry McAndrews said about the importance of investing in children.  They are not only a compelling moral issue for us, but they are compelling fiscally, as well.  America is going to be depending on its children to be fully functional, to function in school, to succeed in ways that can only happen if their health is protected and guarded.
     
      And the final point is that I don't think we've mentioned yet the role of individual citizens.  Every single American has a role to play in making us healthier as a nation.  And your inspiration and hopefully the inspiration of others here will make sure that individuals know that their choices of healthy lifestyle decisions, and making sure they get the prevention that they need will bolster our ability to provide quality health care and reduce the cost of care that could have been avoided if we had thought about prevention in the first place.  Thank you.  (Applause.)
     
      THE PRESIDENT:  Those are all great points.
     
      Let me just close by saying this -- because somebody asked for marching orders.  Number one, all of the groups here need to stay involved.  And I know you will.  Number two, we will generate a report or a summary of the comments in the various breakout sessions that will be distributed to all the participants.  Number three, I know that Nancy Pelosi, Harry Reid, Mitch McConnell, John Boehner, and the other leadership are interested in moving a process forward, and so unlike the fiscal responsibility summit where I think we have to have some discussion about mechanisms and how do we make it work so that it takes, I think here you've got a bunch of committees that are eager and ready and willing to get to work.
           
      And so I just want to make sure that I don't get in the way of all of you moving aggressively and rapidly.  I've got some very strong ideas and the White House will be providing some guideposts and guidelines about what we think we can afford to do, how we think it's best to do it, but we don't have a monopoly on good ideas.  And to the extent that this work is being done effectively in these various committees, then I assure you that we are going to do everything that we can to work with all of you -- Democrat and Republican.
     
      But the one thing that I've got to say here:  There's been some talk about the notion that maybe we're taking on too much; that we're in the midst of an economic crisis and that the system is overloaded, and so we should put this off for another day.  Well, let's just be clear.  When times were good, we didn't get it done.  When we had mild recessions, we didn't get it done.  When we were in peacetime, we did not get it done.  When we were at war, we did not get it done. 
     
      There is always a reason not to do it.  And it strikes me that now is exactly the time for us to deal with this problem.  The American people are looking for solutions.  Business is looking for solutions.  And government -- state, federal, and local -- needs solutions to this problem.
     
      So for all of you who've been elected to office or those of you who are heading up major associations, I would just say, what better time than now and what better cause for us to take up?  Imagine the pride when we go back to our constituencies next year and say, you know what, we finally got something done on health care.  That's something that's worth fighting for, and I hope all of you fight for it.  (Applause.)
     
                                    END                4:55 P.M. EST