The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

FACT SHEET: United States Support for Global Efforts to Combat Carbon Pollution and Build Resilience

Today, President Obama is announcing the intention of the United States to contribute $3 billion to the Green Climate Fund (GCF), reflecting the U.S. commitment to reduce carbon pollution and strengthen resilience in developing countries, especially the poorest and most vulnerable. The United States joins other nations that have already pledged financial support to this vital new global effort, including Mexico, Korea, Germany, France, Denmark, Norway, and Switzerland.  Additional countries are expected to pledge soon. 

By financing investments that help countries reduce carbon pollution and strengthen resilience to climate change, the GCF will help leverage public and private finance to avoid some of the most catastrophic risks of climate change.  By reducing those risks, the GCF will help promote smart, sustainable long-term economic growth and preserve stability and security in fragile regions of strategic importance to the United States.

The U.S. contribution to the GCF builds on a history of U.S. leadership to support climate action.  In 2008, the Bush Administration pledged $2 billion to the Climate Investment Funds, which were established as a transitional measure to finance efforts to help developing countries address climate change.  The U.S. pledge to the GCF demonstrates a continuation of the bipartisan resolve to help developing nations reduce their own emissions, whose dangerous impacts on the climate affect us all, as well as to help the most vulnerable cope with the impacts of climate change.  The GCF will also help spur global markets in clean energy technologies, creating opportunities for U.S. entrepreneurs and manufacturers who are leading the way to a low-carbon future.

The GCF was originally called for in 2009 in the Copenhagen Accord, in which developing countries first committed to taking action to mitigate their carbon emissions, including by laying out specific goals and targets.  The GCF will employ world-class safeguards and will finance projects and programs with the greatest potential to reduce harmful pollution and foster adaptation to climate impacts.  Although the political impetus to establish the GCF came from the multilateral climate negotiations, the GCF is an independent legal entity that makes independent funding and operational decisions.  It is not a United Nations agency or entity, nor will it have a large bureaucracy.   

The United States intends to contribute $3 billion to this initial fund raising effort, not to exceed 30 percent of total confirmed pledges.  This share is consistent with the U.S. contribution to other funds in which we have exercised U.S. leadership to catalyze other contributions.  We expect that the U.S. share will decline over time as the range of countries contributing to the GCF expands.  While the United States is committed to supporting a wide range of mitigation and adaptation programs in developing countries through the GCF, we will target a significant portion of our GCF support to the GCF’s Private Sector Facility.  This is in recognition of the essential role the GCF must play in mobilizing private sector financing to scale up low-emission and climate-resilient investment in developing countries. 

The United States expects that the GCF will become a preeminent, effective, and efficient channel for climate finance and is working to finalize the GCF’s governance and institutional policies in 2015.  In this regard, the United States reserves the ability to direct a portion of this pledge to other multilateral climate funds to the extent necessary based on the pace of progress.

Some of the innovative features of the GCF include:

  • A dedicated Private Sector Facility.  Unlike most climate funds, the GCF will have a dedicated Private Sector Facility to support entrepreneurs developing low-carbon and climate resilient projects.  It will also mobilize capital from private investors around the world.  The Board is also advised by a standing Private Sector Advisory Group, composed of business leaders from developed and developing countries.
  • Inclusive governance and wider donor base.  The GCF’s governance structure—headed by a 24-member Board with an equal number of developed and developing countries—gives it a uniquely high level of international buy-in and collaboration, with a corresponding ability to attract non-traditional donors. 
  • World-class safeguards and accountability mechanisms. The GCF will require among the strongest fiduciary standards and social and environmental safeguards for all multilateral funds in climate finance today.  This will help promote GCF-financed projects and programs that are responsibly designed and implemented, and that all financial resources are managed prudently and transparently.  Moreover, the GCF has an Independent Evaluation Unit, which evaluates the impact of GCF programs and projects, as well as an Independent Integrity Unit, which investigates allegations of wrongdoing or prohibited practices.  Both units will report to the Board, not the Secretariat.   The Board itself makes independent funding and operational decisions.
  • Work in both mitigation and adaptation.  The GCF will balance its support for emissions mitigation and climate adaptation and resilience activities, building up expertise in both areas and positioning itself to capitalize on synergies between them.  This balance will make the GCF unique compared with other funds.
  • Global reach.   The GCF will work through a larger network of public and private partners than most other climate funds.  This will help reach more regions and communities, as well as unlock opportunities in both adaptation and mitigation in hard-to-reach locations. 

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The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Weekly Address: Open Enrollment Starts Today

WASHINGTON, DC — In this week’s address, the President reminded Americans that Affordable Care Act open enrollment begins this weekend.  In the past year more than 10 million people have gained health insurance, including more than seven million who enrolled in Health Insurance Marketplace coverage.  They are proof that the Affordable Care Act is working, making health care more affordable, accessible, and of higher quality for millions of people.  The President encouraged all Americans to take advantage of open enrollment, and remind their friends and families to do so as well.

The audio of the address and video of the address will be available online at www.whitehouse.gov at 6:00 a.m. ET, November 15, 2014.

Remarks of President Barack Obama
Weekly Address
The White House
November 15, 2014

Hi, everybody.  Over the past year, more than 10 million Americans have gained the financial security and peace of mind that comes with health insurance. 

More than seven million people enrolled in affordable coverage by visiting HealthCare.gov, or going to the marketplace in their state.  On average, they’re paying just $82 a month for coverage.  For a lot of people, that’s less than a cell phone bill or a cable bill.  Insurance companies can no longer deny you coverage just because you have a preexisting condition, and they now have to cover free preventive care like checkups and mammograms. 

If you missed your chance to get covered last year, here’s the good news.  Starting November 15th, today, you can go online or call 1-800-318-2596 and get covered for 2015.  And we’ve spent the last year improving and upgrading HealthCare.gov, to make it faster and easier to use. 

If you already buy insurance through the online marketplace, now is the time to take a look at some new options for next year.  You might be able to save more money, or find a plan that fits your family’s needs even better than the one you’ve got now.  If you haven’t signed up for insurance yet, this is your chance.  Odds are, you’ll qualify for tax credits to help you afford it. 

But this window won’t stay open forever.  You only have three months to shop for plans, so it’s worth starting right away.  And it might make a big difference for your family’s bottom line.

Last year, I got an email from a woman named Amy Williams, in Augusta, Georgia.  She and her husband are self-employed in the trucking business.  For years, they paid about $1,200 a month for their health insurance.  Then they checked out HealthCare.gov.  They found a plan with coverage they liked, and it was way less expensive.  She says that they’ve saved around $13,000 on their premiums this year alone. 

Stories like Amy’s are why we fought so hard to pass the Affordable Care Act.  To help more families breathe a little easier.  In part because this law is working, health care prices have grown at their slowest rate in nearly 50 years.  And this year, insurance premiums for families who are covered through an employer grew at a rate tied for the lowest on record. 

So spread the word.  Tell your friends and family members to get covered.  Talk to folks in your church or your classroom.  Tell them to take a few minutes to check out Healthcare.gov, CuidadoDeSalud.gov, or call 1-800-318-2596 – it can make a big difference in their lives.  Let them know that it’s easy, it’s affordable, and that they have just three months, starting today, November 15th, to sign up.  Together, we can make sure that even more of America gets covered in the year ahead.

Thanks, and have a great weekend. 

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

G20 Leaders’ Brisbane Statement on Ebola

The statement below was released tonight by Australia in its capacity as host of the G20.

We are deeply concerned about the Ebola outbreak in Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone and saddened by the suffering and loss of life it is inflicting. We are mindful of the serious humanitarian, social and economic impacts on those countries, and of the potential for these impacts to spread.

The governments and people of Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone are making tremendous efforts to fight the outbreak, with the support of the African Union and other African countries. We commend the brave service of health care and relief workers. We also applaud the contributions of countries worldwide, the United Nations (UN) and its bodies such as the World Health Organization (WHO), international and regional organisations and financial institutions, non-governmental and religious organisations, and the private sector. We fully support the UN Mission for Ebola Emergency Response’s ongoing work to harness capacity to stop the outbreak, treat the infected, ensure essential services, preserve stability and prevent further outbreaks and urge that it act swiftly to achieve these objectives.

G20 members are committed to do what is necessary to ensure the international effort can extinguish the outbreak and address its medium-term economic and humanitarian costs. We will work through bilateral, regional and multilateral channels, and in partnership with non-governmental stakeholders. We will share our experiences of successfully fighting Ebola with our partners, including to promote safe conditions and training for health care and relief workers. We will work to expedite the effective and targeted disbursement of funds and other assistance, balancing between emergency and longer-term needs.

We invite those governments that have yet to do so to join in providing financial contributions, appropriately qualified and trained medical teams and personnel, medical and protective equipment, and medicines and treatments. While commending ongoing work, we urge greater efforts by researchers, regulators and pharmaceutical companies to develop safe, effective and affordable diagnostic tools, vaccines and treatments. We call upon international and regional institutions, civil society and the private sector to work with governments to mitigate the impacts of the crisis and ensure the longer-term economic recovery.

In this regard, we urge the World Bank Group (WBG) and International Monetary Fund (IMF) to continue their strong support for the affected countries and welcome the IMF’s initiative to make available a further $300 million to stem the Ebola outbreak and ease pressures on Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone, through a combination of concessional loans, debt relief, and grants. We ask the IMF and WBG to explore new, flexible mechanisms to address the economic effects of future comparable crises.

This outbreak illustrates the urgency of addressing longer-term systemic issues and gaps in capability, preparedness and response capacity that expose the global economy to the impacts of infectious disease. G20 members recommit to full implementation of the WHO’s International Health Regulations (IHR). To this end, and in the context of our broader efforts to strengthen health systems globally, we commit to support others to implement the IHR and to build capacity to prevent, detect, report early and rapidly respond to infectious diseases like Ebola. We also commit to fight anti-microbial resistance. Interested G20 members are supporting this goal through initiatives to accelerate action across the Economic Community of West African States and other vulnerable regions and will report progress and announce a time frame by May 2015 at the World Health Assembly.

We invite all countries to join us in mobilizing resources to strengthen national, regional and global preparedness against the threat posed by infectious diseases to global health and strong, sustainable and balanced growth for all. We will remain vigilant and responsive.

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by President Obama at the University of Queensland

University of Queensland

Brisbane, Australia

1:11 P.M. AEST

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you so much!  (Applause.)  Thank you!  Thank you, everybody.  Everybody, please have a seat.  Hello, Brisbane!  It’s good to be back in Australia.  I love Australia -- I really do.  The only problem with Australia is every time I come here I’ve got to sit in conference rooms and talk to politicians instead of go to the beach.  (Laughter.) 

To Chancellor Story, Professor Høj, faculty and staff, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, and most of all, the students of the University of Queensland -- it is great to be here at UQ.  I know that we are joined by students from universities across this city, and some high school students, as well.  And so I want to thank all of the young people especially for welcoming me here today.   

On my last visit to this magnificent country three years ago, I had the privilege to meet some of the First Australians; we’re joined by some today.  So I want to begin by acknowledging the Traditional Owners of this land and by paying my respects to your elders, past and present.

This university is recognized as one of the world’s great institutions of science and teaching.  Your research led to the vaccine that protects women and girls around the world from cervical cancer.  Your innovations have transformed how we treat disease and how we unlock new discoveries.  Your studies have warned the world about the urgent threat of climate change.  In fact, last year I even tweeted one of your studies to my 31 million followers on Twitter.  (Laughter.)  Just bragging a little bit.  (Applause.)  I don’t think that’s quite as much as Lady Gaga, but it’s pretty good.  (Laughter.)  That’s still not bad.

I thank Prime Minister Abbott and the people of Brisbane and Queensland for hosting us at the G-20 Summit.  This city, this part of Australia, is just stunning -- “beautiful one day, and then perfect the next.”  (Laughter.)  That’s what I understand.  (Applause.)  We travel a lot around the world.  My staff was very excited for “Bris Vegas.”  (Laughter.)  When I arrived they advised I needed some XXXX.  (Laughter.)  You have some?  (Laughter.) 

Part of the reason I have fond memories of Australia is I spent some time here as a boy when I was traveling between Hawaii and Indonesia, where I lived for several years.  And when I returned three years ago as President, I had the same feelings that I remembered as a child -- the warmth of the people of Australia, the sense of humor.  I learned to speak a little “strine.”  (Laughter.)  I’m tempted to “give it a burl.”  That’s about as far as I can go actually.       

But I do want to take this opportunity to express once again the gratitude of the American people for the extraordinary alliance with Australia.  I tell my friends and family and people that I meet that there is an incredible commonality between Australia and the United States.  And whether that’s because so many of us traveled here as immigrants -- some voluntary and some not; whether it’s because of wide open spaces and the sense of a frontier culture -- there’s a bond between our two countries. 

And Australia really is everything that you would want in a friend and in an ally.  We’re cut from the same cloth -- immigrants from an old world who built a new nation.  We’re inspired by the same ideals of equality and opportunity -- the belief everybody deserves a fair go, a fair shot.  And we share that same spirit -- that confidence and optimism -- that the future is ours to make; that we don’t have to carry with us all the baggage from the past, that we can leave this world a better, safer, more just place for future generations.  And that’s what brings me here today -- the future that we can build together, here in the Asia Pacific region.

Now, this week, I’ve traveled more than 15,000 miles -- from America to China to Burma to Australia.  I have no idea what time it is right now.  (Laughter.)  I’m completely upside down.  But despite that distance, we know that our world is getting smaller.  One of Australia’s great writers spoke of this -- a son of Brisbane and a graduate of this university, David Malouf.  And he said, “In that shrinking of distance that is characteristic of our contemporary world, even the Pacific, largest of oceans, has become a lake.”  Even the Pacific has become a lake.

And you see it here on this campus, where you welcome students from all across Asia and around the world, including a number of Americans.  You go on exchanges, and we’re proud to welcome so many of you to the United States.  You walk the streets of this city and you hear Chinese, Vietnamese, Bahasa Indonesia, Korean, Hindi.  And in many neighborhoods more than half the people you meet were born somewhere else.  This is a global city in a globalized world. 

And I often tell young people in America that, even with today’s challenges, this is the best time in history to be alive.  Never in the history of humanity have people lived longer, are they more likely to be healthy, more likely to be enjoying basic security.  The world is actually much less violent today.  You wouldn’t know it from watching television that it once was.

And that’s true here in the Asia Pacific as well.  Countries once ravaged by war, like South Korea and Japan, are among the world’s most advanced economies.  From the Philippines to Indonesia, dictatorships have given way to genuine democracies.  In China and across the region, hundreds of millions of people have been lifted from poverty in the span of one generation, joining a global middle class.  Empowered by technology, you -- the young people in particular of this region -- are connecting and collaborating across borders and cultures like never before as you seek to build a new future.

So the opportunities today are limitless.  And I don’t watch a lot of Australian television, so -- as you might imagine, because I’m really far away.  (Laughter.)  So I don’t know whether some of the same tendencies that we see in the United States -- a focus on conflict and disasters and problem -- dominate what’s fed to us visually every single day.  But when you look at the facts, opportunities are limitless for this generation.  You’re living in an extraordinary time. 

But what is also true, is that alongside this dynamism, there are genuine dangers that can undermine progress.  And we can’t look at those problems through rose-tinted glasses.  North Korea’s nuclear and missile programs -- that’s a problem.  Disputes over territory, remote islands and rocky shoals that threaten to spiral into confrontation. 

The failure to uphold universal human rights, denying justice to citizens and denying countries their full potential.  Economic inequality and extreme poverty that are a recipe for instability.  And energy demands in growing cities that also hasten trends towards a changing climate.  Indeed, the same technologies that empower citizens like you also give oppressive regimes new tools to stifle dissent.

So the question that we face is, which of these futures will define the Asia Pacific in the century to come?  Do we move towards further integration, more justice, more peace?  Or do we move towards disorder and conflict?  Those are our choices -- conflict or cooperation?  Oppression or liberty?

Here in Australia three years ago, in your parliament, I made it clear where the United States stands.  We believe that nations and peoples have the right to live in security and peace; that an effective security order for Asia must be based -- not on spheres of influence, or coercion, or intimidation where big nations bully the small -- but on alliances of mutual security, international law and international norms that are upheld, and the peaceful resolution of disputes.

We believe in open markets and trade that is fair and free -- a level playing field where economies play by the same rules; where the purpose of trade is not simply to extract resources from the ground, but to build true partnerships that raise capacity and living standards in poor countries; where small business owners and entrepreneurs and innovators have the freedom to dream and create and flourish; and how well a country does is based on how well they empower their individual citizens.

And we believe in democracy -- that the only real source of legitimacy is the consent of the people; that every individual is born equal with fundamental rights, inalienable rights, and that it is the responsibility of governments to uphold these rights.  This is what we stand for.  That is our vision -- the future America is working toward in the Asia Pacific, with allies and friends.

Now as a Pacific power, the United States has invested our blood and treasure to advance this vision.  We don't just talk about it; we invest in this vision.  Generations of Americans have served and died in the Asia Pacific so that the people of the region might live free.  So no one should ever question our resolve or our commitment to our allies. 

When I assumed office, leaders and people across the region were expressing their desire for greater American engagement.  And so as President, I decided that -- given the importance of this region to American security, to American prosperity -- the United States would rebalance our foreign policy and play a larger and lasting role in this region.  That’s exactly what we’ve done.  

Today, our alliances, including with Australia, are stronger than they have ever been.  American exports to this region have reached record levels.  We’ve deepened our cooperation with emerging powers and regional organizations, especially in Southeast Asia.  We expanded our partnerships with citizens as they've worked to bolster their democracies.  And we’ve shown that -- whether it’s a tsunami or an earthquake or a typhoon -- when our friends are in need, America shows up.  We’re there to help.  In good times and bad, you can count on the United States of America.

Now, there have been times when people have been skeptical of this rebalancing.  They're wondering whether America has the staying power to sustain it.  And it's true that in recent years pressing events around the world demand our attention.  As the world’s only superpower, the United States has unique responsibilities that we gladly embrace.  We’re leading the international community in the fight to destroy the terrorist group ISIL.  We're leading in dealing with Ebola in West Africa and in opposing Russia’s aggression against Ukraine -- which is a threat to the world, as we saw in the appalling shoot-down of MH17, a tragedy that took so many innocent lives, among them your fellow citizens.  As your ally and friend, America shares the grief of these Australian families, and we share the determination of your nation for justice and accountability.  So, yes, we have a range of responsibilities.  That's the deal.  It's a burden we gladly shoulder.

But even in each of these international efforts, some of our strongest partners are our allies and friends in this region, including Australia.  So meeting these other challenges in the world is not a distraction from our engagement in this region, it reinforces our engagement in this region.  Our rebalance is not only about the United States doing more in Asia, it’s also about the Asia Pacific region doing more with us around the world.

So I’m here today to say that American leadership in the Asia Pacific will always be a fundamental focus of my foreign policy.  It won’t always make the headlines.  It won’t always be measured in the number of trips I make -- although I do keep coming back.  (Laughter.) But day in, and day out, steadily, deliberately, we will continue to deepen our engagement using every element of American power -- diplomacy, military, economic, development, the power of our values and our ideals.  And so in the time I have left, I want to describe, specifically, what America intends to do in the coming years.

First, the United States will continue strengthening our alliances.  With Japan, we’ll finalize new defense guidelines and keep realigning our forces for the future.  With the Republic of Korea, we’ll deepen our collaboration, including on missile defense, to deter and defend against North Korean threats.  With the Philippines, we’ll train and exercise more to prepare for challenges from counterterrorism and piracy to humanitarian crises and disaster relief.  And here in Australia, more U.S. Marines will rotate through to promote regional stability, alongside your “diggers.”

Although I will say when I went out to Darwin to inaugurate the new rotation of our U.S. Marines there, that the mayor, I think it was, took out crocodile insurance, which disturbed me.  (Laughter.)  I mean I was flattered that he took out insurance on my behalf.  (Laughter.)  But I did ask my ambassador what this was all about.  (Laughter.)  And he described to me how crocodiles kill more people than sharks, and there are just a lot of things in Australia that can kill you.  (Laughter.)  But that's an aside.  (Laughter.)

We have an ironclad commitment to the sovereignty, independence, and security of every ally.  And we’ll expand cooperation between allies, because we believe we’re stronger when we stand together.

The United States will continue to modernize our defense posture across the region.  We’ll deploy more of our most advanced military capabilities to keep the peace and deter aggression.  Our presence will be more distributed, including in Southeast Asia with partners like Singapore.  And we’ll increase military training and education, including working with the military partners we have in this region around the respect for human rights by military and police.  And by the end of this decade, a majority of our Navy and Air Force fleets will be based out of the Pacific, because the United States is, and will always be, a Pacific power.

And keep in mind we do this without any territorial claims.  We do this based on our belief that a region that is peaceful and prosperous is good for us and is good for the world.

The United States will continue broadening our cooperation with emerging powers and emerging economies.  We intend to help Vietnam pursue economic reforms and new maritime capabilities.  We will continue to move ahead with our comprehensive partnership with Indonesia, which is a strong example of diversity and pluralism.  We’ll continue to expand ties with Malaysia, a growing center of entrepreneurship and innovation.  And we support a greater role in the Asia Pacific for India, which is the world’s largest democracy.

The United States will continue expanding our engagement with regional institutions, because together we can meet shared challenges -- from preventing the horror of human trafficking to countering violent extremism, to stemming the flow of foreign terrorist fighters.  Together, we can improve maritime security, upholding freedom of navigation and encouraging territorial disputes are resolved peacefully.  We’ll work with partners to develop the East Asia Summit into the region’s leading forum for addressing political and security challenges.  And we’ll support ASEAN’s effort to reach a code of conduct with China that reinforces international law in the South China Sea.

And speaking of China, the United States will continue to pursue a constructive relationship with China.  By virtue of its size and its remarkable growth, China will inevitably play a critical role in the future of this region.  And the question is, what kind of role will it play?  I just came from Beijing, and I said there, the United States welcomes the continuing rise of a China that is peaceful and prosperous and stable and that plays a responsible role in world affairs.  It is a remarkable achievement that millions of people have been lifted out of poverty in China because of the extraordinary growth rates that they’ve experienced.  That is a good thing.  We should want and welcome that kind of development. 

And if, in fact, China is playing the role of a responsible actor that is peaceful and prosperous and stable, that is good for this region, it’s good for the world, it’s good for the United States.  So we’ll pursue cooperation with China where our interests overlap or align.  And there are significant areas of overlap:  More trade and investment; more communications between our militaries to prevent misunderstandings or possible conflict; more travel and exchanges between our people; and more cooperation on global challenges, from Ebola to climate change. 

But in this engagement we are also encouraging China to adhere to the same rules as other nations -- whether in trade or on the seas.  And in this engagement we will continue to be frank about where there are differences, because America will continue to stand up for our interests and principles, including our unwavering support for the fundamental human rights of all people. 

We do not benefit from a relationship with China or any other country in which we put our values and our ideals aside.  And for the young people, practicality is a good thing.  There are times where compromise is necessary.  That’s part of wisdom.  But it’s also important to hang on to what you believe -- to know what you believe and then be willing to stand up for it.  And what’s true for individuals is also true for countries.

The United States will continue to promote economic growth that is sustainable and shared.  So we’re going to work with APEC to tear down barriers to trade and investment and combat the corruption that steals from so many citizens.  We’ll keep opposing special preferences for state-owned companies.  We’ll oppose cyber-theft of trade secrets.  We’ll work with partners to invest in the region’s infrastructure in a way that’s open and transparent.  We’ll support reforms that help economies transition to models that boost domestic demand and invest in people and their education and their skills.

We’ll keep leading the effort to realize the Trans-Pacific Partnership to lower barriers, open markets, export goods, and create good jobs for our people.  But with the 12 countries of the TPP making up nearly 40 percent of the global economy, this is also about something bigger.  It is our chance to put in place new, high standards for trade in the 21st century that uphold our values.  So, for example, we are pushing new standards in this trade agreement, requiring countries that participate to protect their workers better and to protect the environment better, and protect intellectual property that unleashes innovation, and baseline standards to ensure transparency and rule of law. 

It’s about a future where instead of being dependent on a single market, countries integrate their economies so they’re innovating and growing together.  That’s what TPP does.  That’s why it would be a historic achievement.  That’s why I believe so strongly that we need to get it done -- not just for our countries, but for the world.

But that’s also why it’s hard -- because we’re asking all these countries at various stages of development to up their game.  And it requires big transitions for a lot of these countries, including for the United States.  And TPP is just one part of our overall focus on growing the global economy.  That’s what the G-20 meetings are all about. 

Over the last few years, the United States has put more people back to work than all other advanced economies combined.  But America can’t be expected to just carry the world economy on our back.  So here in Brisbane, the G-20 has a responsibility to act -- to boost demand, and invest more in infrastructure, and create good jobs for the people of all our nations.

As we develop, as we focus on our econ, we cannot forget the need to lead on the global fight against climate change.  Now, I know that’s -- (applause) -- I know there’s been a healthy debate in this country about it.  (Laughter.)  Here in the Asia Pacific, nobody has more at stake when it comes to thinking about and then acting on climate change.

Here, a climate that increases in temperature will mean more extreme and frequent storms, more flooding, rising seas that submerge Pacific islands.  Here in Australia, it means longer droughts, more wildfires.  The incredible natural glory of the Great Barrier Reef is threated.  Worldwide, this past summer was the hottest on record.  No nation is immune, and every nation has a responsibility to do its part.

And you’ll recall at the beginning I said the United States and Australia has a lot in common.  Well, one of the things we have in common is we produce a lot of carbon.  Part of it’s this legacy of wide-open spaces and the frontier mentality, and this incredible abundance of resources.  And so, historically, we have not been the most energy-efficient of nations, which means we’ve got to step up. 

In the United States, our carbon pollution is near its lowest levels in almost two decades -- and I’m very proud of that.  Under my Climate Action Plan, we intend to do more.  In Beijing, I announced our ambitious new goal -- reducing our net greenhouse gas emissions by 26 to 28 percent below 2005 levels by the year 2025, which will double the pace at which we’re reducing carbon pollution in the United States.  Now, in a historic step, China made its own commitment, for the first time, agreeing to slow, peak and then reverse the course of China’s carbon emissions.  And the reason that’s so important is because if China, as it develops, adapts the same per capita carbon emissions as advanced economies like the United States or Australia, this planet doesn’t stand a chance, because they’ve got a lot more people.

So them setting up a target sends a powerful message to the world that all countries -- whether you are a developed country, a developing country, or somewhere in between -- you’ve got to be able to overcome old divides, look squarely at the science, and reach a strong global climate agreement next year.  And if China and the United States can agree on this, then the world can agree on this.  We can get this done.  And it is necessary for us to get it done.  (Applause.)  Because I have not had to go to the Great Barrier Reef -- (laughter) -- and I want to come back, and I want my daughters to be able to come back, and I want them to be able to bring their daughters or sons to visit.  (Applause.)  And I want that there 50 years from now.

Now, today, I’m announcing that the United States will take another important step.  We are going to contribute $3 billion to the Green Climate Fund so we can help developing nations deal with climate change.  (Applause.)  So along with the other nations that have pledged support, this gives us the opportunity to help vulnerable communities with an early-warning system, with stronger defenses against storm surges, climate-resilient infrastructure.  It allows us to help farmers plant more durable crops.  And it allows us to help developing countries break out of this false choice between development and pollution; let them leap-frog some of the dirty industries that powered our development; go straight to a clean-energy economy that allows them to grow, create jobs, and at the same time reduce their carbon pollution.

So we’ve very proud of the work that we have already done.  We are mindful of the great work that still has to be done on this issue.  But let me say, particularly again to the young people here:  Combating climate change cannot be the work of governments alone.  Citizens, especially the next generation, you have to keep raising your voices, because you deserve to live your lives in a world that is cleaner and that is healthier and that is sustainable.  But that is not going to happen unless you are heard. 

It is in the nature of things, it is in the nature of the world that those of us who start getting gray hair are a little set in our ways, that interests are entrenched -- not because people are bad people, it’s just that’s how we’ve been doing things.  And we make investments, and companies start depending on certain energy sources, and change is uncomfortable and difficult.  And that’s why it’s so important for the next generation to be able to step and say, no, it doesn’t have to be this way.  You have the power to imagine a new future in a way that some of the older folks don’t always have.   

And the same is true when it comes to issues of democracy and human rights.  There are times where when we speak out on these issues we are told that democracy is just a Western value.  I fundamentally disagree with that.  (Applause.)  Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, they have built thriving democracies.  Filipinos showed us the strength of People Power.  Indonesians just voted in a historic election.  I just came from Burma; this is a place that for 40 years was under the grip of a military junta, one of the most closed and oppressive nations on Earth.  And there, I was inspired by citizens and civil society and parliamentarians who are now working to sustain a transition to a democratic future.  I had a town hall meeting with young people like you, in which they were asking, what does it mean to create rule of law?  And how should we deal with ethnic diversity in our city?  You could feel the excitement.  What does a free press look like, and how does it operate?  And how do we make sure that journalism is responsible?  Incredible ferment and debate that’s taking place. 

Those young people, they want the same things that you do.  The notion that somehow they’re less interested in opportunity or less interested in avoiding arbitrary arrest, or less interested in being censored is fundamentally untrue.  Today, people in Hong Kong are speaking out for their universal rights. 

And so here in Asia and around the world, America supports free and fair elections, because citizens must be free to choose their own leaders -- as in Thailand where we are urging a quick return to inclusive, civilian rule.  We support freedom of assembly, and freedom of speech, and freedom of the press, a free and open Internet, strong civil societies, because the voices of the people must be heard and leaders must be held accountable -- even though it’s uncomfortable sometimes.  I promise you, if you lead a country, there are times where you are aggravated with people voicing opinions that seem to think you’re doing something wrong.  You prefer everybody just praise you.  I understand.  (Laughter.)  But that’s not how societies move forward.

We support strong institutions and independent judiciaries and open government, because the rule of force must give way to the rule of law.

And in that same fashion, the United States will continue to stand up for the inherent dignity of every human being.  Now, dignity begins with the most basic of needs -- a life free of hunger and disease and want.  So, yes, we’ll speak out on behalf of human rights, but we are also going to invest in the agriculture that allows farmers to feed their families and boost their incomes.  We’ll invest in the development that promotes growth and helps end the injustice of extreme poverty in places like the Lower Mekong Delta.  We intend to partner with all the countries in the region to create stronger public health systems and new treatments that save lives and realize our goals of being the first AIDS-free generation.

And what we’ve learned from the Ebola outbreak is that in this globalized world, where the Pacific is like a lake, if countries are so poor that they can’t afford basic public health infrastructure, that threatens our health.  We cannot built a moat around our countries, and we shouldn’t try.  What we should be doing is making sure everybody has some basic public health systems that allow for early warning when outbreaks of infectious disease may occur.  That’s not just out of charity.  It is in our self-interest. 

And again, I want to speak to young people about this.  When we talk about these issues of development, when we invest in the wellbeing of people on the other side of the globe, when we stand up for freedom, including occasionally having to engage in military actions, we don’t do that just because we are charitable.  We do that because we recognize that we are linked, and that if somebody, some child is stricken with a curable disease on the other side of the world, at same point that could have an impact on our child.

We’ll advance human dignity by standing up for the rights of minorities, because no one’s equality should ever be denied.  We will stand up for freedom of religion -- the right of every person to practice their faith as they choose -- because we are all children of God, and we are all fallible.  And the notion that we, as a majority, or the state should tell somebody else what to believe with respect to their faith, is against our basic values. 

We will stand up for our gay and lesbian fellow citizens, because they need to be treated equally under the law.  (Applause.)  We will stand up for the rights and futures of our wives and daughters and partners, because I believe that the best measure of whether a nation is going to be successful is whether they are tapping the talents of their women and treating them as full participants in politics and society and the econ.  (Applause.)

And we’re going to continue to invest in the future of this region, and that means you, this region’s youth -- all of you -- your optimism, your idealism, your hopes.  I see it everywhere I go.  I spend a lot of time with young people.  I spend a lot of time with old people, too.  But I prefer spending time with young people.  (Laughter.)  I meet them in Tokyo and Seoul, and Manila and Jakarta.  It’s the spirit of young men and women in Kuala Lumpur and Rangoon, who are participating in our Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative.  And like you, they’re ready to lead. 

To the young woman with an idea who dreams of starting her own business -- if she just had the network, if she just had the capital, America wants to be her partner, because we believe in the entrepreneur that you can be, the innovations you can spark and the jobs you can create.  And when you succeed, we’ll all be more prosperous. 

To the young man who’s working late in a clinic, tending to a patient, who dreams not just of treating diseases, but preventing them -- if I just had the resources, if I just had the support -- we want to be your partner, because we believe in the advocate that you can be, and in the families you can reach and the lives you can save.  And when you succeed, our world will be better.

To the young woman tired of the tensions in her community, who dreams of helping her neighbors see beyond differences -- if she could just start a dialogue, if she knew how others had walked the same path -- well, America wants to be your partner, because we believe in the activist that you can be, and the empathy that you can build, and the understanding you can foster between people.  And when you succeed, our world will be a little more peaceful. 

And to the young man who believes his voice isn’t being heard, who dreams of bringing people like him together across his country -- if he just knew how to organize and mobilize them -- we want to be your partner, because we believe in the leaders that you can be, in the difference you can make to ignite positive change.  And when you succeed, the world will be a little more free. 

So that’s the future we can build together.  That’s the commitment America is making in the Asia Pacific.  It’s a partnership not just with nations, but with people, with you, for decades to come.  Bound by the values we share, guided by the vision we seek, I am absolutely confident we can advance the security and the prosperity and the dignity of people across this region.  And in pursuit of that future, you will have no greater friend than the United States of America. 

So thank you very much.  God bless Australia.  (Applause.)  God bless America.  God bless our great alliance.  Thank you.

                        END                1:51 P.M. AEST

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by President Obama and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi of Burma in Joint Press Conference | November 14, 2014

Aung San Suu Kyi Residence

Rangoon, Burma

12:35 P.M. MMT

DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI:  I'm sorry if we've kept you waiting. Let me just begin by saying what a great pleasure it is for me to welcome President Obama again to my house and to be able to meet all of you.

I would just like to say that there have been those who have been saying that there is tension between the United States and the National League for Democracy or perhaps with me. I would like to make it quite clear that the friendship between the United States and those who have been struggling for democracy in Burma is a very strong one.  We may view things differently from time to time but it will in no way affect our friendship.

And I have absolute confidence that the United States will continue to support us with regard to the democratic transformation and that when Burma becomes a fully functioning democracy in accordance with the will of the people, we will be able to say that among those friends who enabled us to get there, the United States was among the first.

So please don't think -- please don't worry that there will be any problems between the United States and those working for democracy in Burma.  We all believe in the same values.  We all believe in the same principles.  We may sometimes think that there are different ways of getting to the goal that we wish to achieve, but these differences are part of the democratic tradition.  Democracy allows people to have different views, and democracy makes it also -- makes us also responsible for negotiating an answer for those views. 

I would like all of you to feel welcome in this country, and I would like all of you to feel that you can join us in hoping for better days.  But at the same time, I always warn against over-optimism because that could lead to complacency. 

Our reform process is going through, let’s just say, a bumpy patch.  But this bumpy patch is something that we can negotiate with commitment and with the help and understanding of our friends from all over the world.  So let us not exaggerate the differences and the difficulties.  But at the same time, let us not exaggerate the rosy picture either.

What we need is a healthy balance between optimism and pessimism.  We need to view the situation for what it was.  But at the same time, we all have to be confident that we will get there -- we will get where we want to get to, because that’s what our people want.  In the end, it’s the people of Burma who will decide where this country is going to and which way and how and when.

So we accept responsibility for the state of our country, but at the same time we welcome the support and the help of our friends.  And we always appreciate them very greatly.

Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, good afternoon, everybody.  Mingalaba.  It is wonderful to be back in Rangoon and to once more have the opportunity to spend time with Aung San Suu Kyi.  As we know, it was in this house that she endured years of confinement -- never giving up hope, never wavering in her determination to build a free and democratic Burma.  Daw Suu, you helped set this country on a better path.  I’m grateful for your friendship and for the hospitality that you’ve shown in opening your home up not only to me, but to all these people. 

When I made my first historic visit to Burma, this country was just taking preliminary steps towards democracy.  And in the past two years, important changes have been made.  The economy has begun to grow.  Political prisoners have been set free.  There are more newspapers and media outlets.  Children have been released from the military.  And these are all important changes that have opened up greater opportunity for the people of Burma. 

At the same time, as Aung San Suu Kyi just said, it’s clear how much hard work remains to be done and that many difficult choices still lie ahead.  The process for reform is by no means complete or irreversible.  For many, progress has not come fast enough or spread far enough.  People need to feel safe in their homes and not be subject to arbitrary harassment by authorities or individuals acting with impunity.  People need to be empowered to pursue their dreams.  And as Burma approaches important national elections next year, it will be critical to ensure that all of Burma’s people can participate in shaping the future of their country.

As a member of parliament and the head of the rule of law committee, Aung San Suu Kyi is working hard to make government more transparent, more accountable, to protect the rights of all the Burmese people, to promote reforms that would expand the political space for more people to contribute their voices.  But implementing the major political and economic reforms that are necessary to keep Burma advancing toward democracy is going to take a great deal of political will and no small amount of determination.  And we, as friends of the Burmese people, are clear-eyed about the scale of the challenges that remain, and recognize that we cannot remain complacent. 

Today, Daw Suu and I had a wide-ranging discussion about how the United States can help facilitate and bolster Burma’s democratic transition.  We talked about the need for stronger rule of law, for elections that are free, fair and inclusive, and for continued constitutional changes that will move Burma more fully towards a civilian government. 

We spoke about how we can work together to promote national reconciliation and defuse sectarian tensions among Burma’s diverse ethnic groups.  Specifically, I stressed the need to find durable and effective solutions for the terrible violence in Rakhine state -- solutions that end discrimination, provide greater security and economic opportunities, protect all citizens, and promote greater tolerance and understanding.  Strengthening human rights protections for all of Burma’s people is an essential step to realizing the vision we share for the future of this beautiful country. 

The last time I stood here, I made a pledge to the people of Burma -- that if we continued to see progress toward reform, the ties between our countries would grow stronger, and the United States would continue to do whatever it could to help ensure Burma’s success.  Over the last two years, I think we’ve made good on that pledge, and I want to reiterate the commitment to match continued reforms with greater support and friendships in the future. 

We’re committed to working directly with the people of Burma, and not just the government.  So later today, I’m looking forward to speaking with representatives of Burma’s civil society groups and with young leaders from Burma and all across Southeast Asia who are working to create greater opportunities for themselves and for future generations.  I think these new voices are going to be critical to making sure that reforms are sustainable and meaningful to people across the country and across the region.

So, Daw Suu, thank you again for welcoming us here today.  We continue to look to you for inspiration as well as resolve, and I know that you will continue to be a fierce advocate on behalf of the people of Burma, a future of democracy, and I know that you will be a strong partner with the United States. 

Thank you.  Questions? 

DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI:  Who’s speaking?

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I’ll go first.  Christi Parsons.

Q  You have been traveling in countries with long histories of repressing freedom of expression and censorship.  And it was interesting yesterday that President Xi seemed to be saying that reporters who have problems have themselves to blame.  And so I wonder to what extent you feel the need to contend with these ideas with leaders in this region as you travel.  And what do you say to them?  And by way of example, I might ask you -- Attorney General Eric Holder says no journalist will go to prison for doing his or her job, on his watch.And so I ask about the case of James Risen, the journalist who is facing this prosecution for not revealing his source in a leak prosecution.  I wonder if that’s -- are you speaking specifically about this case, and is that your position as well?

And if I may, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, ask you -- how concerned are you about the violence against ethnic minorities in your country, and specifically the Rohingya people?  And what do you believe is your responsibility to speak out about it?  Thank you very much. 

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  The issue of press freedom is a constant concern in my interactions with the Chinese government.  It’s an issue that I’ve raised with the President here in Burma.  I’m pretty blunt and pretty frank about the fact that societies that repress journalists ultimately oppress people as well, and that if you want a society that is free and vibrant and successful, part of that formula is the free flow of information, of ideas, and that requires a free press.  That is part of our tradition.

As I explained to President Xi in China, it’s in our DNA.  We believe in the primacy individuals being able to pursue their dreams, endowed with certain inalienable rights.  And we believe that when governments censor or control information, that ultimately that undermines not only the society, but it leads to eventual encroachments on individual rights as well.

I can't comment, Christi, on any particular pending case, as you know -- that's sort of an iron-clad rule -- or any particular prosecution.  I can read back to you what Attorney General Holder has said, which is no journalist is going to go to jail for doing their job.  And I don't think you're suggesting that there's -- that the two cases are comparable.  But I recognize that in our own society we have to constantly balance the need for certain national security issues to remain secret with journalists pursuing leads wherever they can. 

And the good news is, is that we've got courts and we've got a First Amendment.  And we got a whole bunch of tools to ensure that that balance is properly debated and adjudicated. 

But I think that when I am traveling, it is important as the President of the United States to not just talk about our interests, but also to talk about our values.  Sometimes it has an impact; sometimes it doesn't.  Although I was impressed that Mark Landler got an answer to his question from President Xi.  It might not have been the one he was expecting, but he did end up taking the question.  So you just keep on chipping away and seeing if we can make progress.

Q  (Off-mic.)

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Hold on a second, Christi.  Don't try to segue into a second question. 

DAW AUNG SAN SUI KYI:  I think I better take over (inaudible) my time as well.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  There you go.

DAW AUNG SAN SUI KYI:  The National League for Democracy always has been against violence of any kind, either on the racial grounds, or religious grounds, or ideological grounds.  We do not believe that violence really results in (inaudible).

Our struggle for democracy has been carried out with a strong grasp on the principle of nonviolence.  And also, we believe in the rule of law.  So if you ask how do we propose to resolve all of these problems of violence between communities, between different ethnic groups, we've got to start with rule of law.  People have to feel secure before they can start talking to one another.  We cannot achieve harmony without security.  People who feel threatened are not going to sit down and sort out their problems.

So I would like to recommend, as the chair of the Rule of Law and Tranquility Committee -- don't forget that tranquility is also included -- that the government should look to rule of law.  It is the duty of the government to make all our people feel secure, and it is the duty of our people to learn to live in harmony with one another.

If we want democracy, we have to be prepared to live by the principles of democracy.  We have to dare to live according to the principles of democracy.  I think we'll get there, but it will take us some time.  But we will remain fully committed to the principle of nonviolence.

Q  Mr. President, I'd like to know about the Myanmar reforms.  You've been talking with the President and parliament speakers, and also you're going to talk with the civil societies group, and then youth.  So my question to you is that:  Have you got any specific agreement with the Myanmar government or President Thein Sein about Myanmar reforms such as constitutional change, and peace negotiation, peace process, and also 2015 general election?

And also to Daw Aung San Sui Kyi, you've got a one-hour discussion with the President, and at the current (inaudible), as you said, it’s a bumpy situation.  So if you didn't make amendment, or you didn't change constitution, the NLD and you, yourself, is going to be very difficult after 2015 elections.  So have you talked about those issues with the President?  Or the President talk to you about U.S. support for you?  Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, the issue of making sure that reforms and the transition is fully realized was the main topic of our conversation and the main topic of my conversation with the President last night.

As I indicated before, there are signs of progress.  We shouldn't deny that Burma today is not the same as Burma five years ago.  But the process is still incomplete.  And I was very specific with the President in terms of how we will measure whether or not the transition has been fully realized. 

Number one, we expect elections to take place on time.  We do not want to see delays, because it's time for the voice of the people of Burma to be heard in a fair, free, transparent election.

Number two, I indicated to the President that the constitution amendment process needs to reflect inclusion rather than exclusion, that there are certain provisions in the Burmese constitution that objectively don't make much sense.  Ultimately, what changes are made are up to the people of Burma.  But, for example, I don't understand a provision that would bar somebody from running for President because of who their children are.  That doesn't make much sense to me.

Number three, we are very much in favor of the peace process, and I encourage the President to move forward in the negotiations.  He expressed some optimism about the ability to bring a deal to a conclusion.  But as Daw Suu has indicated, you have to be skeptical until it's actually done. 

Number four, I indicated that we are paying attention to how religious minorities are treated in this country.  Now, I recognize the complexities of the situation in Rakhine state.  On the other hand, consistent with what Daw Suu just said, I am a firm believer that any legitimate government has to be based on rule of law and a recognition that all people are equal under the law.  And discrimination against the Rohingya or any other religious minority I think does not express the kind of country that Burma over the long term wants to be.  And I know of no successful democracy in which sectarian or religious divisions are allowed to fester, or the people of different faiths are treated as second-class citizens.  Ultimately, that is destabilizing to a democracy.

And finally, I expressed to the President the need to continue to make additional progress on basic issues of freedom and personal security, that journalists can't be jailed simply because they were critical of the government; that arbitrary arrests or individuals being in some fashion abused by government with impunity rather than being respected and treated in accordance with law, that that's a test of whether or not a society is moving towards a genuine democratic process.

And the President yesterday acknowledged that some progress has been made, and there was more to do.  And our position will be to continue to measure what's happening on the ground, to consult with a wide range of groups here in Burma.  We will strengthen our relationship where we see progress.  Where we dn see progress.  Where we don’t see progress, then we will continue to express our concerns, and we will not be able to fully realize the kind of bilateral relationship that we want to have with Burma, the Burmese government, until we’ve seen some of these reforms completed.

DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI:  You asked whether (inaudible) NLD to win the elections if the amendments to the constitution are not pushed through.  I think it’s too early to ask this question.  We’ve just spent one afternoon debating the question of constitutional amendment.  I think perhaps some of you may have heard that proportional representation is not going to be instituted.

So when we started defending (inaudible) against proportional representation, there were many who said to us, you are a very small minority in the legislature; how can you hope to win this case?  It’s not a matter of wanting to win a case, it’s a matter of standing up for what you believe in, for what you believe is necessary for the future of our country.

Now we are asking for a constitutional amendment not because we’re trying to win a case, but because we think that certain amendments are necessary if this country is to be a truly functioning democracy in line with the will of the people.  Because of that, we will persist in our efforts to have the constitution amended in the right way and within the framework of the law.  I’ve always put great emphasis on this because I want peace and tranquility in our country.  I want our people to learn to live under the rule of law, and to support and uphold the importance of the rule of law. 

So with regard to the constitution, we know that the people support our wish to amend it in certain ways, and we are prepared to negotiate with those who do not wish to amend the constitution.  I think that’s what democracy is all about.  We need a culture of negotiated compromise as the foundation for our democratic union.

So we would like to -- it’s not just a matter of debating the case in parliament and winning Brownie points or Boy Scout points, or whatever they’re called.  But it’s just a case of standing up for what we think our country needs.  And we would like to talk to those who disagree with us.  That, again, is what democracy is about.  You talk to those who disagree with you; you don’t beat them down.  You exchange views.  And you come to a compromise, a settlement that would be best for the country.

I’ve always said that dialogues and debates are not aimed at achieving victory for one particular party or the other, but victory for our people as a whole.  Whatever we decide on should be seen as a victory for our nation, for the kind of democratic union that we have been trying to build up for decades.

So please don’t worry about whether or not we will win the elections in 2015.  Of course, any party wants to win the elections.  I’m sure the President will tell you that.  (Laughter.)  But winning is not everything -- it’s how you win.  I’d rather lose than win in the wrong way.  And that is the way I want our party and our people to approach the problems that we have to tackle -- that we want to win in the right way.  We want to bring the changes of the constitution about in the right way. 

We want to build up a strong foundation for national reconciliation, which means reconciliation not just between the different ethnic groups and between different religious groups, but between different ideas -- for example, between the idea of military supremacy and the idea of civilian authority over the military, which is the foundation of democracy.

So we want to exchange views and to come to an understanding with all those who at this moment do not yet agree with us.  And we are confident that we can come to such a settlement, come to such an agreement because, after all, I do believe that what all of us want is what is best for the country as a whole -- not just for particular individuals or groups or organizations. 

So while I tell you that you need not worry about what affects amendment or non-amendment to the constitution might have on the elections, I might as well ask you to vote for us when we do get there.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Pete Maer.

Q  Mr. President, it seems the stage is set for even more confrontations between you and Republicans when you get home, if that’s possible.  We’re told that you’re soon going to sign the immigration reform executive order.  To what extent are you concerned about a Republican backlash from an action of that magnitude?

And on two other issues, I’m wondering what your take is on the plan to pass a bill to build the Keystone pipeline that’s in the works now, before the State Department’s review process is over.  And Senator McConnell is angry over the climate deal that you had made with China.  How does all of this square with your post-election assessment that people want to, as you put it, get stuff done?

And if I may also pose a question to you, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.  Thank you for hosting all of us here from the White House media corps.  As the President mentioned of the constitutional barring of you running in your country’s election, what do you think the impact will be from the President’s statement that was made here today on his strong opposition to that constitutional wording?  And what impact do you think it will have on the government here?  And is there anything more that you’d like to see him do?  Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Pete, the day after the election I said that there are going to be areas of agreement between me and Republicans, and there are going to be areas of disagreement.  There are going to be actions I take they don’t like, and there are going to be bills they pass that I don’t like.

And I think, moving forward, that’s exactly what’s going to happen.  You’ve mentioned areas where we disagree.  I believe that America is a nation of immigrants.  Everybody agrees that the system is broken.  There has been ample opportunity for Congress to pass a bipartisan immigration bill that would strengthen our borders, improve the legal immigration system, lift millions of people out of the shadows so they are paying taxes and getting right by the law.  It passed out of the Senate.  I gave the House over a year to go ahead and at least give a vote to the Senate bilaterally; they failed to do so.  And I indicated to Speaker Boehner several months ago that if, in fact, Congress failed to act, I would use all the lawful authority that I possess to try to make the system work better.  And that’s going to happen.  That’s going to happen before the end of the year.

But what I’ve also said to them -- and I said this during the lunch with the Speaker and Leader McConnell -- is that I am always interested in negotiating a legislative solution to the immigration problem, and that the minute they pass a bill that I can sign that fixes our immigration system, then any executive actions I take are replaced.

So they have the ability to fix the system.  What they don’t have the ability to do is to expect me to stand by with a broken system in perpetuity.  And I would advise that if, in fact, they want to take a different approach, rather than devote a lot of time trying to constrain my lawful actions as the Chief Executive of the U.S. government in charge of our enforcing our immigration laws, that they spend some time passing a bill and engaging with all the stakeholders, the immigrant rights groups, the law enforcement groups, the evangelicals, the business community, all of whom have said this is something that needs to be done, is way overdue.  And we’ve been talking about it for 10 years now, and it’s been consistently stalled.

So with respect to Keystone, I’ve been clear in the past, Pete, my position hasn’t changed, that this is a process that is supposed to be followed.  Right now you have a case pending in Nebraska, where the pipeline would run through, in which a state court judge has questioned the plan.  And until we know what the route is, it’s very hard to finish that evaluation.  And I don’t think we should short-circuit that process.

I have also noted that, as policy matter, my government believes that we should judge this pipeline based on whether or not it accelerates climate change or whether it helps the American people with their energy costs and their gas prices.  And I have to constantly push back against this idea that somehow the Keystone pipeline is either this massive jobs bill for the United States, or is somehow lowering gas prices.

Understand what this project is.  It is providing the ability of Canada to pump their oil, send it through our land, down to the Gulf, where it will be sold everywhere else.  That doesn't have an impact on U.S. gas prices.  You know what does have an impact on U.S. gas prices is the incredible boom in U.S. oil production and natural gas production that's taken place under my administration. 

And if my Republican friends really want to focus on what's good for the American people in terms of job creation and lower energy costs, we should be engaging in a conversation about what are we doing to produce even more homegrown energy.  I'm happy to have that conversation.

With respect to the climate change deal, I have been very clear that I have responsibilities as President not just to current generations, but to future generations.  The science is indisputable.  The planet is getting warm, and it is getting warmer in part because of man-made activity. 

And the release of carbon gases -- carbon dioxide and greenhouse gases into the atmosphere can have a potentially devastating effect that will cost our country, could devastate communities, could increase the impact of natural disasters, and will have an impact worldwide that is destabilizing and could affect our national security.  That's not my opinion, by the way, that is the opinion of our Joint Chiefs of Staff, that climate change is a direct national security threat.

Now the argument that I've received in the past has been either denial of the science or, alternatively, there's no point in us doing something about it despite us being one of the two largest emitters in the world, because if we do something and China doesn't do anything, we'll just put ourselves at a competitive disadvantage, we'll lose jobs to China, and the problem won't be solved anyway.

I'm not going deny the science, but I took seriously the notion that we want all countries to participate in solving a global problem.  And so I engaged with China over a lengthy set of negotiations.  And by all independent accounts, for the first time, we got China to make a very serious commitment to constrain its greenhouse gases.  Why would anybody be against that?  That sounds like the right thing to do to me.  So that's a response to those specific ideas. 

But let me reiterate what I said at the top.  The fact that I disagree or Republicans disagree with me on a certain set of issues doesn't exclude us working together on a whole range of issues where we do agree.  They're interested in tax reform -- so am I.  Let's get to work.  They're interested in promoting trade that will create jobs and opportunity for U.S. workers and U.S. businesses -- all over it.  It's part of what this Asia trip has been all about.They're interested in rebuilding our roads, our bridges, our ports, our airports, putting people back to work, making sure we're competitive -- I'm game.  So the one thing that I think is going to be important for us to have a successful partnership over the next couple of years is not making disagreements on a single issue suddenly a deal-breaker on every issue.  Democracy can never work that way because there are always going to be some differences.  And when there are differences you can't elevate those differences above the commonalities.

I'm sorry that was a long answer, but it was a lot of questions.

Do you want to --

DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI:  I'm sorry the President can't get away from all those.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I know.  But before Daw Suu responds to the point about the constitutional amendment, I just want to emphasize, ultimately it's up to the people of Burma to make a decision about all these provisions.

I expressed an objective view that some of current provisions don't seem to have much grounding in common sense or precedent when you look at other constitutions around the world, and seem more focused on advantaging or disadvantaging certain players.  And one of the basic concepts of a constitution is that it creates a level playing field for all people, and then so I use that as an example not because I think my voice is the one that's most relevant in terms of the constitutional amendment process, but ultimately it's up to the people of Burma.

Q  (Off-mic.)

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I did?  It doesn't make much sense to me.

DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI:  I believe democracy should stand up for that principle. 

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Absolutely.

DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI:  Well, I've always said that it's somewhat flattering to have a constitution written with me in mind.  But it shouldn't be done that way.  That's not how a democratic constitution should be written.  And we object to that clause not because -- not because it debars me from the presidency as such, but because it is against the principle of democracy and also unconstitutional.  The constitution says that all citizens should be treated as equals, and this is discrimination on the grounds of my children, my children's spouses, et cetera, et cetera. 

Now, this is not acceptable.  And our people are firmly behind us in our desire to change this clause.  And if President Obama said anything about the necessity to change a clause like that, they will love him very much for it.  (Laughter.)  So he will be very popular among our people.

And as he said, in the end, it is up to our people to shape the destiny of our country, including the way the constitution is going to be rewritten.  And I think the majority of our people understand that this constitution cannot stand as it is if we want to make the full transition to democracy; 59(f), as you know, debars anybody who is children of -- the spouses of the children belong to -- are citizens of another country.

And according to the law -- and I think the President will know the law better than I do because I'm not a lawyer -- according to the law, anybody who is over the age of 18, or whatever legal adult age may be in his or her country, is responsible for himself or herself.  Nobody else is responsible for that person. 

So from that point of view also, you cannot penalize anybody for what his or her adult children do.  From that point of view, it's illegal, it's against all norms of justice.  And from the point of view of democracy, it is not right to discriminate against one particular citizen.  You wouldn't like to be discriminated against, would you?

So I think our people support the idea of amending this clause because -- not particularly because they want me to be president, perhaps because they do.  But I don't think it is so much because of that, but because they realize that this is unfair, unjust and undemocratic.

Q  Thank you.  I would like to ask the question to Mr. President.  The question is, have you discussed about the very situation in Myanmar (inaudible)?  Because more journalists and politicians have been arrested, particularly (inaudible) under the present administration.  (Inaudible) how he responds to this (inaudible)?  Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I didn't bring up specific cases with him.  I brought up a basic principle that I stated earlier, which is that a free press is a foundation for any democracy. 

We rely on journalists to explain and describe the actions of our government.  If the government controls the journalists, then it's very difficult for citizens to hold that government accountable.  It's a fairly straightforward proposition.  And I recognize that there is a transition process that's taking place, that there is a more robust debate today than there was the last time I visited.  But to go back to what we said earlier, we can't be complacent.  And we, as a government, are going to be troubled when we hear reports of journalists being imprisoned, being killed, being intimidated, or being censored.

And when we engage with this government -- or any government -- and we have evidence that that's taking place, then we're going to raise it. 

Thank you very much.

END
1:10 P.M. MMT

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

White House to Host ConnectED to the Future Event

WASHINGTON, DC— On Wednesday, November 19, President Obama will host “ConnectED to the Future,” a convening with superintendents, and other educators from across the country, who will lead their schools and districts in the transition to digital learning. The event builds on the momentum of the ConnectED Initiative, a plan the President announced in 2013, to connect 99% of students to high speed internet and empower teachers with the technology they need to transform teaching and learning. An important part of this initiative is ensuring that digital connectivity supports innovation in America’s classrooms. That is why, this fall, the Administration launched the Future Ready Pledge to help school districts develop a culture where teachers harness the power of technology to personalize learning and provide quality digital content that fosters student inquiry and creativity. Through this pledge, superintendents from across the country are committing to lead a transition in their districts to innovative teaching using technology. Signatories will also work in partnership to share best practices with other school districts.  During the event, President Obama will host a digital pledge signing ceremony with over one hundred superintendents to be joined virtually by hundreds more across the country.

Since the President’s call to action in support of the ConnectED Initiative, more than $4 billion in public and private funding has been committed toward expanding high-speed Internet connectivity for America's schools and libraries. Additional details about the conference will be released at a later date.

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Presidential Proclamation -- America Recycles Day, 2014

AMERICA RECYCLES DAY, 2014
 
- - - - - - -
 
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
 
A PROCLAMATION

As a Nation, we must do all we can to leave the next generation a cleaner, safer, and more stable world.  America's young people are tomorrow's environmental stewards, and it is our responsibility to instill in them a conservation ethic.  Recycling reduces our country's energy consumption, decreases our greenhouse gas emissions, and conserves our natural resources, and it is one of the first steps we can teach our children and grandchildren to take as part of their everyday lives.  It also creates green jobs in America and provides essential resources to our growing manufacturing sector.  Today, we recognize the environmental and economic benefits that recycling produces, and we celebrate all those who do their part to build a more prosperous and sustainable future.
 
Americans generate approximately 250 million tons of municipal solid waste every year.  But more of this trash -- from our homes, workplaces, and classrooms -- could be recycled or reused.  Individuals can compost their food waste and donate items that are no longer needed.  The choices we make as we shop can also help reduce waste.  Families and individuals can buy products that use less packaging, purchase goods made with recycled resources, and avoid disposable materials whenever possible.  To discover additional ways to shrink your environmental footprint and to learn how and where to properly recycle common and uncommon household goods, visit www.EPA.gov/recycle.
 
Every American, every business, and every community can play a role in increasing the rate of recycling.  In small towns and big cities, recycling programs are making a difference, and State and local governments can continue to do their part by promoting these programs, making them convenient, and continuing to invest in their recycling infrastructure.  The Federal Government is leading by example, working to reduce our environmental impact.  And as American businesses continue to innovate, they too can find new ways to reflect their commitment to recycling in their bottom line.
 
The actions we take today will determine what kind of world we will pass on to our Nation's young people.  On America Recycles Day, we embrace our role not only as custodians of the present, but also as caretakers of tomorrow.  Let us resolve to act boldly in the face of great challenge and encourage our friends, neighbors, and colleagues to join in the work of protecting our planet.
  
NOW, THEREFORE, I, BARACK OBAMA, President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the laws of the United States, do hereby proclaim November 15, 2014, as America Recycles Day.  I call upon the people of the United States to observe this day with appropriate programs and activities, and I encourage all Americans to continue their reducing, reusing, and recycling efforts throughout the year. 
  
IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this fourteenth day of November, in the year of our Lord two thousand fourteen, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and thirty-ninth.

BARACK OBAMA
 

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Presidential Proclamation -- American Education Week, 2014

AMERICAN EDUCATION WEEK, 2014

- - - - - - -

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

A PROCLAMATION

In the United States, every young person deserves access to a world-class education.  In classrooms, lecture halls, and laboratories across America, high-quality education helps unlock the limitless potential of our Nation's students and creates pathways for their success.  It prepares them for the jobs of tomorrow and the responsibilities of citizenship.  A strong school system bolsters our economy and strengthens our democracy, and it is at the core of the American belief that with hard work, anyone can get ahead.  During American Education Week, we celebrate the devoted educators who instruct and inspire students of all ages, and we continue our work to provide every person with the best education possible.
 
My Administration is committed to widening the circle of opportunity for more Americans and restoring middle-class security, and that starts by supporting education for all.  We know early education is one of the best investments we can make in a child's life, and that is why we are striving to expand access to preschool to every girl and boy in America.  To spur reform in our public schools and ensure students graduate from high school prepared for achievement, we have directed billions of dollars to States and school districts through the Race to the Top initiative.  My Administration is also dedicated to reestablishing America's place as the world leader in college completion.  We have expanded grants, tax credits, and loans to help more families afford a college degree and invested in programs that help students manage and reduce the burdens of debt after they graduate.
 
With grit and passion, America's teachers give life to education's promise.  Our education-support professionals help ensure the health, well-being, and success of our children.  And in small towns and large cities, principals and district administrators cultivate communities that value learning and share a common vision of academic excellence.  Together, these leaders encourage our students to reach higher and inspire them to achieve their dreams.  Great educators and administrators deserve all the tools and resources they need to do their job, including chances for professional development and pay that reflects the contributions they make to our country.  They are the most critical ingredients in any school, and my Administration is working hard to support them as they empower our Nation's youth. 

In a complex world, we must meet new and profound challenges.  As a Nation, we must prepare the next generation to face these issues and the problems of their own time.  An education equips the leaders of tomorrow with the knowledge and vision they need to discover the solutions of the future and build a better society for their children and grandchildren. This week, we honor the teachers, mentors, and professionals who guide our kids as they explore the world.  Let us recommit to supporting a first-class education for all students, from the day they start preschool to the day they start their career.
 
NOW, THEREFORE, I, BARACK OBAMA, President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the laws of the United States, do hereby proclaim November 16 through November 22, 2014, as American Education Week.  I call upon all Americans to observe this week by supporting their local schools through appropriate activities, events, and programs designed to help create opportunities for every school and student in America.
 
IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this fourteenth day of November, in the year of our Lord two thousand fourteen, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and thirty-ninth.

BARACK OBAMA

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

FACT SHEET: Promoting Prosperity, Security and Good Governance in Central America

To demonstrate the Administration’s commitment to working with Central American countries to address the root causes of the dangerous migration of unaccompanied children and families, the Vice President, Secretary of Commerce and other senior Administration officials participated in the Inter-American Development Bank-chaired conference on November 14 entitled “Investing in Central America: Unlocking Opportunities for Development.” This followed President Obama’s July 25 meeting with the leaders of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras and the Vice President’s June 20 visit to Guatemala to meet with regional leaders, as we worked in partnership to address increased migration by Central American citizens, including thousands of unaccompanied children, to the United States. The President and Vice President expressed the commitment of the United States to work with the three countries to help them address the underlying factors contributing to increased migration and encouraged them to work together to develop a regional solution to their challenges.

The United States seeks to contribute to the evolution of an economically-integrated Central America that provides greater economic opportunities to its people, with strong democratic institutions, with more accountable, transparent, and effective public institutions, and where citizens feel safe and can build their lives in peace and stability. This will require coordination with Central America, Mexico, Colombia, international financial institutions, the private sector, civil society, and other international partners to promote regional prosperity through a sustained, well-coordinated plan to address longstanding challenges to economic growth in the region. To that end, the United States will work closely with the governments of Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador, as well as with other international partners, as they implement the “Alliance for Prosperity” presented by the leaders of the three countries at the Inter-American Development Bank.

Over the summer, we asked Congress for $300 million more in funding for Central America - nearly double what was available in 2014 – and we remain committed to working with Congress to provide additional resources. In fact, $76 million in security funding has already been retargeted to address urgent needs in the justice and law enforcement sectors.

The United States developed a Central America strategy to complement the work undertaken by regional governments and multilateral development banks. The U.S. strategy focuses on three overarching lines of action: 1) Promoting prosperity and regional economic integration; 2) Enhancing security; and 3) Promoting improved governance.

Prosperity and Regional Integration

The United States will focus on promoting trade facilitation under existing trade agreements, promoting transport and customs/border integration, promoting more efficient and sustainable energy, workforce development, facilitating business development, linking Central American and North American Markets, and strengthening Central American regional institutions. Examples of current and planned activities include:

  • Trade capacity building assistance from the Office of the United States Trade Representative and other agencies to help the region with trade facilitation, trade capacity building and technical support to promote efficient movement of goods across borders in a safe and secure framework, support integration of regional value chains and strengthen competitiveness to grow trade and economic prosperity as the Dominican Republic -Central America/United States Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR) market access provisions are fully implemented, and work to improve workers’ rights and conditions. The export of goods to the United States from CAFTA-DR countries increased 66.7 percent since 2005, totaling $30.1 billion in 2013.

  • The Overseas Private Investment Corporation has over $500 million invested to support development across the Northern Triangle and is standing by to provide investors and project developers with financing and risk mitigation tools to make investments in the Northern Triangle more attractive. The U.S. Trade and Development Agency, in collaboration with the U.S. Department of Energy, is also supporting the planning and development of priority energy and transportation infrastructure projects in Central America.

  • The United States helps fund technical assistance to support electricity market integration, renewable energy development, establishment of solvent power sectors, and resource planning to improve Central American citizens’ access to clean, affordable, and reliable electricity and to attract private investment in clean energy infrastructure.

  • In September 2014, the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) signed a $277 million Compact with El Salvador, designed to enhance the country’s competitiveness and productivity in international commerce through a set of interrelated projects in investment climate (including regulatory and institutional improvements), education, and logistical infrastructure.

  • The United States supports improved educational access and quality for under-served populations, including rural indigenous girls and boys in 900 rural schools, and educational and vocational training opportunities.

Enhanced Security

El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras are plagued by violence as gangs and other organized criminal groups force many communities to live in fear. The United States will focus on promoting police reform, improving community security, continuing defense cooperation, and attacking organized crime. Examples of ongoing and future activities include:

  • Continuation of the Central America Regional Security Initiative (CARSI), providing for security projects such as model police precincts (MPPs) in Guatemala, El Salvador and most recently, in Honduras. MPP projects, which have shown success in targeted Central American neighborhoods, provide police training, facilitate community engagement, and prioritize the crimes of most concern to Central American citizens: gang extortion, robbery, and domestic violence.

  • Preventing violence through Municipal Crime Prevention Committees that identify crime “hot spots” and implement community-led plans to improve security; working with faith-based organizations to provide at-risk youth with life skills, job training, and recreation activities; supporting civic groups to reclaim gang-controlled public spaces and improve basic infrastructure, such as street lights; and providing services at domestic violence assistance centers.

  • Developing investigative and prosecutorial capacity to successfully prosecute cases through assessments, training, judicial cooperation and exchanges. The Department of Justice and other agencies are working with local counterparts to advance professional responsibility policies and procedures, and enhance collaboration among all parts of the criminal justice system, including police, courts and corrections.

  • Providing assistance through the Departments of Defense, State, Justice and Homeland Security to build partnerships that professionalize and improve the competency, capability, and accountability of security institutions, especially in the fight against transnational organized crime. This is accomplished through activities that include professional education, tactical and operational training and exercises, human rights programs and institutional reform activities.

Improved Governance

Strengthened institutions will enable governments to more effectively address the social, economic, political, and security problems they face. The United States will focus on helping Northern Triangle countries improve revenue collection and public sector fiscal management, increase the role and impact of civil society on governance, strengthen the efficiency, accountability, and independence of judicial institutions, reinforce democratic institutions, and target corruption. The following are examples of U.S. cooperation with Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras to improve governance capacity:

  • In 2013, MCC and the Government of Honduras signed a $15.6 million Threshold Program Agreement designed to promote good governance practices in Honduras.

  • MCC is currently in the final phases of development of a Threshold Program with Guatemala. The proposed program will focus on policy and institutional reforms to improve the quality of secondary education, including technical and vocational education and training. The program is expected to also help the government to mobilize additional revenues through more efficient tax administration and public-private partnerships.

  • A variety of U.S. agencies, including the Department of Agriculture, Treasury Department, the Department of Homeland Security, the Department of State and the Department of Justice, and the Inter-American Foundation, help national and local governments improve management of the judiciary, rule of law, and public funds and to increase local resilience to issues that can contribute to migration, especially stresses on rural agriculture.

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by President Obama at Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative Town Hall, 11/14/14

Yangon University
Rangoon, Burma

3:43 P.M. MMT

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Hello, everybody!

AUDIENCE: Hi!

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Myanmar Luu Ngae Myar Min Galarbar! (Applause.) It’s wonderful to be back in Myanmar. Everybody, please have a seat. Have a seat. Oh, we got some signs -- “Reform is fake.” “Change…” -- okay, well, you guys will have a chance to ask questions later. Yeah, you can put them away. That’s why we’re here -- for a town hall. See, that’s the thing, when you have a town hall, you don’t have a protest because you can just ask the questions directly.

Two years ago, I was the first American President to visit this country, and I was deeply moved by the generous hospitality that greeted us here, and the sight of children waving the flags of both of our nations. And I was inspired by the incredible diversity and culture, and the various religious sites from different faiths and communities. And I was inspired again today, when I had the opportunity to visit the Secretariat -- the birthplace of modern Burma; the blueprint for democracy; a home to Burmese, Chinese, Indians, Buddhists, Muslims, Hindus, and Christians who lived together peacefully -- an incredible example of multicultural and multi-faith diversity and tolerance. And it’s a profound symbol of this country’s rich diversity and this region’s potential.

Whenever I travel the world, from Europe to Africa, South America to Southeast Asia, one of the things I most enjoy doing is meeting young men and women like you. It’s more fun than being in a conference room. And it’s also more important -- because you are the young leaders who will determine the future of this country and this region. So I’m going to keep my remarks short at the top, because I want to take as many questions and comments from you.

As President of the United States, I’ve made it a priority to deepen America’s ties with Southeast Asia -- in particular, with the young people of Southeast Asia. And I do this for reasons that go beyond the fact that I spent some of my childhood in Southeast Asia, in Indonesia. And that gives me a special attachment, a special feeling for Southeast Asia and this region. But I do it mainly because the 10 nations of ASEAN are home to about one in ten of the world’s citizens. About two-thirds of Southeast Asia’s population is under 35 years old. So this region -- a region of growing economies and emerging democracies, and a vibrant diversity that includes oceans and islands, and jungles and cities, and peoples of different races and religions and beliefs -- this region will shape the 21st century.

And that’s why I launched the Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative -- to deepen America’s engagement with the next generation of leaders in government and civil society, in education and in entrepreneurship. And more than 10,000 young leaders like you have joined this Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative network, working to solve the challenges and seize the opportunities of this dynamic region in a spirit of mutual cooperation and respect. So earlier this year, I held a town hall just like this one, in Malaysia. And today, I’d like to take our next steps together with you.

When I took office nearly six years ago, I said the United States would extend our hand to any nation willing to unclench its fist. And here, after decades of authoritarian rule, we’ve begun to see significant progress in just a few years. There is more of a sense of hope in Myanmar, that was once so closed to the world, about the role that it can now play in the region and in the world.

But we know that a journey to progress is not completed overnight. There are setbacks and false starts, and sometimes even reverses. And that was true in America during our 238-year history. It’s happened here in the past two or three years. We’ve seen some progress, and we should acknowledge that progress.

We also know, though, that despite the fact that political prisoners have been released and people are more engaged in political dialogue, there’s a parliament and civil society is emerging -- despite all that, some reforms have not come quickly enough. There are still attacks against journalists and against ethnic minorities. America is still deeply concerned about the humanitarian situation in Rakhine state, and the treatment of minorities who endure discrimination and abuse.

On this visit, I’ve met separately with President Thein Sein and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, as well as members of parliament, and civil society leaders. And we discussed key reforms that have to be made to ensure that human rights and freedoms are respected, and the people of this country can reach for their rightful place in the region and the world. And I was also proud to announce that the Peace Corps will come here, to Myanmar, to deepen the ties between our people. It gives an extraordinary opportunity for young Americans to interact with young people here in Myanmar. And that people-to-people exchange is often as important or more important as government-to-government exchanges.

So progress is not inevitable. History does not always march forward. History can travel sideways and sometimes backwards. Building trust after years of conflict takes time. Being able to look past the scars of violence takes courage. Securing the gains of freedom and democracy requires good faith and strength of will, and tolerance and respect for diversity, and it requires vigilance from all citizens. The American people know well that rights and freedoms are not given; they have to be won through struggle and through discipline, and persistence and faith. And it’s often young people who have led these struggles; who have compelled us to slowly but surely perfect our own union in America over time.

Now, I understand there's a Burmese saying. I've got to make sure that I say this right. Ngote mi thè daing -- help me out. Is that right? -- tet naing hpyar yauk. (Applause.)

So for those Americans who don't speak Burmese as well as I do -- (laughter) -- that means, "Dive until you reach the sand, climb until you reach the top. Keep persevering."

And America is committed to helping the young people of this nation and this region climb until you reach the top. We believe in this nation. That's why I've come and visited twice in the last few years, because we see a future where democratic institutions can be accountable and responsive; where political activists are free; where elections are fair; where journalists can pursue the truth; where ethnic minorities can live without fear.

So we're betting on this country, but we're also betting on this region, because we see young people of different nations and religions and ethnicities who are eager to come together and address all the challenges that are out there: environmental protection; human rights; improving education; combating poverty; advocating for a greater role for women in business, in government and in society; increasing resilience in the face of natural disasters; spurring economic progress so more young people can follow in your footsteps and get a good education and have opportunity.

We see young leaders who embrace the diversity of this region not as a weakness, but as a strength, and who realize that even though we are all individually different and come from different traditions and different communities, we're stronger when we work together.

So the future of this region, your region, is not going to be determined by dictators or by armies, it's going to be determined by entrepreneurs and inventors and dreamers and people who are doing things in the community. And you're going to be the leaders who make that happen. Your generation has greater potential to shape society than any generation that's come before because you have the power to get knowledge from everywhere, and you have more sophistication and experiences than your parents or your grandparents. And you have now the chance to share knowledge and experiences with other young people all across this region and around the world. And that wasn't true 20 years ago or 50 years ago.

La Min Oo uses his power to tell the story of his fellow Burmese. He studied at Gettysburg College in the United States. The transformation that he watched unfold through Facebook inspired him to return home and make an award-winning documentary about the plight of Burmese farmers. And he says, "My country has been closed so long, there are a lot of stories to be told." So you young people have the chance to say -- to tell those stories. You have the power to improve institutions that are very important for democratic governance, like civil society, and an impartial judicial, and a free press, and private enterprise. And there's so much to build here.

In countries like this, it's critical that you get involved in that way. I'll give you an example. Ryan Louis Madrid dreamt of being a journalist. But as he stood surrounded by the wreckage of a typhoon in his beloved Philippines, he made himself into an instrument for his fellow citizens rebuilding. Today the organization he co-founded puts solar rooftops in developing and recovering communities. And he wants to use his skills to encourage other enterprising young people in developing countries to say in their countries and help their own people, to think globally and act locally. You have the power to remind us all that human dignity is not just a universal aspiration, but a human right.

So Wai Wai Nu spent seven years of her youth behind bars as a political prisoner. And she called it her "university about life." Today she uses that hard-earned degree to advocate for tolerance and acceptance, saying, "We too sacrificed many things for the same cause, that that is democracy."

You have the chance to overcome hatred and make sure that freedom rather than repression, hope rather than fear is governing your country. You have the power to set your own countries on a new and different path.

And in all of this, America wants to be your partner. We want to help any way that we can to help you shape your future. We want you to have the tools and the connections and the resources that you need to change the world.

So one way that we can do this, I'm announcing a significant expansion of the Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative Fellowship, an exchange program that will bring 500 Southeast Asian leaders to the United States every year. And these fellows will have the chance to strengthen their professional leadership skills, network with one another, share experiences and ideas, and then come back home better prepared to lead your region and change the world.

So some of these fellows will benefit from five-week instruction at some of the best universities in America on issues like entrepreneurship and environmental stewardship and civil society and human rights. Others will have the chance to work in professional fellowships at state and local governments and NGOs across the United States. And, by the way, through this program that I hope some of you will be able to take advantage of, when you spend time in the United States our people learn from you. So it's not just you learning from us.

And when these fellows then return home with these new ideas and new experiences, our embassies and USAID missions will reach out and offer the support and resources to help make your dreams a reality. So today I'm proud to announce that America will convene a young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative Summit in this region every year, giving fellows the chance to share their successes with each other and strengthen their network to accomplish even more.

So I hope some of you will take advantage of this. I expect many of you will take up the mantle of reform from student activists like Aung San Suu Kyi and Min Ko Naing; take your rightful place as leaders in a stable and prosperous and progressive Southeast Asia. And as you do, I promise you will have no better friend and partner than the United States of America.

So thank you very much. Kyeizu tin ba de. I now want to take your questions. (Applause.)

And I hope you don't mind, because it's a little warm in Myanmar, I'm going to take off my jacket. (Laughter.)

Okay, so there should be -- I've got a microphone, and there should be mics in the audience. And I'll take as many questions as I can before I have to go to Australia.

All right, who wants to go first? This young man right here.

Q I'm (inaudible.) I'm a third-year student, majoring in English at Sittwe University, Rakhine state, or as you would say, Rakhine state.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: I'm still working on my pronunciation. (Laughter.)

Q I've experienced some sectarian and racial balance firsthand in my region. So the question I would like to ask you to answer is: How can I be part of educating my generation to promote tolerance and respect cultural differences, and most of all, eradicate extremism among different ethnic groups?

PRESIDENT OBAMA: That's a great question. Thank you so much. I had a chance to meet with some civil society groups, and I had a press conference earlier today. Yesterday, I had a chance to meet with parliamentarians, including the speaker -- the two speakers, as well as Aung San Suu Kyi, and then spoke with the President. And to all of them, I said this: There is no example of a country that is successful if its people are divided based on religion or ethnicity. If you look at the Middle East right now and the chaos that’s taking place in a place like Syria, so much of that is based on religious differences. Even though they’re all Muslim, Shia and Sunni are fighting each other. If you look in Northern Ireland, then Catholics and Protestants fought for decades and only now have arrived at peace.

So in this globalized world where people of different faiths and cultures and races are going to meet each other inevitably -- because nobody just lives in a village anymore; people are constantly getting information from different places and new ideas and meeting people who are different from them –- it is critical for any country to abide by the basic principle that all people are equal, all people are deserving of respect, all people are equal under the law, all people can participate in the life of their country, all people should be able to express their views without fear of being repressed. And those attitudes start with each of us individually. It’s important that government play a role in making sure that it applies laws fairly, not arbitrarily, not on the basis of preferring one group over another.

But what’s also true is that each of us have to cultivate an attitude of tolerance and mutual respect. And for young people, we have to try to encourage each other to be tolerant and respectful. So in the United States, obviously one of the biggest problems historically has been the issue of racial discrimination. And part of our efforts to overcome racial discrimination involve passing laws like the Civil Rights Law and the Voting Rights Law, and that required marches and protests and Dr. King. But part of the effort was also people changing the hearts and minds, and realizing that just because somebody doesn’t look like me doesn’t mean that they’re not worthy of respect.

And when you’re growing up and you saw a friend of yours call somebody by a derogatory name, a rude name because they were different, it’s your job to say to that person, actually, that’s not the right way to think. If you are Christian and you have a friend who says I hate Muslims, then it’s up to you to say to that friend, you know what, I don’t believe in that; I think that’s the wrong attitude, I think we have to be respectful of the Muslim population. If you’re Buddhist and you say -- you hear somebody in your group say I want to treat a Hindu differently, it’s your job to speak out. So the most important thing I think is for you to, in whatever circle of influence you have, speak out on behalf of tolerance and diversity and respect.
If you are quiet, then the people who are intolerant, they’ll own the stage and they’ll set the terms of the debate. And one of the things that leadership requires is saying things even when it’s uncomfortable, even when it’s unpopular -- especially when it’s unpopular. So I hope that as you get more influence, you’ll continue to speak out on behalf of these values.

All right, who’s next?

Okay, I’m going to go –- now, the one thing I’m going to do is I’m going to go boy, girl, boy, girl to make sure that it’s fair, because one thing I didn’t say in my initial speech is societies that are most successful also treat their women and girls with respect. Otherwise, they won’t be successful. (Applause.)

The young lady in the yellow, right there, who had her hand up. Okay, hold on so we can get a microphone.

Q I am (inaudible). I am Kachin and Burmese. I would like to ask about the ASEAN affair. So my question is, there are different political system and different level of democratic freedom in ASEAN. Do you think those differences will cost challenges to ASEAN integration? And do you believe it is the right time to push for ASEAN integration? Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Of the 10 countries in ASEAN, I just had a chance to meet with all their leaders at the U.S.-ASEAN Summit. And the good news is that ASEAN has become more ambitious over the last several years in trying to promote integration, to work together on issues like disaster relief or public health or maritime security or improved education. And I think it’s inevitable that integration is going to happen more and more.

And my hope is that by encouraging integration, that the countries who are doing better on issues like democracy and human rights have a positive influence in bringing up those countries that don’t have such a good record. And we’ve actually I think seen that happen. Listen, when I first came into office, Myanmar was still very much a dictatorship. And there was some controversy about me participating in an ASEAN Summit because there was still no freedom in Myanmar. And I think that President Thein Sein, because he was with leaders like SBY of Indonesia -- (applause) -- see there, all right, the Indonesians started cheering -- who had traveled the path of democracy, I think President Thein Sein began to see how more open societies were becoming more successful, and I think had a positive influence on -- I think his participation in ASEAN had a positive influence in providing an opening to begin the process of transition here in Myanmar.

But it’s important I think that even as we engage with countries that are less open or less democratic, that we also continue to apply constructive criticism where they fall backwards, where they fall short. And sometimes that’s hard to do. I think a lot of the leaders of ASEAN don’t like to criticize each other because they think that it’s not respectful. And no country is perfect, so they worry that if we criticize one country then somebody will criticize us.

But I think the goal should be for all of us to try to improve what we do on behalf of our people every single day. I’m very proud of the United States. I believe that the United States is a force for good around the world. But I wouldn’t be a good President if I don’t listen to criticism of our policies and stay open to what other countries say about us. Sometimes I think those criticisms are unfair. Sometimes I think people like to complain about the United States because we’re doing too much. Sometimes they complain because they’re doing too little. Every problem around the world, why isn’t the United States doing something about it. Sometimes there are countries that don’t take responsibility for themselves and they want us to fix it. And then when we do try to fix it, they say why are you meddling in our affairs. Yes, it’s kind of frustrating sometimes.

But the fact that we are getting these criticisms means that we’re constantly thinking, okay, is this how we should apply this policy? Are we doing the right thing when we provide aid to a country, but the country is still ruled by a small elite and maybe it’s not getting down to the people? Are we doing the right thing when we engage in training a military to become more professional, but maybe the military is still engaging in repressive activity? If we’re not open to those criticisms, then we won’t get better, we won’t improve.

And I think all of us should be interested in trying to get better, because none of us are perfect and no country is perfect. So I do think ASEAN has an opportunity to play a very important role. But integration is inevitable just because of the nature of economies today. There’s too much travel, there’s too much Internet, there are too many smartphones. When I was driving through here, everybody had a smartphone. I saw a bunch of people -- they didn’t have any shirt, but they had a smartphone. So what that means is -- and most manufacturing today of various products, the parts are made in, like, five different countries, and then they become integrated in some fashion. And then they’re sold all around the world. So integration is going to happen no matter what. The question is, do we integrate at a high level that improves freedom and improves opportunity, or are we integrating at a low level, where there’s less freedom and less opportunity. And I believe integrating at a high level, and I hope most members of ASEAN do also.

All right, it’s a guy’s turn now. I don’t want to discriminate against the men. This gentleman right here. Yes, with the mustache and the beard. There you go. There’s a microphone coming right here. You can just stay where you are. Careful. Hold on to her, so she doesn’t fall.

Q Hello, Mr. President Obama. My name is (inaudible) and I am studying law. My question is, now we are in the democratic transition, so our country is facing so many challenges in every sector. So if you were the President of Myanmar -- (laughter and applause) -- which sector you will focus on first? And how you will make our country develop? Thank you. (Applause.)

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, let me just say, you’re always popular in somebody else’s country. (Laughter.) When you’re in your own country, everybody is complaining. I think you’re right, Myanmar has so many challenges. I think the most important challenge right now is completing the transition to democracy. And so my first focus is I think the focus that many people have already talked about.

Number one, there needs to be an election next year. It shouldn’t be delayed. Number two, there should be constitutional amendments that ensure a transition over time to a fully civilian government. Number three, there needs to be laws put in place to protect freedom of the press, freedom of expression, freedom to politically organize.

And I think that if that process is fixed and institutionalized and made permanent, and you now have the tools to deal with all the other challenges, and I think that inevitably what would happen if you had a genuine democracy in Myanmar is the focus next would then be on providing economic opportunity, because Myanmar is still a very poor country. And what we know in the 21st century is, is that the most important tools for economic opportunity are making sure that young people are getting a good education. And my understanding is, is that the education system in Myanmar is still under-developed. I think all of you represent the best of Myanmar’s students. But my understanding is there are many villages you go to where there’s really no schools, as a practical matter, and many of the schools still teach just how to memorize certain things rather than how to think critically about problems.

And every country at this point, if it wants to succeed, needs to put in place free, compulsory education for its young people -- because they just can’t succeed unless they have some basic skills. They have to be able to read. They have to be able to do mathematics. They have to have some familiarity with computers. They have to be able to understand basic principles of science. If you don’t have those basic tools, then it’s very hard to find a decent job in today’s economy.

Now, because Myanmar is still very agricultural, I think issues of land reform and trying to increase productivity in the agricultural sector is also a very immediate and urgent problem. This is true not just in Myanmar; this is true in many relatively poor countries. In Africa, for example, we initiated something called Feed the Future, and the whole goal is to improve the productivity of farmers. And farmers in many poor countries, they still use the same techniques that they used 200 years ago. They’re still using a buffalo or an ox, and waiting on the rains. And sometimes the new techniques, they're not necessarily expensive; it's just a matter of applying them scientifically.

And if you double yields for a farm and double income for farmers in a country like Myanmar, suddenly you have increased wealth, which means that some people now can start businesses. Maybe now somebody can take some of the profits they made and invest in a tractor, or they can start processing the rice that they produce so that they can gain more value. Or they may be able to buy a smartphone so they know what the prices are in the market, and not get taken advantage of. So just small changes are really important.

Now, my understanding, and I'm not expert, is that some of that will also require some reforms in terms of land ownership and leasing so that people can keep the products of their labor, as opposed to just being essentially what we call sharecroppers in the United States, where you're working the land, but you're giving it over to somebody else and never getting ahead.

So those are just two examples of things that I think will happen naturally if you've got a democratic system in place.

All right, it's a young lady's turn. So this young lady in the glasses right here. She's waving very hard, so she must have an excellent question.

Q Good morning. My name is (inaudible).

PRESIDENT OBAMA: It's afternoon, though. (Laughter.) Maybe you've been waiting here since morning. (Laughter.) But now it's the afternoon.

Q But you can call me Amy (ph). I want to ask one question. My question is, now we are working on IT, so America is already doubled up in IT. So can you provide any development center of IT and job opportunity for youth?

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, I was just talking to the civil society groups, and there was one person there who mentioned that Internet penetration in Myanmar is still only about 9 percent, which means there's enormous room for growth. The issue for IT in a country like Myanmar is, first of all, setting up the infrastructure -- whether it's wireless or other methods -- so that people can start communicating. And once the hardware is in place, then where the real development happens is in the software. And that's where it's really a matter of education, training, and developing a homegrown capacity.

And so what we'll do is we'll work with both civil society groups, as well as the government, to find opportunities where we can promote the building of the infrastructure that's required. But what's really required is also making sure that young people are trained.

And part of what's going to have to happen is, in the United States most of the IT development happened through the private sector. Government invested in research, and so the idea of the Internet was developed with the help of government funding. But what became then the World Wide Web and then all the applications and social media and all that was really developed through the private sector. So part of what has to happen once democracy is installed in Myanmar is then also looking at how are you structuring laws to encourage innovation and entrepreneurship.

So, for example, one of the debates that we're having in trade negotiations with Asian countries in the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the big trade initiative that we're moving forward, is the need to protect intellectual property. If you invent a better tractor, then in the United States, you go to a patent office and you register your patent. You show that this is a new invention. And if anybody then wants to produce this new tractor, they have to pay you for using your idea. The same is true for intellectual property. If you come up with the idea of Facebook, then you need to be able to get a benefit from this idea.

And one of the problems I think that you still have in many countries in Southeast Asia and around the world is weak intellectual property protections, which means that if you're an entrepreneur with a good idea, you don't want to start your business here, because next thing you know somebody steals your idea and they just start their business. So you'd rather start the idea in the United States where you know that it will be protected. And then maybe you will lease to other countries, but the jobs and the opportunities will have been created someplace else.

So setting up regulatory structures, protections for intellectual property, all those things are also going to be very important in order to get a strong IT culture and an innovation culture here in Myanmar and throughout the region.

Okay, it's a man's turn. Let's see. I'm going to go with this guy right here. Hold on a second. Now, you're not going to read that whole thing, are you? (Laughter.) Because --

Q I read you a question --

PRESIDENT OBAMA: I think you have to summarize it quickly because we don't want --

Q Yes, yes, just want to give you a kind of sheet, cheat sheet.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Yes, I'll take the sheet. (Laughter.)

Q Okay.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: There you go. All right.

Q I have only one question.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: There are like -- there are 20 questions on here. (Laughter.)

Q Just want you to know --

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Why don't you just ask me one of them? I'll read the rest.

Q My question, as you know -- may I know your opinion about like how to create national identity, or like Myanmar identity -- different, strong identity in our country?

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Yes. That's a great question. Yes, I was talking about this with the civil society groups because we are very supportive of the efforts to get a ceasefire and a peace process with the ethnic groups that have been engaged in armed conflict for a long time. And we've already talked about some of the problems that the Muslim populations have faced in Rakhine state.

But what I said to the civil society groups is, yes, it is important to protect specific ethnic groups from discrimination. And it is natural in a democracy that ethnic groups organize among themselves to be heard in the halls of power. So in the United States, for example, as its democracy developed, the Irish in big cities, they came together and they built organizations, and they were able to promote the interests of Irish Americans. And African Americans, when they were seeking their freedom, you had organizations like the NAACP that promoted the interests of African Americans. So there's nothing wrong with groups organizing around ethnic identity, or around economic interests, or around regional concerns. That's how a democracy naturally works. You get with people who agree with you or who are like you to make sure that your concerns are heard.

But what I said is that it is important for a democracy that people's identities are also a national identity. If you walk down the streets of New York City, you will see people looking more different than this group right here. You'll see blue-eyed, blonde people. You'll see dark-skinned, black people. You'll see Asians. You'll see Muslims. You'll see -- but if you ask any of those people, “What are you?” -- I'm American.

Now I may be an African American or an Asian American or an Irish American, but the first thing I'll say is, I'm an American.

And if you don't have that sense of national unity, then it's very hard for a country to succeed -- particularly a small country like Myanmar.
If people think in terms of ethnic identity before national identity, then I think over time the country will start breaking apart and democracy will not work. So there has to be a sense of common purpose.

But that's not an excuse then for majority groups to say, don’t complain, to ethnic minorities -- because the ethnic minorities may have some real complaints. And part of what is important for the majority groups to do -- if, in fact, you have a national identity, that means that you've got to be concerned with a minority also because it reflects badly on your country if somebody from a minority group is not being treated fairly.

America could not live up to its potential until it treated its black citizens fairly. That's just a fact, that that was a stain on America when an entire group of people couldn't vote, or didn't have legal protections. Because it made all the Declarations of Independence and Constitution and rule of law, it made that seem like an illusion.

And so when the Civil Rights Movement happened in the United States, that wasn't just a victory for African Americans, that was a victory for America because what it showed was that the whole country was going to be concerned about everybody, not just about some people. And it was a victory for America's national identity that it was treating minorities fairly.

And that's I think how every country in ASEAN, including Myanmar, needs to think about these problems. You need to respect people's differences. You need to be attentive to the grievances of minorities that may be discriminated against. But both the majority and the minority, the powerful and the powerless, also have to have a sense of national identity in order to be successful.

I got time for two more questions. Two more. He said one, but I'm going to take two.

See, it's going to be one of you three. What do you think? Who should -- out of the three of you, who should I call on? Are you friends? Okay, so why don't you decide? (Laughter.) What do you think? Okay, yes, rock, paper, scissors. Let's see. (Laughter.) Who won? Okay, go on. There you go. (Applause.)

What did you win with? Were you scissors or rock? Were you rock or scissors or paper?

Q Rock.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Rock.

Q I rock!

PRESIDENT OBAMA: You rock?

Q Yes.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Yes.

Q Mingalaba, Mr. President. I am from Burma from (inaudible) in American Center. Right now we're working on a documentary on Yangon University, Congregation Hall where you spoke the last time you came.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Yes, last time I was here.

Q Yes. So as you know, Yangon University has reopened last year, 2013. So do think it is a good start to rebuild the higher education system in Burma?

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, I think it's a great start. But I think -- as I said before, one of the biggest challenges Myanmar is going to face is rebuilding its education system. And I think it has to start early. It has to start from the youngest ages.

One of the things that we've learned from science is that the most that you will ever learn in your entire life happens from the time you're born until you're three years old. Between your birth and the age of three, that's when your brain is developing the most. And what we've learned, for example, is that when you read -- when parents read to young children even before the children know how to read, the children are building a vocabulary that will put them in a strong position then to learn how to read later on because they've heard the words over and over again.

And so I just make that point because it shows that if you're only worried about university education, but you're not worrying about what happens to children when they're three, four, five, six years old, then you're missing the foundation for a good education system.

And this is true in the United States, as well. We've got the best university system in the world. Obviously I'm biased because I'm the President of the United States, so I think everything in the United States is the best in the world.

But I think anybody objectively would say that we have a system of universities and colleges that is unequaled anyplace else. But we still have problems. And one of the things that I'm spending a lot of time on reform is the elementary, secondary school levels. And also, even earlier having what we call early childhood education to get children off to a good start so that by the time they go to school, they already know their alphabet and they can already start reading at an early age. And I hope that that ends up being a basic emphasis here in Myanmar.

But I also think that from what I've heard, one of the reforms that will need to take place in universities here is to make sure that in all the departments there is the ability for universities and students to shape curriculums and to have access to information from everywhere around the world, and that it's not just a narrow process of indoctrination. Because the best universities are ones that teach you how to think not what to think, right? A good education is not just knowing facts, although you need to know facts. You need to know that two plus two is four; it's not five. That's an important fact. But you also need to know how to ask questions, and how to critically analyze a problem, and how to be able to distinguish between fact and opinion, and how to compare two different ideas.

And I think there's a danger sometimes in countries that are -- don't have a long tradition of higher education to try to narrow the learning process, as opposed to open it up. And I think that that's something that I'm sure university students here in Myanmar will want to express during the course of this transition period and the reforms that are taking place.

All right, I've got time for one more question. Wait, wait, wait. No point in yelling. First of all, all the women have to put their hands down because I told you it was going to be boy, girl, boy, girl. And the second thing is, how many students are there from countries other than Myanmar who are here? Okay, so I think that in the interest of ASEAN unity, and because this is a Young Southeast Asian Leaders Forum, I've got to ask --

Q (Inaudible.)

PRESIDENT OBAMA: No, no, no, first of all, you can't -- I told you already that women aren't going to get a chance to ask the next question. Where are you from?

Q (Inaudible.)

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, you're still in Burma. All right. Where you from? (Laughter.) Sit down. Where you from? All right, let me -- I'm going to ask this guy, guy from the Philippines right here. Come on. (Applause.) You just started yelling. I didn't even call on you. (Laughter.)

Q Good afternoon, Mr. President. My name is Ryan Louis Madrid. I'm from the Philippines. I'm one of the person you --

PRESIDENT OBAMA: I was just talking about you.

Q Yes. And, yes, it gave me a little tear in my eyes. I thank you so much for putting us -- making me as, like, one of the models maybe for what youth can do for change.

But my question really is, I just learned recently that the U.S. and ASEAN will be making a climate change statement. I'd like to know if you could tell us what this is all about, and how this would be different from the Kyoto Protocol and other climate change efforts in making real efforts towards curbing climate change. Thank you. (Applause.)

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Good. So first of all, let's just establish the science and the facts. The planet is getting warmer. The reason the planet is getting warmer is because human activity is releasing greenhouse gases that is trapping heat and increasing temperatures. And because you start getting a negative feedback loop, as it gets hotter, ice melts. The permafrost in places like Siberia start releasing methane gases. Ice packs in Greenland start melting. That then makes it even warmer. And we're on a trajectory in which the temperatures could rise so high that it would have catastrophic impacts around the world because temperatures start changing, weather patterns shift. Traditional monsoon seasons might completely reverse themselves. Areas that once used to have arable land suddenly now have long droughts. Areas that used to be temperate suddenly get floods. We're seeing the impacts in developed countries. We see it in my own country. And we're seeing impacts in poor countries. And we're seeing impacts, obviously, in island nations where if the temperatures continue to rise, we'll end up with oceans that are two feet or three feet higher, and it could swallow up entire countries.

So this is perhaps the central challenge, the most important challenge facing humanity in the 21st century, is getting control of this.

Now, the good news is that we can begin to slow down that process so that the temperatures only go up a certain level, and although we'll have to make some adaptations, it doesn't become catastrophic. But in order to do that, we have to start transitioning our economies to clean energy rather than dirty energy. It means that we have to start developing wind power and solar power. It means that societies have to use energy more efficiently. It means that we have to find ways to use safe nuclear power because they don't -- that doesn’t emit greenhouse gases. So there's no single answer. There's a group of answers to the problem.

And some of you may be aware that the United States and China are the two biggest emitters in the world. The United States had been the biggest emitter; China overtook us. In fairness to China, each individual Chinese person probably uses less energy and emits less greenhouse gases than an individual American. But there are a lot more Chinese than there are Americans.

And if, as China continues to develop, they start matching the United States in how much carbon they release, we'll never survive. None of us. Same is true with India -- just because of the size of its population. And the same is true with Southeast Asia, which, as I said before, contains one out of every 10 people in the world.

So all of us are going to have to be a part of this. And the United States and China -- in a meeting with President Xi -- we announced that we are both going to set bold targets for greenhouse gas reductions from 2020 forward.

What we're encouraging ASEAN to do, individual ASEAN countries, is also to come up with goals for how they are going to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions. And if all countries around the world put forward ambitious goals at a Paris conference that we're going to be having in 2015, then this can serve at the basis for collective action in reducing greenhouse gases.

But although we know what we need to do, the transition will be difficult because -- just to give you one example -- Indonesia.

AUDIENCE MEMBER: Yeah!

PRESIDENT OBAMA: You might not want to cheer about this -- has been cutting down its forests at a very high rate in order to accommodate the palm oil industry. Now the palm oil industry is very lucrative, and you have some very big landholders and big companies who are making a lot of money from the palm oil industry. And they create some jobs. But when you just deforest entire sections of Sumatra or Borneo, that can end up having a devastating effect on the climate.

There are countries in ASEAN that subsidize energy. Now, oftentimes this is with the best of intentions. The idea would be we want to make gasoline cheaper or electricity cheaper so that poor people can afford it. The problem is that when you subsidize energy, there's no incentive to use less energy. So typically when you have a lot of fuel subsidies, those economies are very inefficient in how they use energy, and they generate more pollution.

The countries that are most efficient in energy use, not only do they not subsidize energy -- in fact, they tax energy use. So you look like -- in a country like Norway, which produces a lot of oil, but gasoline there is still $6 or $7 a gallon, which in liters -- who wants to do a liter conversion for me? Anyway, it's very expensive.

So part of what we hope each country in ASEAN commits to is to take the steps that will be required to reduce or at least slow the growth of its carbon emissions, and then slowly start reducing them. And it doesn't have to be overnight, but the transition has to begin.

So if you look at a country like Indonesia, making a commitment to reduce deforestation, reduce and eventually end fuel subsidies, those two things alone could probably help Indonesia meet a very bold carbon reduction goal.

In the United States, I've instructed my Environmental Protection Agency to regulate the amount of greenhouse gases that power plants can send into the atmosphere. And we've doubled fuel-efficiency standards on cars. So in a few years, by the middle of the next century, by 2025, you won't be able to sell a car in the United States unless it is delivering twice as much mileage for every gallon of gas.

And so you can build in transition times to get this done. But we have to start now. And this is probably a good place for me to end by just saying that the issue of climate change is a perfect example of why young people have to lead.

Because old people, they've created a mess, and then they'll be gone. And then you -- (applause) -- you're the ones who have to deal with it. And also what happens is old people get set in their ways. So the older you get, the more likely you are to say, that's how it's always been so that's how I'm going to keep on doing it -- even if there's a better way to do things.

Young people, they're asking, well, why do I have to do it that way? Let's try it this way. And that kind of willingness to accept challenges and try things in a new way, to not be stuck in the past, or to look towards the future, that's what all of you represent.

So I'm hopeful that you have a chance to participate in our Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative Fellows Program. Maybe I'll see some of you in the United States. I'm sure all of you are going to do great things. And I hope all of you dream big and then work hard to achieve those dreams.

Okay? Thank you very much, everybody. (Applause.)

END
5:01 P.M. MMT