The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Presidential Proclamation -- Armed Forces Day, 2015

ARMED FORCES DAY, 2015

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BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

A PROCLAMATION

At the heart of our Nation is the idea that we are each endowed with certain unalienable rights. We hold this truth to be self-evident, but from the moment a small band of patriots first came together to declare independence, we have never believed it to be self-executing. From Lexington and Concord to Iraq and Afghanistan, brave women and men have fought to defend the blessings of liberty and freedom and to protect the way of life we cherish. On Armed Forces Day, we salute the unbroken chain of Soldiers, Sailors, Airmen, Marines, and Coast Guardsmen who have continuously secured and renewed the promise of our Nation.

This year, as we celebrate the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II, we honor the generation that triumphed over tyranny and laid a foundation for peace around the world. In the face of oppression, more than 16 million Americans left everything they knew and everyone they loved to fight for freedom far from home. Today, this legacy of extraordinary service is carried forward by patriots who protect the same liberties our parents and grandparents fought for. Year after year, tour after tour, the members of our Armed Forces serve with honor and distinction. Their sacrifice makes our Nation more free and more safe, and in their example, we see the best of America.

As we pay tribute to today's servicemen and women, we acknowledge the obligations we have to all who serve in our name. This sacred trust requires that we fulfill our promise and guarantee that these patriots, and the families who serve alongside them, have all the resources and benefits they have earned and deserve -- supporting them as they carry out their missions and ensuring they get their shot at the American dream they helped to defend. As a Nation, we are called to recognize the enormous debt of gratitude we owe the members of our Armed Forces, and we must never forget those who laid down their lives to safeguard our freedoms, or their loved ones who carry their legacies forward.

Today and every day, let us celebrate the women and men who make our military the greatest fighting force the world has ever known. As a grateful Nation, let us show our appreciation by working to uphold the values they protect every day and by continuing to strive to build a country worthy of their enormous sacrifice.

NOW, THEREFORE, I, BARACK OBAMA, President of the United States of America, and Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces of the United States, continuing the precedent of my predecessors in office, do hereby proclaim the third Saturday of each May as Armed Forces Day.

I direct the Secretary of Defense on behalf of the Army, Navy, Air Force, and Marine Corps, and the Secretary of Homeland Security on behalf of the Coast Guard, to plan for appropriate observances each year, with the Secretary of Defense responsible for encouraging the participation and cooperation of civil authorities and private citizens.

I invite the Governors of the United States and its Territories, and appropriate officials of all units of government, to provide for the observance of Armed Forces Day within their jurisdiction each year in an appropriate manner designed to increase public understanding and appreciation of the Armed Forces of the United States. I also invite veterans, civic leaders, and organizations to join in the observance of Armed Forces Day.

Finally, I call upon all Americans to display the flag of the United States at their homes on Armed Forces Day, and I urge citizens to learn more about military service by attending and participating in the local observances of the day. I also encourage Americans to volunteer at organizations that provide support to our troops and their families.

Proclamation 9129 of May 16, 2014, is hereby superseded.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this fifteenth day of May, in the year of our Lord two thousand fifteen, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and thirty-ninth.

BARACK OBAMA

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Presidential Memorandum -- Delegation of Functions Under the Foreign Narcotics Kingpin Designation Act

MEMORANDUM FOR THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY

SUBJECT: Delegation of Functions Under the Foreign Narcotics Kingpin Designation Act

By the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, including section 301 of title 3, United States Code, I hereby delegate the functions conferred upon the President by sections 804(b), (c), (g), and (h) of the Foreign Narcotics Kingpin Designation Act (21 U.S.C. 1903(b), (c), (g), and (h)), to the Secretary of the Treasury.

You are authorized and directed to publish this memorandum in the Federal Register.

BARACK OBAMA

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Press Briefing by Press Secretary Josh Earnest, 5/13/2015

James S. Brady Press Briefing Room

1:03 P.M. EDT

MR. EARNEST:  Good afternoon, everybody.  Nice to see you this afternoon.  I don’t have any announcements to make at the top, so let’s go straight to your questions.

Nancy, nice to see you. 

Q    Thanks, Josh.  How is the White House recalibrating the trade strategy after yesterday?  And what does the vote say about the President’s relationship and ability to work with members of his own party?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, what we’re focused on right now is working with the Senate to find a credible path forward to advance legislation that we know has strong bipartisan support.  After all, this is legislation that passed the Senate Finance Committee with the support of a majority of Democrats and majority of Republicans who serve on that committee. 

So these kinds of procedural snafus are not uncommon.  In fact, they happen pretty often, even on pieces of legislation that are not particularly controversial.  This is a piece of legislation that has been subject to extensive public debate.  And the fact that there is a procedural snafu to unravel here is not particularly surprising.

The thing that’s also important to recognize is that it’s not as if after yesterday’s events that anybody came forward and announced a change in their position on this legislation.  The fact is there continues to be bipartisan support around the idea that the President should have the authority to complete this negotiation -- this agreement, and to have the authority to ensure that we can enforce the agreement.  That’s what’s contemplated in the legislation.  That’s what passed through the Senate Finance Committee with bipartisan support.  And we’re hopeful that we can advance to the stage of actually debating this on the floor of the United States Senate so it can be put to a vote there.

Q    Do you think that Senator Brown’s comments about the President’s remarks on Senator Warren reflect broader sentiment within the caucus that may have contributed to problems with members of his party?

MR. EARNEST:  Again, the President met with 10 Democrats here at the White House just yesterday.  There are 10 Democrats, all of whom agree that giving the President the authority to complete the negotiation of this agreement and the authority to enforce the agreement is the right thing to do and consistent with our values as a party.  And so we’re going to continue to build on that relationship and hopefully seek to advance this legislation in a way that’s good for the country and good for our economy.

Q    And just one question on Amtrak.  Are there any conversations between the White House and the Hill about Amtrak funding?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, we’ve been very clear about what we believe is the appropriate level of funding for Amtrak.  In the President’s budget is I think what’s nearly a billion-dollar increase in funding for Amtrak.  There are extensive infrastructure upgrades that could be made that would benefit the traveling public.  It would be good for our economy.  And that’s why we’ve long advocated those kinds of investments.

Republicans, unfortunately, are currently considering the legislation at the committee level that would actually cut funding from Amtrak’s budget by, I believe, a quarter of a billion dollars a year.  So that certainly is not consistent with the kinds of priorities that the President has advocated and sought to advance. 

But we’re at the very beginning of the appropriations process.  And what was successful a couple of years ago was bipartisan work between Paul Ryan and Patty Murray to find bipartisan common ground about a way forward on the budget in a way that reflects our country’s priorities both when it comes to national security and our economy, and to do so in a fiscally responsible way.  And we’re hopeful that the Congress will consider a similar bipartisan approach as it considers this year’s budget as well.

Jeff.

Q    Josh, starting off with foreign policy, there’s been -- or may have been a coup in Burundi.  Does the White House view that as a coup?  Or who do you see as the current leader of that country?

MR. EARNEST:  Jeff, I can tell you that the United States is following with concern the news coming out of Bujumbura.  We call on all sides to lay down arms, end the violence and show restraint.

Just as Burundi authorities have a responsibility to restore the necessary conditions to hold credible elections, we continue to support the efforts of regional leaders who, as I understand it, are meeting right now in Tanzania to take all necessary action to restore peace and unity in Burundi.  We’re particularly focused on ensuring that Burundi officials respect the basic democratic procedures and practices as they seek to govern that country.  And there are legitimate concerns right now that that’s not happening, and we’re continuing to monitor that news, and we’re obviously supportive of the ongoing regional effort to try to defuse the tensions there.  

Q    Who does the United States view as the current leader of Burundi?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, the current President is meeting with regional leaders to try to resolve the political difference there.  The question right now that has provoked so much controversy in Burundi is whether or not the current President should seek reelection.  There are some who, based on the reading of the Burundian constitution -- something I’ve not done -- but who have concluded that he is not actually eligible to run for a third term as President, and that has provoked even some violence in Burundi.

So what we’re focused on is supporting the ongoing regional effort to defuse those tensions and hopefully prevent additional violence as they try to work through their differences here.

Q    When you use the phrase, “the current President,” does that mean you consider him to still be the President now?

MR. EARNEST:  Yes.

Q    On trade, has the White House been fielding calls from other nations involved in TPP about what happened yesterday?  Are they concerned?  And what have you been telling them in return?

MR. EARNEST:  I’m not aware of any phone calls like that.  I don’t know of any calls that have been taken here at the White House.  It’s certainly possible that there might have been other agencies that heard from their international counterparts.  If those calls occurred, I’m confident that the same message that was relayed to those foreign governments is the same message that I’ve been relaying to all of you. 

I don’t know how “snafu” translates into a variety of Asian languages, but I do think that the conversation that they’re having reflects the fact that the differences right now that are on display in the United States Senate are focused on process.  And while there continue to be some differences around substance, particularly among Democrats, that there is strong bipartisan support for the approach that passed through the Senate Finance Committee.  And we’re looking forward to a credible path forward that would allow us to actually have a robust debate on the substance of the bill. 
And again, the importance here is ensuring that the President has the authority that he needs to complete the agreement and to do so in a way that would raise labor standards, raise environmental standards, and level the playing field for American businesses and American workers.  That would be good for our economy.

But we also want to make sure that when we’re talking about the enforceable labor provisions and the enforceable environmental provisions, that the President actually has the authority that he needs to enforce the agreement.  So we’d like to see -- we want to make sure that whatever authority the United States Congress decides to give the President, that he has the authority to do both.  And the Senate is working through this even as we speak.

Q    Snafu is your word of the day?  (Laughter.) 

MR. EARNEST:  It was yesterday.  We’ll see how the rest of the briefing goes.  Maybe there’s another one.

Q    Has the President spoken to Senator McConnell about a way forward?

MR. EARNEST:  The President been in regular touch with members of Congress over the last several weeks on this issue, but I don’t have any specific telephone conversations to tell you about at this point.

Jim.

Q    Josh, earlier this morning, on one of the morning talk shows, you said that Senator Brown should apologize to the President.  Has that happened?  Has he apologized?

MR. EARNEST:  That’s not what I -- I didn’t dictate how he should conduct himself.  I did observe what many others have observed -- that Senator Brown is a standup guy, and given the opportunity to review the comments that seem like they were made in some haste, that I feel confident that he’ll do the right thing and apologize.

Q    But that has not occurred yet, as far as you know?

MR. EARNEST:  I’m not sure if it has or not.  I wouldn’t necessarily expect a public apology.  But we’ll see how Senator Brown chooses to pursue this.

Q    And I’m just curious if there are any second thoughts about how the President went about selling this trade deal, and whether it just got too personal.  Putting aside this accusation that he made a sexist remark, which seems off-base, there were times when he described his opponents in the Democratic Party as being dishonest, as being political.  He talked about Elizabeth Warren, Senator Warren in that fashion.  And just going out to the Nike factory also rubbed people in the progressive wing of the Democratic Party the wrong way because Nike -- I know that they made that announcement about those jobs that will be coming --

MR. EARNEST:  I will say, Jim, it significantly undermines their argument, so I can understand why they may not have been pleased if the President was --

Q    Well, those jobs are not guaranteed that they’ll be happening.

MR. EARNEST:  Well, Nike said that they were.  Are you suggesting that Nike is not telling the truth?

Q    Well, I guess we’ll have to wait and see if that occurs.  But at the same time, they’re a chief offshore of jobs in that industry --

MR. EARNEST:  Exactly the reason that the President went to that company to demonstrate that passing trade legislation like this would actually result in jobs being created in the United States, and that failure to do so and failure to engage only continues to give Nike an incentive to go and make investments overseas, as they have, which, as you point out, has drawn the ire of progressives.

So the point is that if you want to address --

Q    Hold on, let me finish my question.  They feel burned by NAFTA.  And I don't know if the President took that into account when he went out to Oregon and stood at Nike and talked about how this is going to create jobs, and at the same time he’s going after his opponents inside of his own party and suggesting that they’re being political and dishonest.  I don't think it's a stretch to ask you whether or not the President mishandled the politics of this within his own party.

MR. EARNEST:  Look, the point is this is the debate that we want to have because this is the substance of the debate, Jim.  The fact is we are well aware that there are people in both parties that have raised concerns about Nike’s previous practices in terms of doing business overseas.  And so the question right now is, what are we going to do about it.  And what we see from progressives is a lot of complaining about it.  What the President has said is --

Q    Isn't the President a progressive?

MR. EARNEST:  Yes.  And this is what the President has said: Let’s go do something about it.  Let’s go engage in a region of the world where we can raise labor standards, we can raise environmental standards.  And the result of that will be that companies are going to invest in the United States.  And we have prima facie evidence that a company like Nike that had previously done a lot of their business overseas, that when given the opportunity to work on a level playing field that they’re going to create jobs in the United States of America. 

That's exactly the point that the President is trying to make.  And that's how the President can make the case that advocating the most progressive trade bill that's ever been contemplated by the Congress is entirely consistent with our values as progressives; that if we care about business and if we care about middle-class families, and if we care about American workers, what we want to do is we want to engage the world to create more opportunities for American workers back here at home. That's exactly what this bill would do.

Q    But the other accusation from people on the left is going after Senator Warren for saying that the TPP is being crafted in secret.  And I know you're saying that senators can go behind closed doors and read this thing, but --

MR. EARNEST:  That's true.

Q    But why not put it online so that everybody can read it?

MR. EARNEST:  And we've been very direct about why this is the case, Jim.  There is no agreement.  Nothing is agreed to until everything is agreed to.

Q    So what could the senators possibly read?

MR. EARNEST:  What the senators are reading are the documents -- the sensitive documents that are currently being negotiated.

Q    You can't put that online?  You can't make it public?

MR. EARNEST:  No, Jim, because we wouldn't put forward an agreement that everybody hasn’t agreed to.  That certainly wouldn't be fair to the U.S. position and it wouldn't be fair to the position that's being negotiated by our partners.  That's precisely because we haven't agreed to everything until they have, too. 

But here’s the good news, and this is --

Q    But I suppose --

MR. EARNEST:  Let me finish my answer.  I let you finish your question.  Let me finish my answer. 

Q    -- by definition, that would be secret.

MR. EARNEST:  The other -- no, that's not the case, Jim.  It would be secret if nobody knew what was in the agreement.  And the fact is the administration knows what’s in the agreement and every member of Congress who’s responsible for casting a vote can actually read every single word that's currently being negotiated.  And the fact is, before the President is able to sign a final agreement, if one is reached, the public will have the opportunity to read it online for 60 days, and to weigh in and articulate an opinion.  And there will be an additional several months before Congress would actually weigh in with their view, too.  So there will be ample opportunity for individuals all around the world to review the agreement before the President signs it and before Congress has to weigh in.

That's why the claims of secrecy are just not true.  And I guess this is the last thing.  If people do want to raise a substantive objection to pursuing this strategy then they should stick to the facts.  We're interested in a substantive debate.  And the President --

Q    Senator Warren is still not sticking to the facts?

MR. EARNEST:  And the President’s point is that we should have a substantive debate on this, but we don't have to say things that aren't true in order to have this debate.

Q    And I did not intend that back-and-forth to go that long, so if I could ask one other question about the train accident?

MR. EARNEST:  Sure.

Q    If you travel to Asia, they have these beautiful, high-speed trains that crisscross much of that continent.  If you go to Europe, you can get on a Eurostar.  You can travel from Rome to Venice in half the time that you could here in the United States.  The Vice President talks about infrastructure a lot, talks about the state of the mass transit system in this country. LaGuardia is a third-world airport, he once called it.  Is it embarrassing, do you think, the quality of mass transit and infrastructure that we have in this country when you measure it against what people have in Europe and Asia?  Is it embarrassing?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, let me make one thing real clear, which is that the cause of last night’s derailment is still under investigation, so I don't want to link the two things.  But I will say as a general matter that since his first weeks in office, the President has been a leading advocate, obviously with the strong support and input of the Vice President, in investing in our infrastructure, including investing in high-speed rail; that there is a tremendous opportunity, particularly in those transportation corridors that are plagued with pretty bad traffic.

And whether that's the I-4 corridor in Florida, or some of the major cities along the California coast, there’s an opportunity for us to try to address that problem in a way that's good for the local economy and, frankly, more convenient for the people who live there. 

And unfortunately, we have seen a concerted effort by Republicans, for partisan reasons, to step in front of those kinds of advancements.  And the President has been very disappointed by that partisan reaction from Republicans because there is a genuine opportunity for us to do something really good for the economy and something really good for people across the country.  And this is something that we're going to continue to push for, and we're going to continue to be supportive of these projects.  And this is why you see the funding increase that the President has proposed in his own budget.

Cheryl.

Q    Thanks.  Not to pile on progressives, but yesterday --
(laughter) --

MR. EARNEST:  Still a lot of that going on lately, they’d be happy to tell you.

Q    -- were calling for some updated policies, including things like paid family leave.  And I know that's something the President has also talked about in the past.  Has he been able to make any progress on that?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, this is obviously something that we have spent a lot of time in Congress talking about, and this is a good example where the President has worked closely with progressive Democrats to try to advance legislation that would do for American workers what the vast majority of workers in developed countries around the world already enjoy, which is fair paid leave policies that will allow them to better balance the responsibilities that they have at work with the responsibilities that they have at home.

We haven't gotten as much traction as we would like through the United States Congress, but we have been gratified that we have started to see announcements in the private sector where private sector companies are hearing the call of the President and stepping up and demonstrating a leadership role.

Overnight, we got an announcement from Facebook that they were actually interested in implementing a new set of standards for their contractors and their vendors here in the United States.  And the benefits that they will require their contractors and vendors to provide to their employees is a $15 minimum wage, a minimum of 15 paid days off for holidays, sick time and vacation, and for those workers who don't receive paid parental leave, they’ll require those vendors or contractors to offer a $4,000 new child benefit for new parents. 

This is an example of the kind of leadership that we're seeing in the private sector.  And the thing that I'll say is that we don't see companies like Facebook doing this out of charity; they think that it's good for business.  And the President thinks it's good for business, too, and that's why we're going to continue to advocate for these kinds of policies in the United States Congress.  And we're proud to have the support of a lot of progressive Democrats as we make that case.

Jon. 

Q    Josh, one more on the trade question, the specific, the substance of what Senator Brown said.  He said the President had been disrespectful when he suggested that Senator Warren was just another politician.  First of all, can you take that part of it? What’s the President’s response to the allegation that he was being disrespectful?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, I believe that that specific reference -- I should have brought the text in front of me -- but I think that the President, in the interview, was asked directly about Senator Warren, and the President noted that Senator Warren holds elective office as the President does.  The President included himself in the category. 

Q    “Politician” I think was the word.

MR. EARNEST:  Yes, a politician like -- he said something like --

Q    Like the President.

MR. EARNEST:  Well, I think he said something like “the rest of us.”  And I think that's an indication that the point the President is making is that she’s making a political argument.  The President is making a political argument, too.  And we can have a robust difference of opinion and a robust debate.  And the point is, though, that this doesn’t reflect a difference in values. 

The President and Senator Warren both believe that it's important for our government to be putting in place policies that will expand economic opportunity for middle-class families.  They share that as a top priority.  They do have a pretty stark difference of opinion about the best way to do that in this case. But when it comes to raising the minimum wage, or the Affordable Care Act, or implementing Wall Street reform, there is strong opinion on the merits, on the values and on the principles at stake.  And that's why there may be differences over this one issue, but the President continues to have confidence in the strong working relationship that he has with Democrats on Capitol Hill.

Q    And what about the suggestion by using her first name the President was acting in a way that he would not have -- he was speaking about her in a way that he would not speak about a male senator?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, Jon -- you don't mind if I call you Jon, do you?  (Laughter.) 

Q    Not at all. 

Q    That’s been in the works all morning.  (Laughter.) 

MR. EARNEST:  Sometimes these things just come to you like a lightning bulb, Major.  (Laughter.)  It's a gift.  (Laughter.) 

Q    We are both the recipients.

MR. EARNEST:  What I'll point out, and I think some have written about this already, that there are a number of instances where the President has used the first name of a senator to reference them in public, both men and women, including multiple instances in which he’s referred to Sherrod Brown as Sherrod in public setting.  So I don't put a lot of stock in the argument -- which is also why I believe that Senator Brown, given the opportunity to consider his remarks, will offer up an apology because he’s a standup guy.

Q    We've asked him.  We haven't heard back yet. 

Two other very different subjects.  One, the reports that chemical weapons -- traces of chemical weapons have been found in Syria, both ricin and sarin gas.  I assume the White House is aware of this intelligence?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, we're aware that the OPCW continues to receive credible allegations that the use of chemical weapons in Syria is still taking place.  Attempts by the OPCW to resolve some gaps and inconsistencies in Syria’s declaration of their chemical weapons have gone unresolved.  And we're also concerned that progress toward destroying all remaining chemical weapons production facilities in Syria has been agonizingly slow. 

The Assad regime continues to not abide by international standards and norms, including the Chemical Weapons Convention and United Nations Security Council Resolutions 2118 and 2209.  But as has also been well documented, the Assad regime continues to terrorize people of Syria through indiscriminate airstrikes, barrel bombings, arbitrary detention, and other gross acts of violence that are committed against their own people.

Q    So what’s the response going to be if Syria has essentially crossed the red line again, even after this agreement, and used chemical weapons?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, this is something that we obviously are very concerned about and closely monitoring.  And we're aware of these allegations and we believe it's important for the OPCW to investigate them fully.

Q    Okay.  And then the other one is you talked about the Sy Hersh report on the bin Laden raid.  Carlotta Gall, somebody who certainly has a lot of respect on this issue, a lot of credibility on this issue, has suggested at least parts of the Seymour Hersh article or report are credible -- specifically the information that led to us knowing where bin Laden was came from a source within Pakistani intelligence.  What is your response to that?

MR. EARNEST:  Jon, as you know, there’s been a lot of discussion in public over the last four years since this successful operation took place about the intelligence that led to the discovery and ultimately the mission against Osama bin Laden, the administration went to great lengths to reveal as much information as possible about that operation and what led to that operation being ordered by the President of the United States. 

So we've been very clear about what has happened -- certainly clear when you consider the understandably classified nature of the operation and so many elements of the operation.  But what’s also true is there are declassified portions of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence report and the CIA response to that report, both of whom spent a lot of time talking about the intelligence that was developed as it relates to this specific mission.  And neither of those extensive accounts features the role of a Pakistani intelligence walk-in revealing Osama bin Laden’s location to the United States.

The fact is that the United States was able to piece together information about bin Laden’s location based on painstaking intelligence work that spanned years, that spanned a variety of sources.  And even as the President decided to order the operation, there was no definitive information to confirm that the individual that had been identified in this compound actually was Osama bin Laden. 

I think the last point that I would make is that for the version of events that Ms. Gall cites in her reporting to be true, it would require hundreds of administration officials, national security officials, political appointees, career civil servants, officers in the military to all be conspiring and coordinating their stories on one lie.  And I think those of you who have been covering this town long enough understand that that's highly implausible.

Q    So it was not a source within Pakistani intelligence that led to the information about bin Laden’s whereabouts?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, it was -- her reporting is specific that a Pakistani intelligence walk-in revealed Osama bin Laden’s location to the United States, and that is not true.

Bob.

Q    Thanks, Josh.  Back on trade for a second.  Part of the snafu up on the Hill was that some Democrats are holding out for more funding or more training or better protections for workers who might be displaced by a new trade agreement.  We might expect the President to be in favor of that, but does that then fly in the face of what he was saying at the Nike Headquarters?

MR. EARNEST:  It does not, for a couple of reasons.  The point that the President was making at the Nike Headquarters -- again, to go back to my inexplicitly heated discussion with Jim -- is that --

Q    Inexplicitly?

    MR. EARNEST:  -- for which I take responsibility --

Q    Oh, okay.  (Laughter.)  I was going to say, Josh, come on.  (Laughter.)

MR. EARNEST:  The point of the President’s trip to the Nike Headquarters was to illustrate that there are companies that have a record of doing a lot of business overseas and investing in overseas operations, and that if we want to make the case to them that they should start investing in the United States and creating jobs in the United States, then what we need to do is we need to go and engage in the countries in which they’re currently doing business and raise labor standards, raise environmental standards -- do that in an enforceable way and that will make those companies consider investments in the United States.

Because, again, if we choose not to engage in that region of the world, those companies are going to continue their practices and further invest in those countries where they can get essentially this unfair advantage.  But by raising standards and leveling the playing field, it creates jobs and economic opportunity right here in the United States.

As it relates to this trade adjustment assistance, which is I think what you're referring to, the trade adjustment assistance package that's been put forward is one that actually doubles funding for trade adjustment assistance.  That's an indication that the President is focused on making sure that we're looking out for the best interests of American workers.  And essentially what that adjustment assistance would do is it would make sure that workers in this country have access to the training they need so they can get exactly the kind of skills that will allow them to benefit from these kinds of progressive trade agreements. 
And that's what the President has in mind, because the statistics that we know already indicate that jobs that are based on an export economy are jobs that are higher-paying than the average American job.  So that is a way that we can expand economic opportunity for middle-class families.  It also happens to be good for American businesses because if they’re hiring new workers it means that they’ve got more business to do.  And that’s all a part of expanding opportunity, raising wages, and doing the kinds of things that we know are going to be good for our economy and good for middle-class families.

Q    So you believe that Democrats should hold out perhaps for that a little bit?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, what we believe is that the trade adjustment assistance package that passed through the Senate Finance Committee essentially doubled the amount of trade adjustment assistance that's available.  That is represents a substantial achievement, particularly when you consider that it's Republicans that have the majority of both houses of Congress who have traditionally been opposed to trade adjustment assistance.

So this represents I think an element of why we can describe this proposal as the most progressive trade proposal that’s advanced through the Congress.

Major.

Q  So, Josh, you mentioned earlier you're looking for a path forward on TPA, you do not currently have one -- correct?

MR. EARNEST:  This is something that --

Q    Yes or no.

MR. EARNEST:  Well, I don't have any announcements now to make about specific --

Q    You don't have a path forward now?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, again, I don't have one to announce here.  But this is something that's under a lot of discussion on Capitol Hill.  And again, the reason that it's under so much discussion is because there are Democrats and Republicans, both of whom want to resolve the situation, resolve the snafu, and find a credible path forward.

Q    Does that path forward, from the administration’s point of view, have to include -- or not include -- currency legislation or customs reform legislation?

MR. EARNEST:  Ultimately, it's going to be the Senate that's going to have to determine what that path forward is.  So the --

Q    You're agnostic on those two pieces of legislation?

MR. EARNEST:  The White House will be supportive of their efforts to try to find this path forward.  Now, we've been clear about the concerns that we have about some of the currency legislation that's been proposed, that some of the elements of --

Q    And those objections were made?

MR. EARNEST:  Of course.  Of course, because, again, the concerns that we have principally are -- and again, this doesn’t apply to every element of currency, but there are some currency proposals that have been put forward that would jeopardize the ability of the Federal Reserve here in the United States to make monetary policy decisions that are consistent with the best interest of our economy.  And if we've seen anything over the last six or seven years, it's how important the independence of those decisions are to the strength of our overall economy.

Q    You told us from this podium -- or previously you told us that the Senate should support the package as is, TPA legislation and the worker adjustment legislation.  What I hear you saying now is whatever else the Senate needs to throw in, absent some of the things you object to on currency, you’ll have to swallow -- you want this moved on.

MR. EARNEST:  Again, the case that we have made to --

Q    You're open to other proposals being added to those two bills, which you had previously said should be approved as is --you're now open to add-ons to get this dislodged, correct?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, I think what we have observed is that there is already a pretty bipartisan support for the --

Q    But that's only in theory.  You had that and it broke down yesterday.  You say it -- people who said they were with you became against you.  The deal is different now.  All that is past, ancient and irrelevant history.  You’ve got to create a new reality.  What’s the new reality?

MR. EARNEST:  I disagree with that, Major, because the fact is all the people who -- all the Democrats who supported this in the Senate Finance Committee still support that legislation today.  So that's the thing.  Nobody’s position has changed.  That's why it's not ancient history.  It's directly relevant.  In fact, it's exactly why --

Q    Then they would have had cloture yesterday if they hadn't changed their mind about what else needs to be added to this to pass it.

MR. EARNEST:  This is why less patient observers of the Senate are ready to pull their hair out when they observe these kinds of procedural snafus, because there is strong support for this bill and there’s reason to believe that this would probably pass if it went through the regular process and there were an opportunity to debate it.  But there are procedural hurdles that have to be overcome. 

And it's not uncommon for the Senate procedure to get wrapped around the axle even on really simple, straightforward non-controversial pieces of legislation.  So the fact that there are these kinds of obstructions or snafus in the context of a hotly debated piece of legislation shouldn’t be a surprise to anybody, but it does require those who are, frankly, more patient than I am to sit down around the table and to try to work this out so that we can -- so that they can have the opportunity to consider a piece of legislation that they already know has strong bipartisan support.

Q    Let me ask you about something you said a moment ago, that there’s not really a disagreement about values -- this disagreement between the President and those in the progressive wing of the party, which he, according to you, includes himself as a member of.  Many of the Democrats see this argument on a substantive basis, but they also say, look, the people who are with the President on this issue are the ones that the President and fellow Democrats have criticized for their position on spending, taxation, regulation, climate change -- a whole variety of issues central to the economic debate in the country.  Progressive Democrats suddenly say, wait, did Republicans suddenly get smarter than me on this issue and I'm suddenly the person who’s out of touch, who doesn’t understand -- when on all these other issues the President and I -- I'll speak for those in that party -- agree, but now we don't.  When did I suddenly become wrong?  How would you address that -- on a values question?

MR. EARNEST:  I think what I would say is the President is pursuing this progressive trade promotion authority legislation precisely because of his progressive values, because he is primarily concerned with expanding economic opportunity for middle-class families.  And there is a difference of opinion among progressives about whether or not this specific legislation would do that.

But there is nobody -- the President certainly isn’t questioning the values of those who are -- those Democrats who are against this particular bill.  In fact, what he is doing is he’s appealing to those values to try to win their support for it.  And again, there have been some pretty aggressive criticisms that have been lodged at the President, and some accusations.  But again, I don’t think that there are Democrats in the Senate who are questioning the President’s values over this.  Again, I think they have difference of opinion with the President, but it’s not one that’s rooted in a difference in values.

Chris.

Q    You keep referring to this as a procedural snafu, but can give you us a sense then of what happened yesterday?  Did Elizabeth Warren out-argue -- in spite of the fact the President thinks she was wrong, did she have the better position?  What happened?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, again, there are people who are more steeped in legislative procedure than I am who can sort of walk you through what this is.

Q    There’s nothing about the facts that you see that contributed to this --

MR. EARNEST:  And the reason for that, Chris, is simply that all of the people who were in favor of progressive trade promotion authority legislation on Tuesday morning were still strongly in favor of that same legislation on Tuesday night after the legislative snafu was encountered.  So it is typical of the Senate process.  That was true when Democrats were in the majority; it’s true now when Republicans are in the majority -- that these kinds of legislative, procedural snafus crop up.  And they simply require, like I said, to people more patient than I am, to sit down around the table and work through their differences.  We’re confident that that can be done, because there are people on both sides of the aisle who are interested in seeing this legislation advance through the process.

Q    Is the anti-currency manipulation language that has been floated from Harry Reid’s office being dropped something that the President thinks could move this?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, again, I think that’s unclear.  This is what -- this, among other things -- among many other things -- is the subject of ongoing discussions on Capitol Hill right now as they try to find their credible path forward.

Q    Is there anything you can tell us about the discussion last night with the Senate Democrats?

MR. EARNEST:  Not beyond the written readout that we put out.

Q    Speaking of readouts, did the President call -- on Amtrak -- Michael Nutter?  And can you tell us anything about that conversation?

MR. EARNEST:  The President did have the opportunity to call Philadelphia Mayor Michael Nutter.  I also believe he had the opportunity to call Pennsylvania Governor Tom Wolf.  The President told both men that he was pleased with the way that their local jurisdictions and their state jurisdictions had responded to this incident.  This was obviously a horrific incident, and the carnage was vast, and there were, according to reports, a couple hundred people on the train, so there were a lot of people that needed to be saved. 

And again, it’s a testament to the courage and professionalism of our first responders, many of whom live in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, that they acted so quickly and so selflessly, put themselves in harm’s way to rescue their fellow citizens who were in danger on that train.  And we certainly are grateful for their service.  And the President asked both the Governor and the Mayor to pass along his gratitude to those men and women who are first responders who responded to the incident last night.

The President also offered his condolences on behalf of everybody who works here at the White House to the families of those lost loved ones in the derailment.  And he let them know that those who have been injured will continue to be in his prayers.

The last thing is, the President vowed to make sure that this is an incident that receives a thorough investigation.  And Department of Transportation investigators responded to the derailment last night, were on the scene last night gathering information and gathering evidence to try to determine what exactly had happened.  That investigation was hindered based on darkness overnight, so I know that the investigation ramped up after daybreak.  And the President is certainly very interested in getting more insight into this incident, and I know that Mayor Nutter and Governor Wolf are as well.  And you’re going to see federal officials working closely and cooperatively with state and local officials on this matter.

Q    And understanding that we don’t know what happened here, the cause of this crash --

MR. EARNEST:  That’s correct.

Q    -- it does shine a light on a couple of hearings that were held today about Amtrak.  There was a vote in the House Appropriations Committee to increase transportation grants to the White House proposed level, and that would have meant fully funding Amtrak.  And that was defeated.  Infrastructure is something, as you pointed out, that both the President and the Vice President have talked about.  Does this give any new impetus to some of those discussions about infrastructure?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, that’s unclear because, again, the cause of this particular train derailment is under investigation and it’s unclear whether or not the condition of the track or the condition of the train, or any sort of element of the railway infrastructure was at all involved in contributing to the cause of this derailment. 

But I will just say, as a general matter, that the administration strongly believes that these kinds of investments in infrastructure make good sense.  And there’s no reason that infrastructure has to be a partisan issue.  Traditionally, investments in infrastructure that were fiscally responsible were proposals that quickly earned strong bipartisan support.  And that bipartisanship has broken down, and Republicans, for some reason, now aren’t as supportive of that as they used to be, even when they are pursued in a fiscally responsible way. 

And that’s been a disappointment to the President, but it’s not a new one, because we’ve seen that kind of partisan obstruction from Republicans when it comes to questions of investing in our infrastructure in place since the President’s earliest days in office.

You’ll recall that the Affordable -- sorry, that the Recovery Act was a piece of legislation that was passed when the President had only been in office for a couple of months, and it included a historic investment in infrastructure, and it wasn’t supported by Republicans.  And that was a disappointment then, and that disappointment continues to this day.  But the President’s zeal and enthusiasm and passion for making smart investments in infrastructure that yield important economic benefits for middle-class families is something that continues to burn bright.

Q    If memory serves, after what I think was a disappointing election for Democrats, the last time, one of the things you said about ways that Congress and the White House could continue to work together was infrastructure.  Then has that changed?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, I think that’s a hope that we still have.  Again, based on recent legislative history, traditionally there had been bipartisan support for common-sense investments in infrastructure.  And we’re hopeful that at some point over the next year and a half we can maybe rekindle that spirit of bipartisanship around investing in infrastructure in this country that will create jobs.

Q    How do you do that?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, again, I think that part of that is working with Republicans in trying to find common ground.  Nothing is going to get through the United States Congress and be signed by the President on a party-line vote.  That’s not going to happen; we have a divided government.  And so Democrats and Republicans are going to have to find a way to work together.

The good news is that one area where Democrats and Republicans have traditionally been able to work together is around investments in infrastructure and, again, hopefully we can go back to that.

Francesca.

Q    Thank you, Josh.  Yesterday, Secretary Kerry was just going into his meeting with Russian President Putin at the time that we had the briefing, so we didn’t really get an opportunity to talk about that.  And I know that the State Department said the purpose of the trip was mostly to keep lines of communication between the two countries open.  And, I mean, even you said that there weren’t huge expectations, or even no expectations for that, but I was wondering, what you do think was achieved from yesterday’s talks?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, my colleagues at the State Department would be able to speak to this a little bit more directly because they were more closely involved in the talks.  I merely was briefing on them from here.  But I think what was relayed very directly by the Secretary of State to officials in the highest levels of the Russian government is the resolve of the international community that Russia must live up to the commitments that they made in the context of the Minsk agreements, and that they need to use their influence over the separatists in eastern Ukraine that they back to get them to abide by those commitments and start to deescalate the situation in Ukraine.  There should be -- and there is -- a path toward resolving the differences in that country around the negotiating table, and that continued bloodshed and continued fighting doesn’t serve the interest of anybody.

But that starts with the respecting of a basic international norm, which is the territorial integrity of independent countries.  And we’ve seen Russia violate the sovereignty of Ukraine repeatedly.  And the Secretary of State delivered a very tough and direct message to the Russian leadership that we still expect them to respect those basic international norms, to live up to the commitments that they made in the context of the Minsk agreement, and be supportive of the efforts to try to reach a political solution.

Q    One quick follow-up that you may be able to speak more to is, do you think that the talks paved the way for the President and the Russian President to be able to speak either face-to-face to just have better lines of communication?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, they have periodically spoken on the telephone over the last year or so.  I don’t know of any additional conversations that are planned, but that certainly could come up.  We typically read out those conversations when they occur, so if one occurs we’ll probably let you know.

Jordan.

Q    Thanks, Josh.  I want to ask you to clear up something that was reported in Politico yesterday, where anonymous administration officials were saying that the push for TPA was basically a concession to Republicans.  I want to have you square that what the President and other officials have said, which is that this legislation is crucial to getting a TPP agreement done.

MR. EARNEST:  Well, I didn’t see that story actually, but I’ll just say as a general matter that those anonymous comments -- as you’ve recited them -- are not at all consistent with the priorities that the President has established.

And the President has made a persuasive case at Nike and other places about how a trade agreement that includes enforceable labor standards and enforceable environmental standards is clearly in the best interest of our economy and clearly in the best interest of middle-class families.

And again, I recognize that there may be a difference over this issue among some Democrats.  But the fact is, it’s because of the President’s commitment to expanding opportunity for middle-class families that he’s pursuing this specific agreement.

The President put it in more colorful terms in essentially saying, it wasn’t the Chamber of Commerce that got me elected; he observed that he built a coalition of working people all across the country.  And that’s what he’s -- those are the interests that he has in mind as he pursues this progressive trade agreement.

Q    There’s a vote today in the House on a bill that would essentially ban most abortions after 20 weeks, and I'm wondering if the White House has any comment on that vote.

MR. EARNEST:  I have seen this.  This is a piece of legislation that was originally considered by the House back in January, and it was pulled back after a pretty significant outcry from women members of Congress, including a substantial number of women in the Republican Conference in the House. 

The fact is, there have been some rather cursory changes that have been made to the legislation.  And our concerns persist.  The bill continues to add a harsh burden to survivors of sexual assault, rape, and incest who are already enduring unimaginable hardship.  And you hear Republicans a lot, particularly in their discussions about health care, articulating that it’s a priority for them to keep the government out of the doctor’s office.  But in fact, this piece of legislation would actually -- ironically enough -- actually insert the government right between a woman and her doctor. 

And so not only is this entirely inconsistent with the argument that we hear Republicans make on a range of other issues, it’s disgraceful that House Republicans would be considering a party-line vote on a piece of legislation that would continue to impose even additional harsh burdens on survivors of sexual assault, rape, and incest.

So I guess you can tell from my comments that the administration strongly opposes this bill. 

Pam.

Q    On the trade issue, it seems like one of the major concerns of people who are critical is the fact that maybe they are skeptical of it being able to be enforced.  What is the enforcement mechanism?  How would the United States make sure that the other parties to the agreement live up to the labor and environmental standards?  I mean, some companies -- maybe like Nike -- have found it difficult in the past to get their contractors in these other countries to live up to the standards that they have. 

MR. EARNEST:  Well, let me start by saying that there is -- that for a technical explanation of how exactly this works, I would encourage you to contact the trade reps office and they can give you a more technical explanation than I can.  But let me do my best, based on my own understanding of the situation. 

There are two things that come to mind.  The first is, previous trade agreements have not included enforceable provisions related to higher labor standards and higher environmental standards.  So when previous administrations have complained about not being able to enforce certain provisions in the law, it’s because those provisions -- or in the agreement -- it’s because those provisions weren’t enforceable.

In some cases, as it relates to NAFTA, these provisions about environmental standards and labor standards were included in letters that were exchanged on the sidelines of the agreement, but were not actually written into the text of the agreement. 

And what the President envisions -- and what the Trade Promotion Authority legislation requires -- is that these enforceable labor standards, and these enforceable environmental standards, and some of these provisions related to human rights are written into the text of the agreement.  And that’s the first thing. 

The second thing is, the consequence for that is we know that there are a lot of companies who are -- a lot of companies inside countries who are party to this agreement that would like to have better access to U.S. markets.  Having the opportunity to compete for a business among American customers is an opportunity for them. 

And they’re not going to risk that opportunity by violating the terms of the agreement -- because they know that if they do violate the terms of the agreement, that’s going to undermine their ability to have access to the U.S. market.  So there’s an incentive for them to follow the rules, is the point that I'm trying to make here.

And so that obviously doesn’t guarantee enforcement, but it does indicate that there will be a strong interest -- that it will be in the strong financial interest of other countries who are party to the agreement to live up to the commitments that they make in the context of the agreement.

The last thing is -- and this has sort of been part of what you’ve heard me say a lot over the last couple of days -- the President is seeking two things from this legislation.  The first is, he’s seeking specifically the authority that he needs to complete this agreement, but he also wants to make sure that he’s got the authority that he needs to enforce it.  And there are a number of provisions that have been passed, again, by the Senate Finance Committee that would strengthen the hand of the administration to enforce the terms of this agreement.

So we would like to see both passed by the Congress, and hopefully they’ll be able to find a credible path forward to allow for consideration of those proposals. 

Q    On the summit.  You said that King Salman did not come -- his decision not to come was not having anything to do with the agenda of the summit.  But have the Saudis or any of the other participants expressed any kind of dissatisfaction with the level of support from the U.S. in terms of a defense commitment, a NATO-like agreement that will come to your aid if you’re attacked, or the kind of military aid they’re getting?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, let me start by saying that, most importantly, King Salman, when he met directly with Secretary of State John Kerry in Riyadh last week, did not express any specific concerns about the agenda at Camp David.  I’ll note that after the change in travel plans was announced by the Saudi government, that senior Saudi officials came out and said publicly that the change in travel plans was not related to any concerns or in any way related to the substance of the agenda at the Camp David meeting.

And I think that you now know that earlier this week the President had a telephone conversation with King Salman in which the King reiterated that his change in travel plans was not related to any objections or concerns that he had about the agenda of the Camp David meeting. 

In fact, it’s because Saudi Arabia and the other GCC countries are so committed to the agenda of the Camp David meeting that we saw Saudi Arabia take what the foreign minister described as an unprecedented step -- sending both the Crown Prince and the Deputy Crown Prince to represent Saudi Arabia at the same meeting.  So again, that is an indication that the Saudis certainly take all of this seriously. 

And as it relates to the security cooperation between the United States and our GCC partners, we value that security cooperation.  The national security of the United States is enhanced by the strong counterterrorism and intelligence-sharing relationship that we have with many countries -- with each of these countries.

But what’s also true is that the United States support for their security is critical to their very existence.  And they understand that the strong relationship that they have with the United States is one that’s worth investing in and one that’s worth maintaining.

And that will be the essence of the conversations -- what can we do to modernize and deepen that security cooperation.  And much of what the President has in mind is helping the GCC countries use the hardware that they have to better coordinate their efforts and better provide for the security of their citizens.

And I used the example yesterday of ballistic missile defense.  That each of these countries has a lot of technology and a lot of hardware when it comes to repelling the threat from ballistic missiles.  But those -- that architecture will be much more effective if they can integrate those efforts.  If that ballistic missile is flying over one country, headed for another, that is a good reason for those countries that are partners in allies in many things to make sure that their systems have some interoperability so that the ballistic missile defense system in one country can be instrumental to the safety and security of a neighboring country.

And that’s just one example of the kind of interoperability that we want to facilitate in the meeting.  And that’s one way that the United States can continue to deepen and modernize our security cooperation with these countries.

Q    But is that approach going as far as they would like?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, again, I think that each of these countries is attending this meeting because they want to deepen and strengthen their security relationship with the United States.  And there are a variety of ways that that can be done, and that will be the subject of extensive discussion at the meeting.  And I'm confident that after the meeting, at least some of those leaders will come out and have a conversation with all of you about what they conclude about the results of the meeting.

Kevin.

Q    Josh, thanks.  I want to follow up on Jim’s conversation, hopefully not in the same tone. 

MR. EARNEST:  All right.

Q    Oh, why not. 

Q    Oh, why not.  (Laughter.)  You talked about Sherrod Brown a little bit.  The Hill is reporting that Terry O’Neill of NOW has said this about the President’s comments:  It’s a “clear subtext [is] that the little lady just doesn’t know what she’s talking about.  I think it was disrespectful.”  How does the White House feel about those comments?

MR. EARNEST:  That certainly is not the tone, the intent of the comments that the President made. 

Q    Fair enough.  I want to ask you also about something he said at Georgetown about media coverage; in particular, he mentioned a certain network I work for.

MR. EARNEST:  I hope you didn’t take it personally.  It seems like you might have though. 

Q    Well, there’s that.

MR. EARNEST:  Wouldn’t be the first time.

Q    Yeah, that’s true.  He said -- among other things -- he said, “So if we’re going to change how John Boehner and Mitch McConnell think, we’re going to have to change how our body politic thinks, which means we’re going to have to change how the media reports on these issues and how people’s impressions of what it’s like to struggle in this economy looks like, and how budgets connect to that.”  And he went on to say it requires a much broader conversation than typically we have on the nightly news.

And I'm just curious, from the White House perspective, when the President says the media should change how they report on issues, is he objecting to the coverage that he finds too critical of the way the administration is handling a particular  --

MR. EARNEST:  That’s not at all what he said.  I think if you go back and look exactly at the President’s comments, what he pointed out is that it’s important for us to recognize that we all have a stake in the success of our citizens in this country.  That we value individuals who seize the opportunity that they have, and through their own hard work and their ambition achieve as much as their dreams will allow them to do so.  And preserving that equality of opportunity is critical to the success of our country.  And that’s the kind of debate that he believes that we should be having and that’s the kind of debate that he would like to see covered on the national news.

Q    But what specifically was he objecting to in terms of Fox’s coverage, for example? 

MR. EARNEST:  Well, again, I’ll let the President’s comments stand for themselves.

Q    But in specificity, was there something in particular --

MR. EARNEST:  He talked about it specifically, and you can use his comments if that’s what you’d like to do.

Q    All right.  Let me ask you this, lastly.  Is the White House making progress on immigration reform?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, not the progress that we’d like.

Q    How about enforcement? 

MR. EARNEST:  Well, let’s unpack this a couple of different ways here before we get moving too quickly.  The fact is, we believe that in order to address the wide variety of problems that exist in our broken immigration system, that Congress needs to pass a bill.  And those members of Congress who have expressed concerns about the President’s executive action have an opportunity to override that executive action merely by passing legislation that would address these problems.  They have more authority to do so than the President does. 

And we saw promising progress made a couple of years ago where Democrats and Republicans in the Senate got together and wrote a piece of legislation that had strong bipartisan support in the Senate and attracted the support of the business and labor and faith communities all across the country.  But unfortunately, it was blocked by House Republicans.  And the President was disappointed by that.  And we continue to urge Congress to take up immigration reform legislation, but unfortunately in the Republican majorities in both the House and the Senate, we’ve seen very little, if any, appetite for doing that.

Q    I ask you about enforcement, and the reason I do -- there’s a new IG report out that found that homeland security is actually failing to track data in an effective and meaningful way, despite spending $21 billion to do so.

MR. EARNEST:  I haven’t seen the IG report, but you can check with DHS about that.

Q    But from your perspective, from the White House’s perspective, is immigration enforcement -- as it currently stands -- successful from where you stand?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, the President made an announcement about his executive actions, indicating that we needed to better prioritize our enforcement resources; that there’s more enforcement resources that we’d like to see from Congress.  That was included in the bipartisan legislation that Congress considered two years ago, and that was included in the bipartisan legislation that House Republicans blocked.

But what the President has said is, given our limited resources -- again, resources that were not augmented because Republicans in the House of Representatives blocked it -- what the President has said is we need to focus our resources on those individuals that pose a genuine threat to our communities, and that our enforcement efforts should be focused on felons, not on families.  And the Department of Homeland Security who’s responsible for conducting those enforcement activities has been focused on those priorities and has been focused on implementing those priorities consistent with the views of the President.

Toluse.

Q    On trade.  Senator Warren just put out a statement about the TPA bill, saying one of the dangers of the TPA bill is that it’s a six-year bill and the President will be out of office in less than two years, and the next administration could use the authority to do another deal that would roll back some of the financial reforms that have been put in place, even though the President has said that he wouldn’t sign a bill that would undo Dodd-Frank or roll back those regulations.  But you haven't really talked about how the next administration, maybe potentially a Republican administration, might use TPA for that purpose.

MR. EARNEST:  And, Toluse, what I will do when we conclude this briefing is I will show you the specific text that’s included in the legislation that specifically, word for word, bars the agreement from being used to change U.S. law.  That’s written into the bill.  That is a concern that people do not have to have.  The concern I think that she may have, that is a legitimate one, is that down the road we could see Republicans in Congress not going through the machinations of a trade agreement, but actually just taking their own steps, doing the bidding of Wall Street lobbyists, and trying to unravel Wall Street reform.

That’s why the President has worked closely with Senator Warren to make sure that the implementation of Wall Street reform has been effective, has been fair.  And that’s work that continues to this day.  That’s work that requires blunting the significant influence of Wall Street lobbyists.  And that’s an example of where Senator Warren and the administration have been able to work closely together.

But the fact is, it is written into the bill -- and I did not bring it with me; perhaps I should have -- but I will show you the specific text in the legislation that prevents the trade agreement from being used to change U.S. law.

Q    Another question on Dodd-Frank.  Senator Shelby has a bill that would basically roll back some of Dodd-Frank on small community banks, as well as do some more -- or take a closer looker at the Fed in terms of the oversight there.  Does the President have a take on that?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, this is exactly the kind of legislation I have in mind when I say this is what we should be worried about.  This is an example of Wall Street interests trying to advance legislation that would weaken important consumer, investor and taxpayer protections that were established in the aftermath of the financial crisis, to make sure that we’re not putting taxpayers on the hook for a bailout; to make sure that middle-class families continue to have a watchdog here in Washington, D.C. that’s looking out for their interests in the form of the CFPB. 

These are the kinds of principles that were included in Wall Street reform.  These are the kinds of principles that we have implemented over the strenuous objection of some of the most powerful influences in Washington, D.C.  And this is where Democrats have been able to stand up for middle-class families and work effectively together to protect Wall Street reform.

And the legislation that Senator Shelby has proposed would undo a lot of that good work in a way that would make taxpayers and middle-class families and investors vulnerable once again.  And that’s not something that the President is going to go along with.  And I’m confident that when it comes to opposing this piece of legislation, the President will be able to work effectively with Senator Warren and others to stop it.
Q    This part of the bill focused on Dodd-Frank; part of it focuses on the Fed, and it basically says that there needs to be a commission to look at the structure of the Fed.  Does the President believe that the structure of the Fed needs to be -- that the structure of the Fed needs to be reconsidered?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, the President has long said that our system benefits tremendously from a genuinely independent federal reserve.  And that independence is something the President believes is worth protecting.

Jared.

Q    Josh, this week and last you said that the Republicans had to rally votes on their side.  You emphasized that if Republicans fought for a majority in both chambers of Congress, that this is something that they should be willing to fight for.  When we see votes like just one Democrat, Senator Carper, voting for a cloture, is that the kind of parliamentary faux pas you’re talking about?  Is that the kind of situation where you can still point the finger at Republicans who are in majorities in both chambers?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, again, this is -- the vote that we saw yesterday was a reflection of a procedural snafu that is not uncommon in the United States Senate.  It is not uncommon under Democratic leadership and it has not been uncommon under Republican leadership.  But --

Q    Why do you think it’s so cleaved along party lines not the way you were hoping for?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, again, what you’ve also heard me say a lot is that legislation that’s passed along strict party lines in both houses of Congress still have to be signed into law by a Democratic President.  And that generally means that in order to get anything passed and signed into law, it’s going to require bipartisan support.  And so we are -- the President is doing his part to try to facilitate that kind of bipartisanship. 

And Senator McConnell has actually spoken publicly and praised the President and the White House for our work on trade, and to try to foster a bipartisan agreement here.  Senator McConnell has lived up to his end of the bargain in that regard as well.  And it doesn’t mean we’re going to agree on everything, but it does mean where there are areas of bipartisan agreement, we need to try and seize the opportunity to make progress for the American people.  And this is one opportunity that Republicans have indicated an interest in seizing, and hopefully we’ll be able to do that once we work our way through this latest procedural snafu.

Q    So the President and the Majority Leader in the Senate both praise each other for doing a good job, and yet we’re still -- are you still staying that Republicans need to lead more than they already have in both chambers, especially the Senate?  I guess I’m trying to square your comments today and yesterday with what you’ve been saying for the last few weeks, which is trying to push some of the blame -- more of the blame on to Republican leadership in both chambers.

MR. EARNEST:  Well, I think in those instances I was talking about matters other than trade.  I think in most of those instances we were talking about funding for the Department of Homeland Security or the timely confirmation of the President’s nominee for Attorney General.

But in this instance, we have seen a willingness on the part of Leader McConnell to try to find some bipartisan common ground.  And the fact is, we have been able to find some bipartisan common ground.  That’s why we have the majorities in both -- of both Democrats and Republicans who serve in the Senate Finance Committee supporting the same piece of legislation.

And what we want to do is to try to find -- help members of the Senate try to find a credible path forward when it comes to resolving this procedural snafu and actually getting onto a robust debate on the substance.  Because we know that on the substance of the legislation there is some bipartisan support.

Q    In your response to Major earlier, you said that you didn’t have a path forward at this time, and you’re saying --

MR. EARNEST:  I think that’s what Major said.  That’s not what I said.

Q    I thought it was what you said, but maybe you can clear that up, because you’re talking about leading members of the Senate in the Democratic Party is looking at those two answers in conjunction.  It would seem like --

MR. EARNEST:  I don’t think the President of the United States is the Senate Democratic Leader; he’s not.  And I don’t think that he said that he was.

Q    No --

MR. EARNEST:  So let’s move on.  Alexis.

Q    Josh, really quick, back on trade.  In the wake of yesterday’s events, for however long TPA remains in the snafu repair shop -- (laughter) -- for the duration of time --

MR. EARNEST:  If only there were one.  (Laughter.)

Q    -- what’s the practical implication for the actually negotiation of the pact itself?  Does the President and the U.S. believe that this does have an effect on the progress of negotiating the pact itself going forward while it’s in --

MR. EARNEST:  Well, the President does believe that this -- as we’ve long said, that this kind of authority, this aggressive trade promotion authority legislation that’s moving through the Congress will give the President the authority that he needs to complete the agreement.  He also is banking on the Congress taking that vote and giving him the authority that he needs to enforce the agreement.

So we certainly are interested in seeing this legislation work its way through Congress as efficiently as possible, understanding that Congress doesn’t work as efficiently as we would like.  But we’re hopeful that it will advance, but it’s going to require the resolution of the latest procedural difficulties here.

Q    So for a brief period of time, the administration is going to continue to do its part, working with the 11 other nations to complete the pact, right?  Just plowing ahead.

MR. EARNEST:  Yes, there continues to be ongoing negotiations, and the USTR can give you an update on that.

Sarah.

Q    Josh, in light of the tragedy with Amtrak, and on Monday in Washington the entire morning commute was ruined because of problems with the D.C. metro system, related to a similar issue that caused somebody to die a few months ago; Metro-North trains in New York are a constant mess -- does the President feel that the mass transit system in the United States is safe for American commuters?

MR. EARNEST:  Sarah, I don’t want my comments to be taken in the context of the current -- of the accident that occurred overnight.  Because, again, it’s unclear exactly what contributed to that tragedy.  But I will say, as a general matter, that the President does believe that there are upgrades that are needed in our mass transit system, particularly when it comes to our rail system; that there is important progress that we can make.  These are common-sense investments that would make our system safer, but also would be good for our economy in terms of making those forms of transportation more reliable.  And in the form of creating jobs, obviously there would be good construction jobs that are associated with updating and, in some cases, expanding these mass transit systems.

So that’s why for years, literally since the President’s first days in office, his administration has been advocating for a robust investment in our transportation infrastructure.

Q    And is there anything he can do as President other than asking for more money from Congress to improve the safety of these systems?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, it is Congress that does have the power of the purse, and so for a significant investment in infrastructure we’re going to need to see congressional action.  Now, the President has put forward his own common-sense, fiscally responsible proposal for doing that -- the GROW AMERICA Act -- and we can get you some more details in terms of the impact that would have on our rail system.  But the President has put forward his own very specific plan that would be fully paid for, and it’s based on this principle that some Republicans have indicated some support for, which is closing some tax loopholes and generating some revenue that can be invested in mass transit.

But we haven't seen a lot of movement on this on Capitol Hill, but we’re going to continue to try to push it.

Q    Whose decision was it -- is it the GCC or the United States -- to expand the agenda of this summit to include conflicts in Libya, Yemen, in Syria and Iraq?  And how concerned are you that this summit may lose focus on the most important thing it was designed for, which is winning regional support for this Iran nuke deal?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, the goal of the summit all along has been deepening the security cooperation between the United States and our GCC partners, deepening and modernizing that relationship. 

And that means a variety of things.  It certainly means discussion about the military-to-military relationship and the intelligence relationship that we have with these countries, both in terms of the support the United States can offer them, but also the kind of assistance they can provide to us. 

It involves discussions about military equipment and what steps the United States can take, whether it’s providing additional equipment, engaging in training exercises, or other things that can strengthen the bonds between our security forces and the ability of our security forces to work together.

But what’s also true is that these countries have significant concerns about regional stability.  The United States continues to have concerns about regional stability in this region of the world.  And so when it comes to a discussion of our shared security interests, it makes a lot of sense that the situation in Yemen, the situation in Iraq, the situation in Syria are all subject to an intensive discussion in addition to our ongoing efforts to degrade and ultimately destroy ISIL.  So this is an important part of our relationship with them. 

Now, what’s also -- let me just finish this last part -- which is, what’s also important to regional stability is preventing Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon.  And there will a discussion about how the President believes that the best way for us to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon is through diplomacy.  And the President believes that it’s clearly in the best national security interest of the United States, but he also happens to believe that it’s in the best interest of our GCC partners, too.  And that influences his commitment to trying to reach this agreement.

Q    Following the meeting with the two Crown Princes, would you say that you and the United States and Saudi Arabia, at least you are in total agreement about the agenda of this summit?  And what could come out of it tomorrow?

MR. EARNEST:  I will say that there is strong agreement that the kinds of issues that you and I have just discussed should be at the top of the agenda when we’re talking about the security relationship between the United States and our GCC partners.

And there will be a robust discussion of these issues, I wouldn’t leave you with the impression that every single leader who will attend the summit will have exactly the same view on every single issue.  But I do think that what we’ll find is that there is broad agreement about the kinds of steps that the United States and our partners can take to preserve and strengthen our country’s national security in that region of the world.

George, I’ll give you the last one.

Q    NBC just tweeted out something quoting Senator Wyden as saying, “We’ll have an announcement in a few minutes on a path forward.” 

MR. EARNEST:  Well, how about that.  (Laughter.)

Q    Will you have an announcement in a few minutes?

MR. EARNEST:  That’ll be an announcement for the United States Senate to make, and so we’ll defer you to Senator Wyden to do that. 

Q    Anything on the Hill --

MR. EARNEST:  I know that there have been -- as I mentioned earlier, I know that there have been a lot of discussions about a variety of proposals for finding this credible path forward.  But we’ll see if what Senator Wyden has to announce fits the bill.   Hopefully it will.

Thanks, everybody.  Have a good afternoon.

END  
2:17 P.M. EDT

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by the President at National Peace Officers Memorial

U.S. Capitol

11:16 A.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you so much.  (Applause.)  Please be seated.  Thank you, Chuck, for that kind introduction, for your years of proud service, not only as a police officer but for all the advocacy that you do on behalf of law enforcement and their families.  I want to thank the entire Fraternal Order of Police and its leadership, including Jim Pasco and Linda Hennie, for everything that you do to support those who protect and serve. 

Let me also say that as we gather here today, our prayers remain with the families of our Marines and two Nepalese soldiers, now that the wreckage of their helicopter has been found in a remote part of Nepal.  They went to that remote land to help people who suffered devastating losses in a terrible earthquake.  They represent a truth that guides our work around the world -- when our friends are in need, America helps.

Sometimes those in uniform get attention only when there’s a battle.  But they do so much more than that, looking out for folks who are vulnerable or having a tough time, experienced a disaster.  And it can involve great risk, great sacrifice.  And we give thanks to all our fellow Americans, military and civilian, who reflect the very best of American leadership around the world.  The world is better for them.

We are here to honor heroes who lost their lives in the line of duty -- men and women who put themselves in the way of danger, so that the rest of us could live in safety.  They were beat cops, deputies, detectives, correctional and forest service officers, federal agents and tribal police.  But to many here today, they went by different titles:  caring husband, loving wife, my son, my daughter, Mom, Dad. 

And so, to all the families here today, whose loved one did not come home at the end of a shift, please know how deeply sorry we are for the loss that you’ve endured.  Know how deeply grateful we are for your loved one’s sacrifice.

We hold them up as heroes because that’s what they are.  It takes a special kind of courage to be a peace officer.  To be the one people turn to in their most desperate moments.  To be willing to run into a dangerous situation, when everyone else is running the other way.  Scripture tells us to love our neighbors as we love ourselves -- but only a special few take that commandment so deeply to heart that they are willing to risk their lives so that others -- often total strangers -- can know peace and security.  And that’s what peace officers do.  And today, we honor 131 who made that ultimate sacrifice. 

Officer Kevin Jordan was a member of the police department of Griffin, Georgia.  Husband to Tammy.  Father to seven children.  Army veteran.  His daughter Deborah says, “We were his platoon.”  And Kevin deployed his own training to raise his young platoon, leading them in cadences -- “How motivated are you?”  (Family responds.)  They were motivated.  (Applause.)  Highly motivated.

He drilled them with the basics -- to study hard, and to push yourself, and to take care of each other.  And everywhere he went, he made friends.  In Tammy’s words, “He never met a stranger.”  To help make ends meet, Kevin took a night shift as a security guard at a Waffle House.  And one night, some customers got rowdy, and as Kevin was placing one of the troublemakers under arrest, he was shot and killed.  He was just 43 years old. One week later, Kevin’s son, Hezekiah, graduated from Griffin High.  And there to cheer him on were over a hundred of Kevin’s fellow officers.  And today, Hezekiah is in the Army, training to be an MP -- and wants to be in law enforcement, just like his dad. 

Senior Deputy Jessica Hollis started out as an EMT in San Antonio, Texas.  She and her husband, Ricky, applied to the Austin Police Academy together, were accepted together, graduated together -- just the second married couple in Austin to do that. Jessica eventually joined the Travis County Sheriff’s Office, where she became a senior deputy and member of the prestigious dive team.  She was a fierce animal lover -- if she drove by a turtle trying to cross a road, she’d slam on the brakes and carry it gently on to the other side.  She took her son Mason on special vacations -- to the family lake house, New Orleans, on diving trips -- just the two of them. 

And last September, after heavy rains, Jessica went out to check for civilians trapped in rising water.  It was around two o’clock in the morning when she radioed for help.  Her car was being swept away by the floodwater.  Minutes later, she was missing.  Dozens of officers came out to join the search, but by the time they found her, it was too late.

More than one thousand people attended Senior Deputy Hollis’s funeral.  And there, Travis County Sheriff Greg Hamilton made sure to tell all his officers that he never had the chance to say something to Jessica -- “I love each and every one of you. And I’ll do anything for you.”

Officer Roberto Sanchez’s parents brought him to California from Mexico when he was just four years old.  It was his first trip on an airplane –- and that airplane is what brought him to America.  So he began to collect model airplanes.  He took his high school sweetheart Sonia on “plane spotting” dates, even worked as a freight carrier at Orange County’s John Wayne Airport.

But he always had one big dream -- to be a police officer.  When he joined the LAPD, friends say it was one of the happiest days of his life.  He lived within walking distance of his parents.  He volunteered at the school where his niece teaches kindergarten.  He married Sonia, his high school sweetheart.  And his partner on the force was his best friend.  So life was good. 
One night, Officer Sanchez was in pursuit of a speeding vehicle when someone intentionally crashed into his patrol car.  He was the third Los Angeles police officer killed in a crash in just two months.

Your jobs are inherently dangerous.  The reminders are too common.  Just a few days ago, two police officers were killed in the line of duty in Mississippi.  A week before that, an officer was killed in the line of duty in Queens.  A few months before that, two of his fellow officers in the NYPD were killed as well. 
We cannot erase every darkness or danger from the duty that you’ve chosen.  We can offer you the support you need to be safer.  We can make the communities you care about and protect safer, as well.  We can make sure that you have the resources you need to do your job.  We can do everything we have to do to combat the poverty that plagues too many communities in which you have to serve. 

We can work harder, as a nation, to heal the rifts that still exist in some places between law enforcement and the people you risk your lives to protect.  We owe it to all of you who wear the badge with honor.  And we owe it to your fellow officers who gave their last full measure of devotion.
Most of all, we can say thank you.  We can say we appreciate you and we’re grateful for the work that you do each and every day.  And we can thank the families who bear the burden alongside you. 

On behalf of the American people, I offer the families, friends, and fellow officers of those we’ve lost my prayers and my deepest thanks.  We could not be prouder of them, more grateful for their service.  We could not be prouder of you and all who work so hard to keep us safe.

May God bless and keep the fallen.  May He comfort the mourning.  May He protect the peacemakers.  And may He bless the United States of America.  (Applause.)

END
11:27 A.M. EDT

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Statement by the President on the Passing of B.B. King

The blues has lost its king, and America has lost a legend.  B.B. King was born a sharecropper’s son in Mississippi, came of age in Memphis, Tennessee, and became the ambassador who brought his all-American music to his country and the world.  No one worked harder than B.B.  No one inspired more up-and-coming artists.  No one did more to spread the gospel of the blues.  

Three years ago, Michelle and I hosted a blues concert at the White House.  I hadn’t expected that I’d be talked into singing a few lines of “Sweet Home Chicago” with B.B. by the end of the night, but that was the kind of effect his music had, and still does.  He gets stuck in your head, he gets you moving, he gets you doing the things you probably shouldn’t do – but will always be glad you did.  B.B. may be gone, but that thrill will be with us forever.  And there’s going to be one killer blues session in heaven tonight. 

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

FACT SHEET: The President’s Global Development Council’s Second Report

President Obama’s Global Development Policy, released in the fall of 2010, elevated development as a core pillar of American power and recognized global development as a strategic, economic, and moral imperative for the United States. Consistent with Presidential Policy Directive 6, the President signed an Executive Order in 2012 establishing the President’s Global Development Council (GDC) to inform and provide advice to the President and other senior U.S. officials on U.S. global development policies and practices, support new and existing public-private partnerships, and increase awareness and action in support of global development. Since 2010, we have sharpened the focus of our global development investments on achieving sustainable development outcomes, leveraging the private sector and nongovernmental partners, and investing in game-changing innovations. 

Today, the GDC released its second report outlining five sets of recommendations on how to further advance our new approach to development, including by: 1) further galvanizing the private sector; 2) promoting sustainable growth while building resilience to climate change; 3) driving innovation for development results; 4) increasing collaborative resource mobilization for development; and 5) further catalyzing economic opportunities for women and youth, especially in megacities.

These recommendations come at a critical juncture in the lead-up to the Third International Financing for Development Conference in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia in July and the UN Summit to Adopt the Post-2015 Development Agenda in September. These events present an historic opportunity to shape ambitious global development priorities for the next 15 years.

In implementing our new approach to development, the United States is leading by example, including through the following signature global development initiatives: 

        i.            The United States is the world’s leading donor in global health. Our global health investments are improving health outcomes through strengthened and more sustainable health systems, increased investments in maternal and child health, family planning, nutrition and infectious diseases including HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria and neglected tropical diseases. From Fiscal Year (FY) 2009 to FY 2014, the U.S. Government dedicated more than $50 billion to achieving global health goals. We have also increased our investments in game-changing innovation by promoting research and development, including both applied science as well as operation and implementation research, that address our partner countries’ health goals and objectives. 
     ii.            Through the Global Climate Change Initiative, the United States is integrating climate change considerations into our foreign assistance strategy to foster a low-carbon future and promote sustainable and resilient societies in coming decades. Based on country-owned plans, the Administration is working to make our climate financing efficient, effective, innovative, and focused on achieving measurable results and mobilizing private sector investment.
   iii.            Through Feed the Future we support partner countries in developing their agriculture sector to spur economic growth and trade, to increase income, and to reduce hunger, poverty and under-nutrition. Under this initiative we achieve impact through country-led approaches and by establishing partnerships with all stakeholders—governments, businesses, research communities, and civil society organizations. Feed the Future programs are supporting the deployment of climate-smart technologies that make farmers more resilient to climate change.
   iv.            In 2013, President Obama launched Power Africa, an innovative private sector-led initiative aimed at doubling electricity access in sub-Saharan Africa, where more than 600 million people currently lack access to electricity. We have already leveraged more than $29 billion in external commitments in support of Power Africa, including more than $20 billion in private sector commitments. For every U.S. taxpayer dollar invested, the United States has leveraged nearly three dollars in private sector commitments, and more than four dollars in total non-U.S. Government commitments.   

Additional development activities underway across the U.S. Government are also advancing each of the five goals outlined in the GDC report. The activities listed below are illustrative of the broad range of U.S. Government commitments and efforts underway.

Galvanizing the Private Sector for Development

The Obama Administration has put a premium on leveraging private sector investments to support global development. Below are examples of steps we have recently taken or intend to take to continue to leverage private sector resources:

  • In December 2014, the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), in partnership with the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation and the Nike Foundation, launched a $210 million DREAMS partnership to reduce new HIV infections in adolescent girls and young women in up to 10 Sub-Saharan African countries, and ensure that girls have an opportunity to live Determined, Resilient, Empowered, AIDS-free, Mentored and Safe lives.
  • In August 2014 the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and the Rockefeller Foundation announced a $100 million Global Resilience Partnership to help protect the lives and livelihoods of the world’s most vulnerable people, focusing on the Sahel, the Horn of Africa, and South and Southeast Asia. The Partnership seeks to use unconventional financing instruments to mobilize private capital for resilience, and to fill knowledge gaps in cross-cutting areas relevant to resilience.
  • USAID’s Development Credit Authority (DCA) has leveraged $3.7 billion in private capital for development across 74 countries since its inception in 1999, including $2 billion since 2011.
  • The New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition, an African-led effort supported by the U.S. Government through Feed the Future, has advanced partner country reforms that facilitate sound private investment, and has leveraged more than $10 billion in responsible private sector commitments in agriculture to support smallholder farmers.  
  • Since the start of the Obama Administration, the Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC) has provided over $18 billion in financial and insurance commitments to private sector investors in nearly 100 emerging market countries around the world. Over its history, for each $1 of insurance and finance commitments, OPIC has mobilized $2.46 in external capital. OPIC committed over $70 billion in insurance and finance commitments in this time period, and other partners committed $185 billion.

Promoting Sustainable Growth

This Administration has made promoting sustainable growth a critical priority, including through actions at home and abroad to combat climate change. In June 2013, President Obama outlined the Climate Action Plan to cut carbon pollution, help prepare the United States for the impacts of climate change, and continue to lead international efforts to address global climate change. U.S. Government agencies are taking steps and will take additional steps to promote more sustainable growth globally, including:In November 2014, President Obama announced his Administration’s intention to contribute $3 billion, not to exceed 30 percent of total confirmed pledges, to the Green Climate Fund (GCF) to reduce carbon pollution and strengthen resilience in developing countries. The strong U.S. pledge helped increase the number and ambition of other countries’ contributions and our leadership helped propel initial capitalization of the fund to over $10 billion, a threshold seen by stakeholders as demonstrating serious donor commitment.

  • The Department of State, OPIC, the U.S. Trade and Development Agency (USTDA), and USAID are collaborating under the U.S.-Africa Clean Energy Finance Initiative (ACEF) to catalyze private sector investment in clean energy projects in Africa by providing support for early stage project development costs.
  • All MCC investments are implemented to meet the International Finance Corporation’s Environmental and Social Performance Standards, a global benchmark for good international practice. 
  • OPIC has dramatically increased its support for renewable energy projects in developing and emerging markets, including over $5 billion of its total commitments over the last five years.
  • The U.S. Government is working with multilateral institutions such as the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), the Climate Investment Funds (CIFs) and the Global Agriculture and Food Security Program (GAFSP) to support and implement climate adaptation and mitigation activities in the agricultural sector in low-income countries. 
  • USAID and the Department of State are leading U.S. government engagement with the Tropical Forest Alliance 2020, an international public-private partnership working with over 40 companies around the world to reduce tropical deforestation caused by agricultural commodity production.

Spurring Innovation and Focus on Results

The Administration has promoted new public and private sector efforts to harness cutting-edge technologies, including to accelerate research and scale innovations in internet and communication technologies to support global development.  U.S. Government agencies have taken and will take steps to integrate a focus on innovation and results into their operations and activities, including through the following:

  • USAID’s Global Development Lab seeks to increase the application of science, technology, innovation, and partnerships to extend the Agency’s development impact in helping to end extreme poverty. The Lab does this by bringing together a diverse set of partners to discover, test, and scale innovations to solve development challenges faster and cheaper. The Lab has helped launch the Better Than Cash Alliance to accelerate the use of mobile and e-payments worldwide.
  •  In 2014 USAID partnered with the United Kingdom, Australia, Sweden and the Omidyar Network to launch the Global Innovation Fund, and we have collectively pledged $200 million over the next 5 years to invest in novel solutions to global development challenges.
  • USAID’s Evaluation Policy, launched in 2011, requires that all large and all pilot projects undergo an external evaluation.
  • MCC uses data and evidence as part of its operational model to select partner countries, make investment decisions and monitor and evaluate results, and is developing new mechanisms to link payments to development results, such as pay-for- performance, cash-on-delivery or other outcome-based payment approaches.
  • The Treasury Department is strengthening evaluation policies and practices in the multilateral development banks that will improve the collection and publication of data on evaluation to support learning.

Mobilizing Resources Collaboratively

Achieving an ambitious Post-2015 Development Agenda will require the international community to mobilize the full range of international financial flows, including public and private flows, as well as remittances, philanthropy and other sources. The United States is pursuing efforts to expand resource mobilization efforts, including:

  • Under the Partnership for Growth Initiative in the Philippines, Treasury, USAID, and MCC are investing in a range of programs to strengthen the country’s ability to raise domestic resources. These include support for improved tax administration, electronic tax payments, a data processing division, redesigning tax forms and improving audit functions.
  • To help combat cross-border corporate tax-avoidance practices globally, Treasury is actively participating in the G-20 and Organization for Economic for Economic Cooperation and Development’s joint action plan to develop better global guidelines and standards for the taxation of multinationals. 
  • The U.S. Government is working with African counterparts to develop the Partnership on Illicit Finance (PIF), an initiative to stem illicit finance activities and free up resources for development and investment.
  • To increase domestic revenue mobilization, USAID, Treasury’s Office of Technical Assistance, and MCC provide bilateral technical assistance on tax and customs policy and administration in 21 partner countries. In addition to bilateral assistance, the International Monetary Fund and multilateral development banks, supported by the United States, have for decades provided large programs of technical assistance to support domestic revenue mobilization in virtually all developing countries.
  • In the framework of the G-20, Treasury led development of a selected list of proposed concrete actions to reduce remittance transfer costs, including by improving market competitiveness, transparency, and consumer protection, an example being the U.S. proposal to accelerate progress on the G-20 Plan to Facilitate Remittance Flows.

Catalyzing Economic Opportunities for Women and Youth, with a Focus on Megacities

President Obama has made promoting gender equality and advancing the status of women and youth, including in megacities in many regions of the world, central to our national security strategy and foreign policy. From establishing the White House Council on Women and Girls, to focusing on women and girls for greater impact in our global health and food security initiatives, we are prioritizing opportunities for women and youth, including:

  • The United States is investing in the next generation of leaders, and has committed significant resources to enhance leadership skills, bolster entrepreneurship, and connect young leaders, the United States, and the American people. President Obama launched the Young African Leaders Initiative (YALI) in 2010, and announced its expansion during the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit in 2014.
  • Launched by President Obama in 2013, the Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative (YSEALI) seeks to build the leadership capabilities of youth in the region and to strengthen ties between the United States and Southeast Asia through a variety of programs and engagements, including U.S. educational and cultural exchanges, regional exchanges, and seed funding.
  • The Young Leaders of the Americas Initiative (YLAI), launched in 2015, seeks to expand opportunities for emerging entrepreneurs and civil society activists in the Western Hemisphere region.  Building on the success of the President’s young leader initiatives in sub-Saharan Africa and Southeast Asia, YLAI will incubate and accelerate the work of young business and civil society leaders from Latin America, the Caribbean, and the United States. 
  • President Obama and First Lady Michelle Obama are committed to championing our efforts to help adolescent girls around the globe attend and complete school through the Let Girls Learn initiative, which they launched in 2015. Let Girls Learn is a government-wide effort that will leverage the investments we have made and success we have achieved in global primary school, and expand them to help adolescent girls complete their education.
  • The United States is working to address barriers to women’s entrepreneurship and participation in the workplace through the Equal Futures Partnership, which seeks to break down barriers to women’s political and economic empowerment in their countries through legal, regulatory and policy reforms. U.S. commitments to the partnership have supported women entrepreneurs and civic education and leadership development for women and girls. 
  • The Administration has also launched a number of regional programs to drive reforms and investments, including the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Women and the Economy initiative, the Women’s Entrepreneurship in the Americas (WEAmericas), and the African Women’s Entrepreneurship Program (AWEP). In conjunction with these regional initiatives, we are developing Women’s Entrepreneurial Centers of Resources, Education, Access, and Training for Economic Empowerment (WECREATE). 

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by President Obama in Press Conference after GCC Summit

Aspen Cabin
Camp David

5:53 P.M. EDT
 
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Good evening.  Before I get to what we discussed here today with our Gulf partners, I want to, again, express my deepest condolences to the families of those who died in Tuesday's terrible train derailment outside of Philadelphia.  And I want to express my gratitude for the first responders who raced to save lives, and for the many passengers who, despite their own injuries, made heroic efforts to get fellow passengers to safety.
 
For a lot of people on that train, it was a routine journey -- a commute, a business trip.  For the Amtrak employees who were badly hurt, it was their office, place of doing business.  And that somehow makes it all the more tragic.
 
Until we know for certain what caused this tragedy, I just want reiterate what I have already said -- that we are a growing country, with a growing economy.  We need to invest in the infrastructure that keeps us that way -- and not just when something bad happens, like a bridge collapse or a train derailment, but all the time.  That's what great nations do.
 
So I offer my prayers for those who grieve, a speedy recovery for the many who were injured as they work to recover.  And we will cooperate, obviously, at every level of government to make sure that we get answers in terms of precisely what happened.
 
Now, to the work that brought us to Camp David.  For the past 70 years, the United States has maintained a core national security interest in the security and the stability of the Middle East generally, and the Gulf region specifically.  This is a fundamental tenet of American foreign policy, upheld by generations of American servicemembers and reaffirmed by every U.S. President -- including me.
 
Since I took office, we’ve intensified our security cooperation with our Gulf Cooperation Council partners -- Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, and Bahrain.  At a time of extraordinary challenges across the Middle East -- including conflicts that have caused untold human suffering -- the United States and our GCC partners cooperate extensively, countering terrorist groups like al Qaeda, and now ISIL; opposing the Assad regime’s war against the Syrian people; supporting the legitimate government of Yemen; and opposing Iran’s destabilizing actions across the Middle East.   
 
I invited our GCC partners here today to deepen our cooperation and to work together to resolve conflicts across the region.  I want to thank each of the leaders and delegations who attended.
 
We approached our discussions in a spirit of mutual respect. We agree that the security relationship between the United States and our GCC partners will remain a cornerstone of regional stability and our relationship is a two-way street -- we all have responsibilities.  And here at Camp David, we decided to expand our partnership in several important and concrete ways.
 
First, I am reaffirming our ironclad commitment to the security of our Gulf partners.  As we’ve declared in our joint statement, the United States is prepared to work jointly with GCC member states to deter and confront an external threat to any GCC state’s territorial integrity that is inconsistent with the U.N. Charter.  In the event of such aggression, or the threat of such aggression, the United States stands ready to work with our GCC partners to urgently determine what actions may be appropriate, using the means at our collective disposal, including the potential use of military force, for the defense of our GCC partners.  And let me underscore -- the United States keeps our commitments.
 
Second -- and to back up our words with deeds -- we will increase our already extensive security cooperation.  We’ll expand our military exercises and assistance to meet the full range of threats -- in particular, terrorism.  This means more training and cooperation between our special operations forces, sharing more information and stronger border security to prevent the flow of foreign fighters, and increased enforcement to prevent terrorist financing.  We’ll step up our efforts to counter violent extremism, including online.  And more broadly, we’ll expand our cooperation on maritime security and work to harden our partners’ critical infrastructure.
 
Third, we’ll help our Gulf partners improve their own capacity to defend themselves.  The United States will streamline and expedite the transfer of critical defense capabilities to our GCC partners.  We will work together to develop an integrated GCC defense capability against ballistic missiles, including an early warning system.  And we will work toward the development of rapid response capabilities to undertake missions such as counterterrorism and peacekeeping.
 
Fourth, we pledged to work together to try to resolve armed conflicts in the region, and we have articulated core principles to guide our efforts:  Respect for state sovereignty; recognition that these conflicts can only be resolved politically; and acknowledgment of the importance of inclusive governance and the need to respect minorities and protect human rights.
 
Therefore, with respect to Syria, we committed to continuing to strengthen the moderate opposition, to oppose all violent extremist groups, and to intensify our efforts to achieve a negotiated political transition toward an inclusive government --without Bashar Assad -- that serves all Syrians.
 
We will continue to support the Iraqi government in its efforts against ISIL, and in reforms to ensure that the rights and opportunities of all Iraqis are fully respected.
 
We welcomed the humanitarian truce in Yemen, so urgently needed aid can reach civilians, and we call on all parties in Yemen to return to political talks facilitated by the United Nations.
 
We will step up our collective efforts to help form a national unity government in Libya, and counter the growing terrorist presence there.
 
And we reiterate the urgent need for a two-state solution between Israelis and Palestinians.
 
Fifth, we spent considerable time discussing Iran.  I updated our Gulf partners on the negotiations towards a comprehensive deal to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon.  And I’m pleased that here at Camp David we agree that a comprehensive, verifiable solution that fully addresses the regional and international concerns about Iran’s nuclear program is in the security interests of the international community -- including our GCC partners.
 
Of course, whether we reach a nuclear deal or not with Iran, we’re still going to face a range of threats across the region, including its destabilizing activities, as well as the threat from terrorist groups.  So we’re going to work together to address these threats.  And much of the enhanced security cooperation that I’ve outlined will allow us to do precisely that.
But I want to be very clear.  The purpose of security cooperation is not to perpetuate any long-term confrontation with Iran or even to marginalize Iran.  None of our nations have an interest in an open-ended conflict with Iran.  We welcome an Iran that plays a responsible role in the region -- one that takes concrete, practical steps to build trust and resolve its differences with its neighbors by peaceful means, and abides by international rules and norms.
As I’ve said before, ending the tensions in the region and resolving its devastating conflicts will require a broader dialogue -- one that includes Iran and its GCC neighbors.  And so a key purpose of bolstering the capacity of our GCC partners is to ensure that our partners can deal with Iran politically, diplomatically, from a position of confidence and strength.
And finally, while this summit was focused on security cooperation, events in the Middle East since the beginning of the Arab Spring are a reminder that true and lasting security includes governance that serves all citizens and respects universal human rights.  So, in the Middle East, as we do around the world, the United States will continue to speak out on behalf of inclusive governance, representative institutions, strong civil societies and human rights, and we will work to expand the educational and economic opportunities that allow people -- especially young people -- to fulfill their potential.
So, again, I want to thank all of our GCC partners for making this summit a success.  I believe that the Camp David commitments I’ve described today can mark the beginning of a new era of cooperation between our countries -- a closer, stronger partnership that advances our mutual security for decades to come.
So, with that, I'm going to take some questions.  And I will start with Julie Pace because I promised her in the Oval Office that I'd call on her.
Q    Thank you very much.  You mentioned in your statement the broad support from the GCC for stopping Iran from getting a nuclear weapon.  Did you get any specific commitments from the Gulf leaders for the framework that you reached a few months ago, and at least a commitment to not publicly oppose a deal if you're able to reach that?
And on the Gulf’s main concern, Iran’s destabilizing activity in the region, how can you really assure them that Iran would not continue that activity if they had an influx of money from sanctions relief when they’re already accused of doing so now with a weaker economy?
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  We didn’t have a document that we presented to them to sign on the bottom line, will you approve of this nuclear framework deal, because the deal is not completed.  And in the same way that I wouldn't ask the United States Senate, or the American people to sign off on something before they’ve actually seen the details of it, and given that I'm not going to sign off on any deal until I've seen the details of it, I wouldn't expect them to either.
What I did hear from our GCC partners was their agreement that if we can get a comprehensive, verifiable deal that cuts off the pathways to a nuclear weapon, that that would be in their interests and the interests of the region, as well as the world’s community.
And so the question is then going to be, is Iran prepared to do what’s required for the international community to feel confidence that, in fact, it's not developing a nuclear weapon, and have we set up the kinds of inspection regimes that allow such confidence to be maintained, not just next year or five years from now, but out into the future?
So what we did was we had Secretary Kerry, Secretary Ernie Moniz -- who obviously was involved in the negotiations, as well -- to walk through why it was that we were confident that if the framework agreement we've arrived at were to be solidified, that, in fact, we could verify that they did not have a nuclear weapon. And that was important to them and I think gave them additional confidence.
There was a concern -- a concern that I share -- that even if we deal effectively with the nuclear issue that we will still have a problem with some of Iran’s destabilizing activities.  And a number of them did express the concern that with additional resources through the reduction in sanctions, that was it possible that Iran would siphon off a lot of these resources into more destabilizing activity.
Secretary Jack Lew was there to explain that, first of all, there would be no sanctions relief until we could confirm that Iran had actually carried out its obligations under any nuclear deal.  Secondly, we gave them our best analysis of the enormous needs that Iran has internally and the commitment that Iran has made to its people in terms of shoring up its economy and improving economic growth.
And as I pointed out, most of the destabilizing activity that Iran engages in is low-tech, low-cost activity.  And so part of my emphasis to them was that if we are focusing more effectively on the things we need to do -- to shore up defenses, improve intelligence, improve the capacity for maritime monitoring of what’s taking place in the Gulf -- if we are working in concert to address the terrorist activity and countering terrorist messages that are coming not just from state sponsors like Iran, but, more broadly, from organizations like ISIL, then we're going to be able to fortify ourselves and deal with many of these challenges much more effectively, and we can do so from a position of strength and confidence.
So it's not to deny the concerns that were there about what happens when sanctions are reduced, but it was to emphasize that what matters more is the things that we can do now to ensure that some of this destabilizing activity is no longer taking place.
And, of course, when you look at a place like Yemen, the issue there is that the state itself was crumbling, and that if we can do a better job in places like Syria, Yemen, Libya, in building up functioning political structures, then it's less likely that anybody, including Iran, can exploit some of the divisions that exist there.
Michael Viqueira.
Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  On Syria, one of the reasons we're here is because many of the nations in the region were upset that more than two years ago when Bashar al-Assad deployed chemical weapons, there was no military response as you appeared to promise, no retaliation on the part of the U.S.  Now there’s a possibility that Assad has once again used chemical weapons.  What did you tell these leaders here who were disappointed last time?  And will you use a military response if it's confirmed that he used chemical weapons again, once again deployed them?
And if I could ask you a domestic question, as well, sir.  And this one is about the environment and the drilling that's recently been approved in the Arctic.  This nation, the United States, is now a net exporter for the first time in years of fossil fuels, partly due to fracking, something that environmentalists have objected to, something that you regard as an “all of the above” energy strategy.  The oil company, Shell, has had a very mixed record of drilling in that region.  Many environmentalists look at this and say, is it really worth the risk to drill in such a delicate ecosystem.  Thank you.
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  First of all, Michael, I don't know why you're here, but the reason I’m here is not because of what happened in Syria a couple of years ago.  The reason I’m here is because we’ve got extraordinary challenges throughout the region -- not just in Syria, but in Iraq and Yemen and Libya, and obviously, the development of ISIL; and our interest in making sure that we don't have a nuclear weapon in Iran.
With respect to Syria, my commitment was to make sure that Syria was not using chemical weapons, and mobilizing the international community to assure that that would not happen.  And, in fact, we positioned ourselves to be willing to take military action.  The reason we did not was because Assad gave up his chemical weapons.  That's not speculation on our part.  That, in fact, has been confirmed by the organization internationally that is charged with eliminating chemical weapons.
And I don't think that there are a lot of folks in the region who are disappointed that Assad is no longer in possession of one of the biggest stockpiles of chemical weapons of any country on Earth.  Those have been eliminated.
It is true that we’ve seen reports about the use of chlorine in bombs that have the effect of chemical weapons.  Chlorine itself, historically, has not been listed as a chemical weapon, but when it is used in this fashion can be considered a prohibited use of that particular chemical.  And so we're working with the international community to investigate that.
And, in fact, if we have the kinds of confirmation that we need, we will, once again, work with the international community and the organization charged with monitoring compliance by the Syrian government, and we will reach out to patrons of Assad like Russia to put a stop to it.
With respect to the situation in the Arctic, I think it’s fair to say that I know a little something about the risks of offshore drilling given what happened in the Gulf very early in my presidency.  And so nobody is more mindful of the risks involved and the dangers.  That's why, despite the fact that Shell had put in an application for exploration in this region several years ago, we delayed it for a very lengthy period of time until they could provide us with the kinds of assurances that we have not seen before, taking account of the extraordinary challenges if, in fact, there was a leak that far north and in that kind of an environment, which would be much more difficult to deal with than in the Gulf.  Based on those very high standards, Shell had to go back to the drawing board, revamp its approach, and the experts at this point have concluded that they have met those standards.
But keep in mind that my approach when it comes to fracking, drilling, U.S. energy production of oil or natural gas has remained consistent throughout:  I believe that we are going to have to transition off of fossil fuels as a planet in order to prevent climate change.  I am working internationally to reduce our carbon emissions and to replace over time fossil fuels with clean energies.
Obviously, we start at home with all the work that we’ve done to, for example, double the use of clean energy.  But I think that it is important also to recognize that that is going to be a transition process.  In the meantime, we are going to continue to be using fossil fuels.  And when it can be done safely and appropriately, U.S. production of oil and natural gas is important.
I would rather us -- with all the safeguards and standards that we have -- be producing our oil and gas, rather than importing it, which is bad for our people, but is also potentially purchased from places that have much lower environmental standards than we do.
Toluse.
Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  I would like to ask you about trade.
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Yes.
Q    The Senate moved forward on a bill today to approve your trade legislation.  And it also moved forward with a proposal to punish countries like China for what they do in terms of manipulating their currency.  Could you potentially see yourself accepting Senator Schumer’s language on currency manipulation?  Or would you have to veto that?
And, secondly, could you also talk about your relationship with Senator Warren?  Do you regret the fact that things have become so personal with the back-and-forth on trade?  And then, secondly, if I could ask --
 
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Wait, that was the second question, wasn’t it?  So now, thirdly, is what you're saying.
 
Q    Yes.
 
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Okay.  (Laughter.)
 
Q    Just really quickly, you mentioned the issue of a two-state solution with Israel.  I was wondering if you would give your reaction to what the Pope is moving forward with in terms of recognizing the Palestinian state.  Do you think that's a good idea?  Do you think it’s a mistake?  And do you think it might help or hinder the two-state solution that you mentioned earlier?
 
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Okay.  Well, first of all, I want to congratulate the Senate on moving forward on providing me the authority to not only strike a smart, progressive, growth-promoting trade deal with some of the countries in the Asia Pacific region and potentially in Europe, as well, but also to give me the tools to enforce those agreements, which haven’t always happened in the past.
 
So I want to thank all the senators who voted to provide that authority -- or at least to begin the debate on moving that process forward.  Those who didn't vote for it, I want to keep on trying to make the case and provide them the information they need to feel confident that despite the fact that there have been very genuine problems with some trade deals in the past, the approach that we're taking here I think is the right one -- not just for big U.S. businesses, but also for small U.S. businesses and medium-sized U.S. businesses, and most importantly, ultimately, American workers.
 
I would not be promoting any agreement that I didn't think at the end of the day was going to be creating jobs in the United States and giving us more of an opportunity to create ladders of success, higher incomes and higher wages for the American people, because that's my primary focus.  It has been since I came into office.
 
The issue with respect to myself and Elizabeth has never been personal.  I think it’s fun for the press to see if we can poke around at it when you see two close allies who have a disagreement on a policy issue.  But there are a whole bunch of  -- some of my best friends in the Senate, as well as in the House, some of my earliest supporters who disagree with me on this.  And I understand.  Because, like me, they came up through the ranks watching plants close, jobs being shipped overseas.  Like me, they have concerns about whether labor agreements or environmental agreements with other countries are properly enforced.  Like me, they have concerns about whether, in fact, trade ends up being fair and not just free.
 
And, like me, they have a deep concern about some of the global trends that we’ve seen and trends that we’ve seen in our own country in terms of increased inequality and what appears to be the effects of automation and globalization in allowing folks at the very top to do really, really well, but creating stagnation in terms of incomes and wages for middle-class families and folks working to get their way into the middle class.
 
So these are folks whose values are completely aligned with mine.  I notice that there was sort of a progressive statement of principles about what it means to be a progressive by some of these friends of mine, and I noted that it was basically my agenda -- except for trade.  (Laughter.)  That was the one area where there was a significant difference.  And this just comes down to a policy difference and analysis in terms of what we think is best for our people, our constituents.
 
It is my firm belief that, despite the problems of previous trade deals, that we are better off writing high-standard rules with strong, enforceable provisions on things like child labor, or deforestation, or environmental degradation, or wildlife trafficking, or intellectual property -- we are better off writing those rules for what is going to be the largest, fastest-growing market in the world.  And if we don't, China will, and other countries will.  And our businesses will be disadvantaged and our workers will ultimately suffer.
 
And in terms of some of the fears of outsourcing of jobs, it is my belief, based on the analysis, that at this point, if there was a company in the United States that was looking for low-cost labor, they have no problem outsourcing it under the current regime.  And so what we do have the opportunity to do is to attract back companies to manufacture here in the United States.
 
And we're seeing some of that happen.  That's why I went out to Nike.  I understand that Nike has been manufacturing shoes with low-cost labor in many of these areas in the Asia Pacific region and that hurt the American footwear industry in terms of jobs here in the United States.  But that happened over the course of the last 30 years.  And now, for Nike to announce that because of new technologies, they're potentially bringing 10,000 jobs back here because we’ve gone up the value chain, we're manufacturing in different ways -- that's an opportunity.  But we’ve still got to be able to sell over there to take full advantage of those opportunities.
 
Which is why my argument with my progressive friends is what we really need to be focusing on to meet the same objectives -- the shared objectives -- is the kinds of other issues that we all agree on:  strong minimum wage; strong job training programs; infrastructure investments that put people back to work; stronger laws to protect collective bargaining and the capability of workers to have a voice; strong enforcement of rules around things like overtime pay; making sure that we have paid sick leave; making sure that we have a honest conversation about our budgets and that we're not slashing investments in the future simply to make sure that we're preserving loopholes for corporations that don't provide any economic benefit.
 
Those are the things that are going to help us address the very problems that they're concerned about.  Blocking a trade deal will not -- particularly since they're the first ones to acknowledge that the existing trade rules are a bad deal for U.S. workers.  If they're not working for us now, how does hanging on to what’s going on now help American workers?  It doesn't make sense.
 
I’m all for enforcement and the provisions that were signed. I have expressed concerns about how the currency language that is in the bill is drafted.  But I have to talk to Senator Schumer and Sherrod Brown and others about how we can work on language that does not end up having a blowback effect on our ability to maintain our own monetary policy.
 
I don't even remember what your other question was.  (Laughter.)
 
Q    The Vatican --
 
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Oh.  Well, rather than speak for others, I'll just reiterate what I've said previously.  I continue to believe that a two-state solution is absolutely vital for not only peace between Israelis and Palestinians, but for the long-term security of Israel as a democratic and Jewish state.
 
And I know that a government has been formed that contains some folks who don't necessarily believe in that premise.  But that continues to be my premise.  And since we're up here at Camp David, I think it's important to remind ourselves of the degree to which a very hard peace deal that required incredible vision and courage and tough choices resulted in what’s now been a lasting peace between countries that used to be sworn enemies.  And Israel is better off for it.  I think the same would be true if we get a peace deal between Israelis and Palestinians.
 
That prospect seems distant now.  But I think it's always important for us to keep in mind what’s right and what’s possible.
 
Okay.  Last question -- Scott Horsley.
 
Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  You mentioned at the outset our need for a world-class infrastructure.  We're coming up on a deadline for the Highway Trust Fund.  With gas prices where they are, why isn't this a good time to consider a hike in the federal gas tax, which might also serve some of the carbon goals you talked about?
 
And since you mentioned the overtime rules, I know it's been about 14 months since you asked the Labor Department to put those together.  They went over to OMB last week.  How soon might we see those?
 
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Soon.
 
And with respect to transportation, you're absolutely right that now is the time for us to get something done.  I'm practical, and in order for us to get a transportation bill done I've got to get cooperation from a Republican-controlled Congress.  And so I'm in discussions with the majority and minority leaders in both chambers, as well as the relevant committee chairpersons.  We want to hear their ideas.  We want to find out what’s possible.  I think that that's going to be something that we need to explore.
 
But this is not an area where either side should be looking for political points.  This did not used to be a partisan issue. Building roads, building bridges, building airports, sewer lines, dams, ports -- this is how we grow.  This is how America became an economic superpower, was investing in our people, investing in infrastructure, doing it better and faster and bigger than anybody else did.  We should be doing the same thing now.
 
The first Republican President, a proud native of my home state, named Mr. Lincoln, even in the midst of Civil War was looking at how we join the country together through our railways and our canals.  We shouldn’t be thinking smaller today.  We need to be thinking bigger in this global economy.
 
So my hope is, is that we have a chance to have a serious discussion and look at all potential revenue sources.  What is absolutely true is, is that the Highway Trust Fund has consistently gotten smaller and smaller and smaller, and inadequate for the needs.  What’s also true is patchwork approaches of three months or six months at a time don't make any sense.  We need some sort of long-term solution.
 
Nobody foresaw that we could actually get a doc fix done and actually solve the long-term problem there in terms of how we were managing Medicare payments for doctors.  Who knows?  Maybe we might see some intelligent bipartisan outbreaks over the next few months -- because I think everybody recognizes this is important.
 
Thank you very much, everybody.
 
END
6:27 P.M. EDT

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Press Briefing by Press Secretary Josh Earnest and Deputy National Security Advisor Ben Rhodes

Filing Center
Camp Round Meadow
Camp David

1:21 P.M. EDT

MR. EARNEST:  Good afternoon, everybody.  It looks like we're taking this show on the road.  Welcome to Camp David. 

Obviously, the President has completed the first working session of the summit with our GCC partners here at Camp David.  Their working lunch is ongoing right now.  They’ll have a couple of working sessions later this afternoon.  Then you’ll have an opportunity to hear from the President a couple of times this afternoon before we wrap things up.

So, in the context of this briefing, the President’s Deputy National Security Advisor Ben Rhodes participated in the working session, the first one that took place this morning, so he’s here to answer questions that you may have on the summit and other foreign policy questions you have.  I know there’s a lot of business getting done on Capitol Hill today, too, and I'm happy to take those questions.  So that's sort of the way that we'll divide it up.

So let me go to your questions.  Julie, do you want to get us started?

Q    Yes.  Well, I guess just to start, Ben, can you tell us what they discussed in the working session, presumably on Iran?

MR. RHODES:  Sure.  Well, they’ll be discussing a number of issues throughout the day, including Iran, countering violent extremism, the counter ISIL campaign, and the regional conflicts in Yemen, Syria, Libya. 

This morning focused on Iran.  And the President and his team was able to provide an update on the status of the nuclear negotiations, and we were able to have the participation of Secretary Kerry, Secretary Lew, and Secretary Moniz to review the status of both the framework that was reached in Lausanne and the ongoing negotiations towards a comprehensive deal.

Of course, in addition to discussing the nuclear negotiations, there are also discussions about concerns about Iran’s destabilizing actions across the region which touch upon the security of our GCC partners.  So there will be ongoing discussions about what are the strategies to deal with these destabilizing actions and what are the types of capabilities that are necessary for our GCC partners to provide for their security in the current regional context.

Q    Have the final decisions on some of the things you guys talked about earlier in the week -- weapon sales, joint exercises, missile coordination -- have the final decisions on those been made yet?

MR. RHODES:  I think it's fair to say that given the preparatory work, we have a fairly clear view of where we'll be headed in terms of those issues.  There will be a joint statement issued out of the summit that will detail the agreements that were reached here at Camp David.  But what’s happening today is the leaders are able to step back, have a broad, strategic discussion that touches on all these issues, make refinements as necessary to those outcomes.

And as it relates to capabilities, we're really looking at what we can do to expedite the provision of support and capacity-building to the GCC in areas like ballistic missile defense, maritime security, special operations, counterterrorism capacity, border security.  These are the types of capabilities that I think are directly relevant to the threats across the region to include not just destabilizing activities from Iran but also terrorist groups like ISIL.

Q    Ben, what is being said during these meetings to discourage these Gulf state leaders from engaging in an arms race with Iran?  I mean, I'm imagining that came up during some of these conversations.  What is the President saying to address those concerns?

MR. RHODES:  Well, Jim, first of all, the briefing on the comprehensive deal that we're pursuing with the P5+1 and Iran I think is fundamental to those questions and concerns.  And our position is very clear.  Iran has had a nuclear program that has been operating for at least two decades now.  They have been continuing those actions unconstrained and often without intrusive inspection.  And our point is, under this agreement that we're pursuing with the Iranians, that program will be rolled back and face significant limitations that it doesn’t currently face, and there will be the most intrusive inspections regime of any arms control agreement that we've ever had.  And in that context, we will be able to verify that Iran is not using its nuclear program for anything but a peaceful purpose and that they’re abiding by the limitations that are in the deal

In that context, there would be no need to see the type of regional arms race that would make an already volatile part of the world that much more unstable and unsecure.  And in fact --

Q    Is there agreement on that -- on that point?

MR. RHODES:  I think that the leaders -- I'll let them speak to it and the joint statement will speak to this -- but I think, first of all, we've never had any indication from any of these countries that they are intending to pursue the type of domestic nuclear program that would raise concerns.  We actually have peaceful nuclear cooperation with a number of these countries -- the 123 Agreement, for instance, with the United Arab Emirates.

So their concerns I think are focused on what Iran is doing across the region, and their concerns have to do with whether or not, even in the context of a nuclear deal, we are still cooperating with them to counter those destabilizing actions.  And I think we are able to provide a very clear assurance that the nuclear deal is about a specific issue, that if Iran did have a nuclear weapon, a nuclear weapon capability, its destabilizing actions would be that much more dangerous because they’d have a nuclear umbrella.  So, therefore, we're aiming to resolve that issue diplomatically, but at the same time, our concerns will be just as acute the day after an agreement about those other activities.

Q    Ben, was the President able to get any assurances from the Gulf leaders that they will back him or support the United States over an Iran agreement?

MR. RHODES:  Again, I don't want to get ahead of the final outcomes here, and, again, those types of questions will be addressed in both the joint statement and then we'll let individual countries speak for themselves. 

I think there is an appreciation for how much the nuclear deal that we're pursuing has unprecedented transparency and inspections associated with it, and has some very real, strict limitations.  I think the concerns, as I said, have more to do with Iranian activities around the region and the prospect of sanctions relief, which would have to be part of any deal in the context of what Iran is doing around the region.

And that's the purpose for the meeting -- not the only purpose, but on this discussion -- to discuss what are the types of assurances, capabilities and strategies that can deal with destabilizing actions in the region, just as we're also dealing with threats from terrorism and regional conflicts as well.

Q    What is the President’s desired outcome, though?  Would he like for them to come out and say, we're not going to oppose this?  Is that something that you need to gather more international and domestic support?

MR. RHODES:  Well, look, we have huge international support for this agreement.  These are some of our closest partners in the region, though.  We want them to understand what’s in the deal.  And because we are committed to their security, and because we cooperate on the security and stability of the region, it's important for them to have an understanding of what the nuclear deal is.  And, of course, we would welcome their determination that a nuclear deal can contribute to the security of the region.  At the same time, we need to be working together to deal with a range of other threats and challenges as well.  So the nuclear deal is a part of this, but it's only one part of a much broader conversation.

Q    Ben, can you characterize, in this conversation about the Iran deal, if the President has drawn a distinction here as to whether he sees this as transformative, or simply a transaction?  In other words, is there a gesture towards, as the President said publicly, that this could in some way open the door towards more cooperation with Iran, which allies in Arab world are very concerned about?

MR. RHODES:  So we’ve been very clear that it’s the latter. It's a transaction on the nuclear issue.  This is not a broader rapprochement between the United States and Iran on a range of issues; it is a very specific agreement that will deal with the Iranian nuclear program. 

And the relief that they’re getting from sanctions, if we are able to achieve a deal, would be the nuclear sanctions, which were put in place because of Iran’s violation of international norms with respect to its nuclear program.  At the same time, we’ve made clear that we’ll still be just as concerned about Iran’s destabilizing activities, support for terrorism and proxies across the region.  And in fact, we’ll continue to have sanctions imposed for Iranian actions and behavior in those areas as well.

So this is a nuclear deal that we’re doing on the merits of the deal itself, not as a part of a change broadly in the U.S.-Iran relationship.  If Iran, in the aftermath of a deal -- if we’re able to conclude one -- moves and evolves in a more constructive direction, that would be good for the region.  But that’s not the purpose of the deal itself.  The purpose of the deal is to address their nuclear program.

Q    Is the expectation that there would be a change in behavior, though?

MR. RHODES:   Well, what I would always say about this is we would do the deal if we’re able to get the type of deal that was in the Lausanne framework whether or not Iran changes over the next 10 or 15 years, because if Iran is just as difficult and challenging 10 or 15 years from now, we’ll want to make sure they don’t have a nuclear weapons capability. 

However, what is also clear is they are more likely to evolve in a more constructive direction in a world in which there is a deal than in a world in which there is no deal -- because, frankly, an Iran that is in resistance and opposition to the West and America and our partners in the region has been the norm in the current context.  That may continue to be the case if there’s a deal, but you may see an Iran that wants to be more integrated with the international community, wants to see a nuclear deal as a first step towards that integration.

But again, that’s not the reason for us concluding the deal.  The reason for us concluding the deal is to address the nuclear threat.  And that’s something that we’ll have to monitor in the years to come. 

Q    I just want to go back to Jim’s question if I can.  Are you looking for assurances from these leaders that they’re not going to try to match Iran’s enrichment capabilities as it is based on the agreement as it stands now?

MR. RHODES:   We would say that these countries, and every country, that -- Iran is not the model to follow in pursuing a nuclear program.  Acting outside of established international structures, covertly developing enrichment capabilities, violating a variety of different international norms, that’s not the pathway to accessing peaceful nuclear energy. 

And so, yes, we would say to these countries, we don’t want to see any type of arms race in the region.  If there is an interest in nuclear power -- which some of these countries have had -- there are established means of accessing that power.  And again, we have, for instance, a 123 Agreement with the UAE that does exactly that -- that provides them with access to energy without having a domestic infrastructure committed to enrichment. 

So, yes, I think our view is what we don’t want to see in the region, and why we’re pursuing a nuclear deal, is we don’t want to see a nuclear arms race in what is already the most volatile part of the world.  A deal with Iran contributes to that.  A deal with Iran should make these GCC partners more confident that Iran is further away from a nuclear weapon and that there are inspections that can verify that.  And in that context, they should work through the long-established means of accessing nuclear energy if that’s something that they choose to do.

Q    Thank you.  Can you just comment on sort of the -- I don’t know if “mood” is the right word, but the feeling inside the room this morning?  And if you’d like to, as part of that, address the absence in particular of the Saudi King and Bahrain’s King, which has gotten a lot of attention.  And I know you folks have said that these are the people who are used to working sort of in the trenches who know the details of this.  But how is it different?  And does it at least remove some of the prestige of what this gathering was supposed to be?

MR. RHODES:   No, I don’t think so.  I mean, this is a very unique gathering to have leaders from the six GCC countries here at Camp David at what is a truly pivotal moment in the region.  And the goal here, really, was not to just have some photo op. the goal was to set up a game plan for our security cooperation going forward at a very volatile time. 

And you’re going to see out of this very clear assurances from the United States about the nature of our security commitments to the GCC; very concrete pathways laid out in terms of developing GCC capabilities and a U.S.-GCC partnership on security issues going forward; and also, important check-in on strategies -- on issues like Yemen and Syria and counter-ISIL that are very relevant to our shared security.

In that context, as we have said, Chris, we have here very senior delegations from each country and also the people responsible for all of the different security portfolios in these countries.  With respect to Saudi Arabia, having the Crown Prince and the Deputy Crown Prince who are the individuals who have taken the lead on these strategies for Saudi Arabia in terms of security, defense, intelligence, is absolutely the appropriate representation.

And on Bahrain, this morning in the session, the Crown Prince spoke at some length.  He clearly has a critical role and voice within not just Bahrain but the GCC generally. 

So there was a good dinner last night, a good discussion to kind of set the context for the summit at the dinner last night. And the discussions, I think, are very focused on the issues -- not ceremony, but what are the practical steps that we want to take together.

Q    Were there any specific requests made for any particular weapons or missiles from these countries to improve their capacities and their abilities?  And in terms of your hope for a more integrated GCC defense system, what role do you envision for the United States to play and help these countries overcome their rivalries?

MR. RHODES:   So, first of all, there have been requests -- not just here but over the course of the last several weeks as we’ve been preparing for the summit, we’ve been having a dialogue.  And I think some of these partners of ours have indicated, look, we recognize that there are emerging threats that we have to confront. 

When you look at maritime, I think there’s a recognition among some of the GCC partners that if they're concerned about potentially dangerous maritime activity that could pose a threat to them, they're going to have to develop new capabilities.  There’s a desire in the counterterrorism context to have capabilities on things like special forces that the United States excels at.  As we’ve discussed, on ballistic missile defense, there’s a desire to better integrate the different systems of the countries. 

All of which is to say this is new terrain in many respects in that we’ve had significant defense relationships and a significant presence in the Gulf region, but it’s been generally focused on large hardware.  What we're looking at now here in cyber, maritime, CT, special operations, border security -- these are the things that matter in a region of asymmetric threats.  They're not going to necessarily be large conventional conflicts.

And so we are discussing and responding to their interests in those capabilities.  We’ll have a role to play both in expediting the provision of those types of capabilities and building their capacity, but also in carrying out joint exercises.  And I think that there will be a clear signal out of this meeting that we’ll want to continue to enhance and expand our joint exercises -- have capacity-building provided by the U.S. military that has relationships with each of the GCC partners, helping the GCC partners be more interoperable among themselves and with our military.  So there’s going to be a very extensive program coming out of this of cooperation. 

And, look, the GCC countries have occasionally had differences among themselves; they’ve occasionally had differences with us.  It’s no secret to everybody in this room.  That's the nature of international affairs.  We don't expect countries to agree on everything.  However, we do believe that, as a collective, the GCC will benefit from having the ability to cooperate and to be interoperable in dealing with threats and working with us, because there’s a baseline of shared interests that does allow us to work together even if there are going to be occasional differences.

Q    -- find ways to bring the programs -- integrate the GCC defense system?

MR. RHODES:  We’ll get into some of the more technical details later.  It differs on different areas.  There are things like ballistic missile defense that have to be worked up over some time.  There are maritime capabilities that you develop through exercises.  So I can't put a time frame on everything because each one of those has a different time frame attached to it.

What we are going to do, though, is expedite our ability to provide that type of assistance and make sure we have a team that is working on it with them.  And we can go into some of those details after the summit.

Q    One more.  Does the President see opportunity or does he see opportunity today to address the lack of political freedoms in these countries, and human rights, like he mentioned in his interview?

MR. RHODES:  So we're obviously focused here on security and both capabilities and strategies.  As a general matter, we regularly raise issues associated with human rights and inclusive governance with each of these countries.  I can't say whether or not, for sure, what will come up in the sessions that will happen this afternoon.  I can say, again, as a general matter, we believe that not just for the purposes of our values, which lead us obviously to speak out for human rights, but also for purposes of addressing a variety of challenges in the region, that it’s important to provide models that allow for inclusive political participation and also inclusive economic participation so that there are opportunities available for the people of the region.

Q    Ben, there is another incident in the Strait of Hormuz with the Iranian boats and a Singapore flagged tanker.  And I wonder if that came up at all.  That seems to be precisely what these meetings are concerned about.  And what is your message to them and do you have a comment on that?

MR. RHODES:  On the specific incident, all I can say is that no U.S. vessels or persons were involved.  And so beyond that, we’ll have to gather more information about exactly what happened. 

But you're right, Carol, this is exactly the type of challenge that many of the GCC partners are focused on.  This incident didn't come up, but maritime threats and challenges in areas like the Straits of Hormuz are one of the types of concerns that lead us to the determination that an area of focus for the GCC in capacity-building could be maritime -- should be maritime.

The U.S. is very present in terms of our naval capabilities in the region, but we also want to make sure that in addition to our capabilities, our partners are also able to deal with maritime threats.

Q    Can I just ask one other?  Do you have any updates on the report of the use chemical weapons in Syria?  Have you guys independently confirmed that yourselves?

MR. RHODES:  We have not.  We have not.

Q    Just to follow up on the maritime issue, do you believe that whatever comes out of this meeting will sort of stop Iran from being able to continue with these present actions?  Will there be a change?  It seems like they’ve been doing this for the last few months.  Do you think that the agreement will lead to a change in that?

MR. RHODES:  Look, the United States is committed to addressing concerning behavior in the maritime space.  So we, ourselves, will be focused on that challenge. 

And, yes, I think over time, as our partners in the region develop greater capacity, there will be less of an opening for dangerous or escalatory maritime events -- whether it’s emitting from Iran or from anybody else.  And you could see terrorist groups seeking to operate in what is a very busy space for the global economy in terms of tanker traffic, so we do want an outcome of this summit to be GCC partners having the capacity to provide for their own maritime defenses, and then also contributing to a more stable maritime space, along with us and other countries, in a part of the world that is not just facing internal conflicts, but also is crucial to the global economy.

Q    Can I ask about Syria?  To what extent is this sort of emerging Gulf alliance -- how much is that going to play in conversations today?  Has there been or will there be any discussion about a no-fly zone?

MR. RHODES:  Syria I think will certainly be on the agenda later today.  We believe it’s very important that both the GCC countries and the United States are on the same page in terms of our support for the opposition.  In the past, at times, you've seen divergent strategies. 

But, look, one of the things that we’ve been focused on for the last year or two has been making sure that we're coordinated with the GCC in the provision of assistance to the opposition, both in terms of lethal assistance through the train-and-equip program, but also nonlethal and political support.  So I think there will be a discussion of what is the current state of the conflict in Syria, the status of the opposition, the coordination of our work with the opposition.

And with respect to a no-fly zone, that has not been a substantial topic of discussion in the run-up to the summit itself, so I can't -- it may come up.  Some of these countries have obviously favored aggressive action against the Assad regime.  All of them are supporting our efforts, and some militarily, inside of Syria against ISIL.  But I think as a baseline, we want to make sure that in the provision of assistance to the opposition that we're working together.

And this is an area where, for instance, Mohammed bin Nayef has been a leading figure for the Saudis, even dating back to before his taking on the role of Deputy and now currently Crown Prince.

Q    And from the way you frame the agenda, it sounds like a no-fly zone is not going to be a topic with the U.S. as a priority in addressing --

MR. RHODES:  On this question -- which comes up with Turkey, frankly, more frequently than our Gulf partners even -- look, we’ve said we are open to evaluating different options inside of Syria.  But we have not seen a no-fly zone as being a viable option that can contribute to essentially changing decisively the situation on the ground given the nature of the fighting that's taking place in urban areas and across the country.

But we have had ongoing discussions, and if our partners have ideas, we always hear them out and we're always looking at what are additional steps that we could take to support a more table outcome in Syria.

Q    Thanks.  Yemen -- that will be part of the discussions I would assume.  There’s a feeling from people that we’ve talked to leading up to the summit that some of these countries -- the Saudis, in particular -- feel as though the United States encourages them to take the lead in a regional coalition, and then does some sort of backseat-driving when things don't go -- doesn't match the goals or perhaps even the methods that you’d like to see happen -- as is happening in Yemen.  Now, you've pushed them for a pause in the fighting in the air campaign there.  How much friction is there in that aspect of the relationship? 

And secondly, on the Iran sanctions, hundreds of billions of dollars presumably when the sanctions are lifted will be available to Iran to create some of the mischief and destabilizing actions that many of these nations are worried about.  How do you counter that argument?

MR. RHODES:  Well, to take your second question first, the fact of the matter is that Iran has been under these sanctions over the course of the last several years, during which time they’ve been carrying out these actions.  The sanctions have not prevented Iran from engaging in destabilizing activities across the region that are, frankly, very low cost because often they're asymmetric types of capabilities.  And what’s also clear is that Iran has been able to find the funding for both its nuclear program and for some of its activities in the region, even under this pressure of sanctions.

The fact of the matter is, yes, they will be able to access substantial amounts of revenue over the lifetime of a deal with sanctions relief.  We believe that it is far more likely that that money is going to be invested in the Iranian economy.  Given the size of the hole they're in, given the budgetary commitments that their government needs to fill, and given, frankly, President Rouhani’s linkage of sanctions relief with the improvement of the Iranian economy, we believe, again, what we would expect to see is a prioritization of Iran’s economic situation with respect to sanctions relief.

That doesn't mean that there won’t be some revenue that is used for Iran’s security purposes.  But the point that we’ve made is that the sanctions have not been a deterrent on those activities.  The sanctions have been able to pressure the Iranians to come to the table on the nuclear issue because of how their economy has suffered.  So what we need are strategies that are better able to deal with destabilizing actions in the region. Sanctions alone are not a panacea.  If they were, you wouldn’t see the destabilizing actions that are taking place in the region.

Your first question on Yemen, we have supported the Saudi-led effort.  I think, frankly, the comments from the leaders here has been complimentary in terms of the support the United States has provided, which has been essential in terms of contributing to what they’ve been aiming to do with their air campaign.

I think the two things that we also recognize are, number one, there’s a grave humanitarian situation inside of Yemen, and this pause is essential to facilitate humanitarian access and assistance reaching populations that are in very dire circumstances.  And the Saudis have stepped up in terms of providing significant amounts of humanitarian assistance in that context.  So I think we have a shared view that there needed to be a pause and a ceasefire that allows for that type of humanitarian delivery.

And secondly, I think Saudi Arabia and the other GCC countries have been clear since this began that they didn't think there was a military solution inside of Yemen.  What they want is a political process that can get underway and restore the legitimacy and stability of the Yemeni government.  And that process is going to be ongoing both with meetings in Riyadh and efforts through the U.N. going forward.

And so the U.S. I think is in a common view that there has been a challenge to the legitimate, elected government of Yemen from the Houthi rebels, that there needs to be a political solution that restores the legitimacy and stability of that government, but that there also needs to be this window for humanitarian access.

Q    Thank you.  Another aspect, as you said, Ben, of this summit is the matter of countering ISIL, countering ISIS.  Did you receive any firm commitments from the representatives of the countries that are here at the GCC as it relates to that particular issue?

MR. RHODES:  So that will be a focus this afternoon.  First of all, I’d say that these countries have contributed to the coalition, and a number of them have taken airstrikes, which is very unique.  In all the discussion about whether or not there are differences between the U.S. and some of our GCC partners, we are engaged in an unprecedented, coordinated air campaign against a terrorist organization inside of Syria. 

I think the discussions will focus on the status of that campaign.  They’ll focus on what additional capabilities our partners need in the counterterrorism space, and that could include things like special operations.  That could include things like developing better intelligence capabilities.  It will also include counter-messaging.  And a number of these countries are very committed to countering ISIL’s ideology, its presence in the online and social media space.  So I think we will be discussing both the state of the campaign, but also how can we be developing capabilities to deal with the ISIL threat in the long term.

And then, lastly, on the regional context, if we're talking about Syria and Iraq and Libya, clearly there’s an overlap with what we're trying to accomplish in ISIL.  We want to arrive at common views of the situations in those countries, and that will ultimately contribute to our effort.

Q    Has there ever been -- particularly here -- has there been an ask on the U.S.’s part in terms of getting these GCC countries to put their own troops on the ground, their own boots on the ground to fight ISIS and take the fight to them directly?

MR. RHODES:  We have not.  With respect to Iraq, that would clearly not be welcomed by the Iraqi government.  With respect to Syria, we’ve been in a phase of this campaign that has focused on degrading the ISIL safe haven from the air.  At the same time, there have been asks on the train-and-equip side, with respect to the opposition.  So in terms of a ground force, our asks have very much focused on the train-and-equip side. 

There have been asks in other areas where we're getting better cooperation, on things like stemming the flow of foreign fighters into the countries, working with us to counter financing for ISIL.  And since September, when we initiated our joint military operation and also addressed this at the U.N., we’ve seen steady improvements in those areas. 

Q    Thanks, guys.  Ben, first a philosophical question to you, and then I'll ask you about some specific comments.  Philosophically speaking, many of the GCC countries have been looking for a NATO-style defense pact, something in writing, something binding.  And I'm curious if there is a hesitation on behalf of the United States to enter into that kind of agreement. What’s behind that philosophic?

MR. RHODES:  Well, I think that, first of all, we are not initiating treaties, mutual defense treaties with our GCC partners.  The interests in that type of arrangement I will tell you has not been uniform across the GCC, but there has been some interest in it.  I think that is a very complicated piece of business.  That is the type of thing -- when you look at our NATO alliance, for instance, it is a painstaking and very extensive process to integrate into NATO.  It involves having a shared commitment to a set of capabilities, a shared commitment in terms of an alliance across a range of issues that go beyond even just hard security.

The same is true in Asia.  I think we also would say this is a very unpredictable region in which threats emanate from many different places.  What we are prepared to do is say if there is an external threat to your security we stand ready to defend you against that threat or to help you deter that threat.  The President will be speaking to this -- the joint statement will be speaking concretely to the nature of our security issues, which we've backed up in the past.  We backed it up in the Gulf war; we backed it up by having over 30,000 troops stationed in that part of the world, having the 5th Fleet there. 

But, philosophically, I think a mutual defense treaty is an entirely different type of arrangement with a country and it's one that would take far more time to develop than the lead-up to the summit, and frankly, would depend upon a meeting of the minds on a host of issues.  I think what we feel is most appropriate here is saying very clearly before the entire world that we're committed to the defense of these countries, which is the type of assurance that goes beyond arrangements that we have with many other partners in many other regions, and that that's the appropriate way of addressing the assurance issue.

Q    And the second question I have -- and I'm going to steal a line from Josh, if you’ll pardon me -- I'm not asking you to negotiate from the podium, but I do want to ask you about a comment made by Russia’s U.N. ambassador, Vitaly Churkin.  He told Bloomberg News that there would be no such provision as in an automatic snapback in place as a part of any Iran nuclear arms deal.  Your reaction to those comments?

MR. RHODES:  That's not true.  The framework that was agreed to at Lausanne is very clear in indicating that if there is a breach of the agreement we will have the capacity to snap sanctions back into place.

With respect to our own sanctions, that's very simple because the President will be providing sanctions relief through the use of waivers that are in the legislation, and if the Iranians are in violation of the agreement, we can easily turn off the provision of that relief and all the sanctions are in place because the legislation will still be intact.

With respect to the U.N. Security Council sanctions, what we're currently negotiating is, what is the mechanism to replace the existing U.N. Security Council resolutions with a new U.N. Security Council product that does obviously provide relief from nuclear-related sanctions, but that also preserves some sanctions that we believe are critically important, including in the non-nuclear space -- on issues like sensitive technologies and certain types of arms -- but also allows for there to be a mechanism to re-impose sanctions if the Iranians are in violation.

So, again, I didn’t see the specific comment from Ambassador Churkin.  There may have been more context to it.  But on the narrow question of whether or not the deal will include snapback, that has always been the basic premise of our approach to sanctions relief and that was clearly the nature of the understanding that was reached in Lausanne.

Q    Distraction, or just kind of a pain?  Or do you just kind of blow it off, a statement like that?

MR. RHODES:  Look, more interpretation has been offered about the Iran deal than just about anything that I've worked on here.  Look, we have a framework; now we're into the guts of negotiating the text.  That will be ongoing.  If we get a deal, everybody can look at it at the end of June.  If we don't get a deal, it won't be an issue.  And that's how we view it.  And again, people will -- I think different countries will emphasize different elements and deemphasize other elements.  That's natural.  But what matters is whether or not we get the deal that we need by the end of June.

Q    -- about the President and Secretary Kerry, you said today, at the Iran discussion.  What do individual members of the GCC delegation say in return?  Did any one of them say, we agree that a diplomatic approach is the best way to approach it, and if you can get a tight deal that is best for security in the region? Can you give us anything specific that any of them said in the meeting?

MR. RHODES:  I don't like to speak for other leaders.  So I wouldn't want to kind of get into what each individual said in the discussions.  What I will say is, yes, there have been indications that they understand that a verifiable diplomatic agreement as we're negotiating with Iran could address the concerns on the nuclear issue. 

To be fair, they’ve also made very clear that their concerns go much broader than the nuclear issue.  So if I were to characterize the tenor of their comments, they’re focused largely on not so much just the details of the nuclear agreement, but what does it mean for other Iranian actions; this question of what does it mean in terms of sanctions relief.  And so the discussion leads naturally to those other areas. 

So, again, I’d characterize it as there is a degree of I think reassurances as it relates to what’s in the nuclear deal.  I think the greater degree of concern is about Iran’s other activities in the region. 

Q    And did they have specific asks on that other than the sort of security kind of umbrella?  Things like counterterrorism, like cyber, like maritime?  Did they have things that they wanted the White House, the President to do countering Iran’s destabilizing actions in the regions that the U.S. isn’t already doing?

MR. RHODES:   Yes, they did, actually.  And I was struck by -- and this has been a lead-in to this process -- but I was struck by the fact that they are thinking in quite practical terms about what types of -- in addition to kind of broad assurances and cooperation, to what types of capabilities they’re focused on -- which relates to Iran, but also, frankly, relates to ISIL.  What I’d say is there’s a recognition that the threats are increasingly asymmetric in the region, whether they see that emanating from Iran’s destabilizing activities or from terrorist organizations.

And so, traditionally, for instance, there’s always a lot of focus on what airplanes we’re providing through military sales -- F-16s.  You’re not going to defeat asymmetric threats just with F-16s.  They can play a role, but you’re going to need all these other types of capabilities that we’re discussing.

And I think what’s clear is that that understanding has sunk in and the GCC countries have arrived at that on their own.  And that, I think, provides the opening for the type of cooperation we want to see coming out of the summit. 

Q    -- might be some questions about Kuwait.  And yet is this a summit to restore trust?  We’re hearing very clearly from the outside that they totally -- and I say totally -- lost trust in this administration.  Is this a summit to restore that trust? And then, what are the details?  Also, how can the President convince the skeptical countries about the Iran intentions and activities in the area?  What kind of arguments that he’s putting forward? 

MR. RHODES:   Well, on the trust issue, all we can do is be very clear about our intentions.  And people may agree or disagree with certain policies, but we want to make clear that this is where we stand, this what we’re doing, and this is why we’re doing it.  And I think being able to be candid and up front with partners like this does contribute to trust -- certainly from the perspective of seeing where the President is at on these issues and where he’s headed, and how we believe our approaches are consistent with our shared security concerns. 

So our approach on the Iran deal we fundamentally believe would contribute to regional security.  Some people may not agree with that premise, but we’re going to lay out our rationale and why the alternative of a nuclear deal that does have this type of limitation on Iran’s program and is verifiable for 25 years is preferable to the alternatives.

The second thing I’d say, though, is it's also about concrete areas of cooperation.  So it's not just words and debates about developments in the region.  It’s going to be hard to find people who agree on every development in the region in any case.  It's about how do we work together?  What are our militaries doing together?  Where are our military sales going to focus on?  What types of joint exercises are we going to do?  What is the strategy going forward in Yemen?  So we would like it to lead to a very practical cooperation with the GCC countries going forward.
Q    And then what of their capabilities?  This is the first time we heard this from Washington.  The GCC is now -- will be GCC to take over some military action --
 
MR. RHODES:   Well, what I’d say is, look, we’re committed to the region.  We have a huge security presence in the region.  I think you see a couple of things.  One is, you’ve seen the GCC take on more itself in terms of what you’re looking at in Yemen, in terms of the participation of GCC partners in the counter-ISIL campaign.  So you already see the GCC moving into operating as a coalition in certain cases.

We also fundamentally believe that if the GCC is more interoperable in terms of their military capabilities, they’ll be more effective.  One area, for instance, is ballistic missile defense, where we see different countries having individuals systems, while if you integrate that system it's a more effective system.  And the same would be true in many of these other areas. 
So we recognize that these are independent countries who are going to have, in some respects, independent -- in many respects -- independent foreign policies.  But coordination and interoperability among themselves and with us would contribute to the regional security picture. 

Q    Are the Saudis and other GCC countries, in connection with these meetings, are they expressing an interest in going forward with more peaceful domestic nuclear activity?  And is that something that has -- for instance, you’d sign off or --

MR. RHODES:   No, that issue has not come up at all.  So none of these countries have indicated to us some interest in changing their domestic nuclear energy picture, or have raised it at the summit.  So I know there’s been speculation about this, but, frankly, we have not received any signal from these countries that that’s a direction they want to move in.

With respect to Saudi Arabia and the story that you may be referencing this morning, the individual quoted in that story is not a current government official.  So in our interactions with the government, we have not had an indication that they’re moving in that direction.  And in fact, the focus is much more on the Iran deal and the specifics of that deal.

Q    Following up on the human rights question.  You said that the issue was raised, but has it ever gone beyond that?  Has it ever gone to the point of suggesting to them that certain things, certain weapons programs, et cetera, might be tied to improving and increasing democratic forms or rights for women, et cetera?

MR. RHODES:   We have not -- to be I think as specific as I can, we have not leveraged our security cooperation to try to force a change in terms of the political systems inside of these countries.  When there have been situations that concerned us, we’ve been willing to look at limiting or pausing the provision of certain assistance. 

So, for instance, in Bahrain, when we had concerns about human rights violations in the context of the protests that took place in 2011-2012, we put a hold on the provision of some of our security assistance that we believe would have potentially been utilized in those activities.  So we have sent a clear message to include withholding certain types of assistance when we see actions that we object to. 

But I think, again, applying that type of pressure, frankly, generally in these relationships, it's not clear to us that that would lead these countries to embrace different political systems.  They clearly have a different view of how to organize their society.

What we have said, repeatedly, is there are issues that we care deeply about that we’ll continue to discuss.  Whether that’s freedom to assemble, whether that’s the rights of women and minorities inside of countries, we speak up for those things everywhere and we’ll continue to do so.

Q    I was just wondering, is the U.S. government prepared to -- or going to offer all the GCC states major and non-NATO ally status?

MR. RHODES:   We’re open to discussions on that topic -- some of them have that status already, and so I think we’re open to a discussion in that area.  I think, frankly, they have been more interested in the nature of the type of public assurance that we can provide with respect to their security and the nature of the capabilities that we can help them to develop.  So that has not been the area of particular or focus for them in the run-up to the summit, but it's something we’d be open to discussing with them.

Q    Have you brought it up?  I mean, have you offered it to them today?

MR. RHODES:   It's come up in the discussions as one potential area of increased cooperation.  But, again, I think more of the focus has led to what is the nature of the public assurance that we can offer -- that we will hear today in our joint statement -- and then, what is the nature of the capabilities we can provide.  And this may be a topic that we’ll continue to explore with them going forward.

Q    You mentioned earlier that the Lausanne framework is clear when it comes to violations by Iran of the agreement.  But the White House factsheet that you released mentions -- and I forget the exact word -- I think it's “substantial violation.”  Will the deal be clear on what substantial actually means?  That’s one.  And then, two, you mentioned that the Gulf countries matching whatever Iran is allowed to retain has not come up.  What would be wrong with that?  If the deal maintains that everything Iran has is exclusively peaceful, if everything is verifiably peaceful, why can’t they match everything in the deal?

MR. RHODES:   Well, on the first question, part of what we’ll have to identify in terms of what constitutes a breach is the mechanism for determining that there’s a breach.  Under the Joint Plan of Action, which has obviously been a bit of a test in how to pursue these issues in other areas, there is a joint commission that can make those types of determinations. 

The IAEA’s views are obviously fundamentally important to that determination because, frankly, in any type of complex inspections regime, there are very minor and inadvertent violations -- like somebody could be a half an hour later to letting someone in a gate -- that you determine is not a material breach but has another explanation.  Or there is a clear violation which is the Iranians are not permitting access to a site that they need to permit access to, or they are using centrifuges in a way that was not part of the deal.  So there will be a mechanism established in the final deal to make a determination about what constitutes a violation.

I think from a practical standpoint, on your second question, it doesn't make any sense to say that, because, hypothetically, Iran has X number of centrifuges we're going to have that number of centrifuges too, just to have them.  That's not an efficient or effective way to develop a nuclear energy capacity.  So from just a practical standpoint, we don't think it makes sense.  But from a security standpoint, I think if the perception was that everybody was preparing to develop a domestic infrastructure as a hedge to be able at some point to pursue a nuclear weapon, that would not contribute to stability in the region.  So I think from a security standpoint, we think that it would likely add and contribute to tensions.

The fact is, again, there are established ways of developing nuclear energy through -- look, if any country wants to develop the access to nuclear energy through existing international agreements in line with international law, that's their right.  But the point is what Iran did is the opposite.  They went outside of those mechanisms.  They developed these capabilities covertly.  That's not the model to follow.

Q    Can you give us some sense of how the Gulf leaders took the message that President Obama gave regarding the assurances on Iran’s program?  How did they receive it?  Did they seem like they were getting those assurances?  Or do they have more questions regarding their concerns?

MR. RHODES:  I think that -- again, there was a detailed briefing that Secretary Kerry and Secretary Moniz gave their foreign ministers in Paris, and so they had a pretty good understanding coming in about the details of the nuclear deal.

However, not everybody was in that meeting in Paris -- Margaret may have been.  But we wanted to make sure that all of the leaders could hear from the President, Secretary Kerry, Jack Lew, kind of the reaffirmation of the key details.  And I think they're well received.  I think people have an appreciation that these are very specific and comprehensive inspections and transparency measures; the limitations are real.  So I think that there is a better appreciation for what’s in the deal itself.

Again, where they expressed concern is on Iran’s other behavior and whether or not the sanctions relief could contribute to Iran’s actions, as we discussed earlier.

Q    But what happens if and when the Yemen cease-fire ends? I mean, it seems at the moment to be shaky at best and any concrete plan for talks doesn't involve the Houthis.

MR. RHODES:  We would like -- what we would like to see is this window, though, provide an opportunity to initiate those political discussions and take advantage of this period of calm. So our preference is to see the humanitarian pause and cease-fire remain in place to see political discussion gain traction.

If they don't, I think we certainly understand the need for Saudi Arabia to defend its border and to work with the coalition on behalf of stability inside of Yemen.  I think we’d want to make sure that every action that's being taken keeps in mind the ultimate necessity of a political resolution rather than a military one.  Again, I think the Saudis and the other coalition members understand and appreciate that.  They don't have a desire for a protracted military conflict either.  So, again, I think the immediate aim is to test whether a political track can gain traction during this pause.

Q    You're thinking of something more than five days, then, right?  It will have to be rolled over in order for you to know whether that's going to --

MR. RHODES:  You would.  You would.  And, look, I think the determination will be made at the end of this window, but I think even now there are efforts being made by the Saudis and others to test whether a political track can take hold in this period.

Q    Are you going to take some domestic questions?

MR. EARNEST:  I’m sorry?

Q    You're not going to take any domestic questions?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, I’ve been standing up here for an hour waiting to take those.  (Laughter.) 

Q    My question is about Syrian opposition.  Did you discuss, or are you going to discuss the possibility of expanding, for example, the train-and-equip program, like providing them with some kind of weaponry request, such as anti-aircraft guns or expanding the training program?

MR. RHODES:  I think that the support to the opposition, including the train-and-equip program, will be discussed later today.  I think we’ll be discussing the nature of our strategy and our coordination mechanism.

I would anticipate -- I couldn’t say for certain, but a frequent topic of discussion is what type of training, what types of weapons will be provided.  I don't know that these leaders will get too down into the weeds of specific weapons systems, though.  So I think it will be more a strategic direction about where we want to go with the train-and-equip program; what the situation is in Syria, where, frankly, the Assad regime has suffered some losses recently; and also, frankly, what is our approach to the political negotiations with respect to a transition in Syria.

So I think it will be at that more strategic level rather than the leaders themselves adjudicating between different weapons system.

MR. EARNEST:  Thanks, everybody.

Q    Josh, can I ask one breaking news question?  Apparently, since we’ve been in this room, there was --

MR. EARNEST:  You know I have a problem when you do that, right?  (Laughter.)

Q    I know you do. 

Q    Arctic drilling.  Arctic drilling.

Q    Please.  There was a White House lockdown that was imposed and lifted since we’ve been in this room.  I don't know if you were aware of that?

MR. EARNEST:  That is a quick response, isn’t it?

Q    But it had to do reportedly with a man who was piloting a drone near the White House. 

MR. EARNEST:  So I was aware of this issue right before we walked in.  So I’d refer you to the Secret Service, and they can give you a more fulsome account of what exactly has happened and now apparently been resolved over the course of the last hour.

Q    I don’t know if it's been resolved.  It's just that the lockdown was lifted.

MR. EARNEST:  Okay.  They’ll be able to speak to it.

Q    Josh, I was just wondering -- the two times we’re going to see the President, can you differentiate what’s going to happen?

MR. EARNEST:  So the President will have an opportunity at the conclusion of the third working session to make a brief statement, standing alongside the other leaders who are participating in the discussions. 

From there, the other leaders will depart, and then the President will give a more full, formal statement in front of the cabin where they convened the meetings today.  At the conclusion of that formal statement, the President will take a couple of questions from all of you.  As if we haven’t taken enough questions already today. 

Q    And will the Gulf leaders -- will any of them take questions?

MR. EARNEST:  I don’t know what their plans are today, but you should ask the individual delegations.  It is my understanding that they are at least willing -- or planning to make public statements.  But I’d refer you to each of the delegations for the plans that they have.

Q    But not with the President?

MR. EARNEST:  No.  And that would not be part of our standard practice for them to do so.  It would be a little cumbersome to have seven world leaders standing there taking questions. 

Q    We heard that there might be one leader with the President making that statement at 4 o’clock or so.  But that’s not the case?

MR. EARNEST:  I think there’s a possibility that one of the leaders may also speak alongside the President.  I think that’s still being worked out, but that is a possibility. 

Q    That’s pool only right?

MR. EARNEST:  That is pool only.  Those will be very brief statements.  I don’t want to get your expectations too high. We’re talking just a couple of minutes while they’re all standing there.  The President will deliver a more formal, longer statement in advance of taking a couple of questions.  And that will be after the other leaders have already departed. 

Q    And that’s all going to be up there?

MR. EARNEST:  And that would all be up there.  I'm sorry?

Q    -- the President’s statement pool only?

MR. EARNEST:  No.  For the final statement where he’ll take questions, that will be open to the entire press corps that’s attending here.  I think it will be pooled for cameras, but everyone else will be invited to attend.

Q    Is the President pleased with what’s going on in the Senate now?

MR. EARNEST:  Obviously, the indications were positive and we were pleased to see that they apparently reached an agreement. But since we’ve been standing up here, I haven’t heard if they’ve actually taken that vote that was planned.

Q    He’s still going to sign it?  That’s still -- that’s what I thought he was referring to --

MR. EARNEST:  No, I think he was talking about the trade legislation.

Q    And the Iran bill, there’s an expectation that’s going to get out of the House. 

MR. EARNEST:  I don’t know what if that’s planned for today --

Q    Okay.

MR. EARNEST:  -- in a place where the Senate version is passed by the House that reflects the bipartisan compromise that was reached in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and that would be something the President would sign.

Q    -- the details coming out of there -- talking about a paper communique style?

MR. EARNEST:  We will have a written document at the conclusion of the meetings that will detail more of the commitments that were made.

Q    Separate and apart from whatever statement he makes with one more of the leaders? 

MR. EARNEST:  Correct.   Lots of information to be aware of today.

Q    And what time should we see that, the written? 

MR. EARNEST:  I would assume that would be at the conclusion of the third working session.  So probably around 4:00 p.m., but we’ll expedite that.  We’ll get that out as soon as we can.

Q    Do you expect a specific (inaudible) of the Israeli government?

MR. EARNEST:  I don’t know.  We’ll get back to you on that.

Thanks, everybody.

Q    You don’t want to stay for another hour?  (Laughter.)

MR. EARNEST:  I don’t want to stay for another hour.
 
Thank you, guys.  I appreciate it.  

END
2:25 P.M. EDT

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Annex to U.S.-Gulf Cooperation Council Camp David Joint Statement

President Obama and Heads of Delegations of  the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) member states came to Camp David to reaffirm and deepen their close partnership, make progress on a shared set of priorities, confront common threats, and work to resolve, or at a minimum de-escalate, regional crises and provide humanitarian assistance to those in need. The United States has worked with its GCC partners over six decades on matters of mutual interest, including confronting and deterring external aggression against allies and partners; ensuring the free flow of energy and commerce, and freedom of navigation in international waters; dismantling terrorist networks that threaten the safety of their people; and preventing the development or use of weapons of mass destruction. In recent years, we have made significant progress, under the framework of the U.S.-GCC Strategic Cooperation Forum, to work cooperatively on security and political issues of regional importance. Today, the United States and GCC member states recognize the need to consolidate and develop this relationship based on friendship and cooperation to more effectively address the challenges we face.

At Camp David, the leaders of the GCC states and President Obama reaffirmed the longstanding U.S.-GCC partnership and pledged to further enhance the relationship between the United States and GCC member states. This partnership is based on a shared commitment to the stability and prosperity of the region, mutual interest in confronting the threat of terrorism and other destabilizing activities, and resolving regional conflicts through political means. The leaders underscored their mutual commitment to the U.S.-GCC strategic partnership to provide for closer relations in all fields, including defense and security cooperation, and to develop collective approaches to regional issues in order to advance their shared interest in stability and prosperity.

The U.S.-GCC strategic partnership involves both enhanced cooperation between the United States and the GCC collectively and between the United States and individual GCC member states in accordance with their respective capacities and interests. It establishes a common understanding on mutual assurances and heightened cooperation, including efforts to build collective capacity to address the threats of terrorism and other regional security threats.

As part of this new partnership, the leaders of the United States and the GCC decided on the following steps to enhance their cooperation:

Security Cooperation

The U.S.-GCC security relationship remains a major pillar of our strategic partnership and a cornerstone of regional stability. Our existing cooperation, including basing, information sharing, joint military exercises, and provision of sophisticated military equipment and training are a testament to the sustained value we place on our shared security interests. The leaders decided at Camp David to enhance security cooperation in the following areas:

Security Assurances: At the core of the partnership is our shared interest in a region that is peaceful and prosperous. At Camp David, we have recommitted to the importance of this vision. President Obama affirmed that the United States shares with our GCC partners a deep interest in a region that is peaceful and prosperous, and a vital interest in supporting the political independence and territorial integrity, safe from external aggression, of our GCC partners. The United States policy to use all elements of power to secure our core interests in the Gulf region, and to deter and confront external aggression against our allies and partners, as we did in the Gulf War, is unequivocal.

The United States is prepared to work jointly with the GCC states to deter and confront an external threat to any GCC state's territorial integrity that is inconsistent with the UN Charter. In the event of such aggression or the threat of such aggression, the United States stands ready to work with our GCC partners to determine urgently what action may be appropriate, using the means at our collective disposal, including the potential use of military force, for the defense of our GCC partners.

The United States and GCC member states also decided to set up a senior working group to pursue the development of rapid response capabilities, taking into account the Arab League’s concept of a “unified Arab force,” to mount or contribute in a coordinated way to counter-terrorism, peacekeeping and stabilization operations in the region. The United States and GCC member states also affirmed their strong support for the efforts of the P5+1 to reach a deal with Iran by June 30, 2015, that would verifiably ensure that Iran does not develop a nuclear weapon, noting that such a deal would represent a significant contribution to regional security. 

As with Operation Decisive Storm, GCC states will consult with the United States when planning to take military action beyond GCC borders, in particular when U.S. assistance is requested for such action.

Ballistic missile defense: GCC member states committed to develop a region-wide ballistic missile defense capability, including through the development of a ballistic missile early warning system. The United States will help conduct a study of GCC ballistic missile defense architecture and offered technical assistance in the development of a GCC-wide Ballistic Missile Early Warning System. All participants decided to undertake a senior leader tabletop exercise to examine improved regional ballistic missile defense cooperation.

Military Exercises and Training Partnership: Building on their extensive existing program of military exercises and training activities, the United States and GCC member states decided to establish a new, recurring, large-scale exercise emphasizing interoperability against asymmetric threats, such as terrorist or cyber-attacks, or other tactics associated with hybrid warfare. The United States will also dispatch a military team to GCC capitals to discuss and decide on ways to increase the frequency of Special Operations Forces counter-terrorism cooperation and training.

Arms Transfers: In order to ensure that GCC member states are able to respond quickly to current and future threats, the United States and GCC member states will take steps necessary to ensure arms transfers are fast-tracked to GCC member states contributing to regional security. To that end, President Obama will dispatch a senior team to the region in the coming weeks to discuss specific modalities. The United States and the GCC will work together to set up a dedicated Foreign Military Sales procurement office to process GCC-wide sales, streamlining third-party transfers, and exploring ways the United States could accelerate the acquisition and fielding of key capabilities.

Maritime Security: To protect shared maritime security interests and freedom of navigation, the GCC member states decided to increase their participation in international maritime task forces on counter-terrorism and counter-piracy. They also decided to take further steps to exchange information about and, as appropriate, interdict illicit arms shipments to conflict areas. The United States committed to provide additional training and technical assistance for coastal security, protection of offshore infrastructure, and counter-smuggling.

Counter-terrorism

Building on a shared commitment to address the acute threats posed by Al-Qa’ida, ISIL/DAESH and their affiliates, the United States and GCC member states will pursue initiatives to further build their capacity to track, investigate, and prosecute those engaged in terrorist activities within their borders, as well as to contain and deter transit, financing and recruitment by violent extremists. The United States and the GCC will hold a second U.S.-GCC Strategic Cooperation Forum Working Group on Counter-terrorism and Border Security to follow up on previous efforts to cooperate on border security, countering the financing of terrorism, cybersecurity, and critical infrastructure protection. Leaders also decided to strengthen counter-terrorism cooperation in the following areas:

Foreign Terrorist Fighters: The United States and GCC member states will bolster their joint efforts to identify and share information on suspected foreign terrorist fighters (FTF). In response to the United Nations Security Council Resolution 2178 (2014), the United States and GCC member states will work together to implement traveler screening systems and enhanced biometrics collection capability, and share best practices to make it more difficult for terrorists to avoid detection at any GCC airport.

Counter-Terrorist Financing: The United States and GCC member states will increase efforts to cut off terrorist financing, including through enhanced intelligence exchange and enforcement efforts to freeze assets of individuals and entities designated under relevant UN Security Council Resolutions, especially in the region. The United States will organize a public-private sector banking dialogue in the fall of 2015 to facilitate discussions on anti-money laundering and terrorist financing.

Critical Infrastructure and Cybersecurity: The United States and GCC member states will consult on cybersecurity initiatives, share expertise and best practices on cyber policy, strategy, and incident response. The United States will provide GCC member states with additional security assistance, set up military cybersecurity exercises and national policy workshops, and improve information-sharing.

Countering Violent Extremism: Recognizing the need to counter recruitment by extremist groups  from at-risk youth and vulnerable communities, the United States and GCC member states will provide financial support for multilateral initiatives to counter violent extremism (CVE) aimed at strengthening resilience in vulnerable communities, including support for the Global Community Engagement and Resilience Fund. In addition, GCC leaders offered to host a CVE religious leaders conference aimed at boosting efforts that will expose the true nature of ISIL/DAESH and other terrorist organizations.

Counter-proliferation: The GCC member states determined to accelerate efforts against the proliferation of WMD, the means of their delivery, as well as advanced conventional weapons, by enhancing national controls on proliferation-sensitive items and technologies.

Regional Security

The United States and GCC member states reaffirmed their shared interest in de-escalating regional tensions, resolving regional armed civil conflicts, and addressing the critical humanitarian needs of populations affected by conflict. The leaders made clear their belief that the conflicts in the region, including Syria, Iraq, Yemen, and Libya, are eroding state structures, creating ungoverned spaces, and promoting sectarianism, all of which serve as fodder for terrorists and other extremist groups and directly threaten their shared security interests.

The leaders set out core principles that, in their view, must govern efforts to resolve regional armed civil conflicts in Syria, Iraq, Yemen and Libya, including:

  • the respect for state sovereignty;
  • a shared recognition that there is no military solution to the regions’ civil conflicts, and that they can only be resolved through political and peaceful means; and
  • the importance of inclusive governance; and respect for, and protection of, minorities and human rights.

The leaders also held in-depth discussions on the most pressing conflicts in the region and steps they decided should be taken to help resolve them.

Iran: The United States and GCC member states oppose and will cooperate in countering Iran’s destabilizing activities in the region and continue consultations on how to enhance the region’s security architecture. As part of this effort, the United States will work in partnership with GCC member states to build their capacity to defend themselves against external aggression, including in terms of air and missile defense, maritime and cybersecurity, as GCC member states take steps to increase the interoperability of their military forces and continue to better integrate their advanced capabilities. At the same time, the United States and GCC member states reaffirmed their willingness to develop normalized relations with Iran should it cease its destabilizing activities and their belief that such relations would contribute to regional security.

Yemen: The United States and GCC member states expressed deep concern over the situation in Yemen and its destabilizing impact on the region. Leaders emphasized the need to rapidly shift from military operations to a political process, through the Riyadh Conference under GCC auspices and UN-facilitated negotiations based on the GCC initiative, National Comprehensive Dialogue outcomes, and the Security Council’s relevant resolutions.  Taking into consideration the humanitarian needs of civilians, they welcomed the start of a five-day humanitarian pause to facilitate delivery of relief assistance to all those in need and expressed hope it would develop into a longer, more sustainable ceasefire.  They expressed their appreciation for the generous grant of $274 million provided by Saudi Arabia for the UN humanitarian response in Yemen.  Leaders emphasized the importance of working with the international community to prevent the provision of weapons to designated Yemeni parties or those acting on their behalf or at their direction in contravention of UN Security Council Resolution 2216.

The United States also reaffirmed its assurance to help GCC member states defend themselves against external threats emanating from Yemen and emphasized its particular support for Saudi Arabia’s territorial integrity. The leaders underscored that Yemen’s political transition should be in accordance with the GCC Initiative, National Dialogue outcomes and UNSC resolutions. Furthermore, leaders stressed the imperative of collective efforts to counter the shared threat from Al-Qa’ida in the Arabian Peninsula, which is exploiting the crisis.

Iraq: The United States and GCC member states reiterated their support for the Iraqi government in its efforts to degrade and defeat ISIL/DAESH.  They encouraged the Iraqi government to achieve genuine national reconciliation by urgently addressing the legitimate grievances of all components of Iraqi society through the implementation of reforms agreed upon last summer and by ensuring that all armed groups operate under the strict control of the Iraqi state.   GCC member states recommitted themselves to reestablishing a diplomatic presence in Baghdad and to working with the Iraqi government to support efforts against ISIL/DAESH, including in Anbar and other provinces.

Libya: Noting growing concern about political deadlock at a time when violent extremism is expanding, the United States and GCC member states decided to coordinate their efforts more closely on Libya’s political transition. They will press all parties to reach a political agreement based on proposals put forward by the UN and to urgently establish a national unity government before Ramadan, and stand ready to substantially increase their assistance to such a government. Leaders committed to seek to stem illicit arms flows into Libya, and called on all Libyans to focus on countering the growing terrorist presence, including that of ISIL/DAESH, instead of fighting their political rivals.

Syria: The United States and GCC member states reaffirmed the importance of a genuine, sustainable political solution as soon as possible to end the war in Syria and prevent the further suffering of its people. All affirmed that Assad had lost all legitimacy and had no role in Syria’s future. They affirmed their commitment to working towards a post-Assad government that is independent, inclusive, and protects the rights of minority groups. The United States and the GCC member states committed to increasing support to the moderate opposition. GCC member states decided to intensify efforts to combat extremist groups in Syria, notably by shutting down private financial flows or any form or assistance to ISIL/DAESH, Al Nusrah Front, and other violent extremist groups, and to intensify efforts to prevent the movement of foreign terrorist fighters in and out of Syria. They expressed their determination to work together to mobilize the international community for post-Assad reconstruction of Syria. All affirmed their commitment to continue to support Syria’s neighbors as they face the immense challenges posed by the ongoing conflict and to work together to strengthen the stability and security of these countries.

Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: The United States and GCC member states strongly affirmed the necessity of resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict on the basis of a just, lasting, comprehensive peace agreement that results in an independent and contiguous Palestinian state living side-by-side in peace and security with Israel.  To that end, the United States and GCC member states underscored the enduring importance of the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative and the urgent need for the parties to demonstrate—through policies and actions—genuine advancement of a two-state solution, and decided to remain closely engaged moving forward.  The United States and GCC member states also recommitted to continue to fulfill aggressively their pledges made for Gaza’s reconstruction, to include pledges made at the October 2014 Cairo Conference.

Lebanon: The leaders expressed their concern over the delay in electing a new president of Lebanon, called on all parties to strengthen Lebanese state institutions, and emphasized the critical importance of Lebanon’s parliament moving forward to elect a president of the Lebanese Republic in accordance with the constitution.

U.S.-GCC Strategic Cooperation Forum:

The leaders pledged to further deepen U.S.-GCC relations on these and other issues, to build an even stronger, enduring, and comprehensive strategic partnership and work together for the same, aimed at enhancing regional stability and prosperity.

To ensure continuity of those efforts, and speedy implementation of decisions expressed in the  Camp David Joint Statement of 14 May 2015, they directed their respective administrations to strengthen the framework of the U.S.-GCC Strategic Cooperation Forum, to include more frequent ministerial and technical meetings for foreign affairs, defense, security, economic and other areas relevant to the Forum’s activities.  They agreed to meet again in a similar high level format in 2016, in order to advance and build upon the US-GCC Strategic Partnership announced today.

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

U.S.- Gulf Cooperation Council Camp David Joint Statement

President Obama and Heads of Delegations of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) member states, the Secretary General of the GCC, and members the President’s Cabinet met today at Camp David to reaffirm and deepen the strong partnership and cooperation between the United States and the GCC. The leaders underscored their mutual commitment to a U.S.-GCC strategic partnership to build closer relations in all fields, including defense and security cooperation, and develop collective approaches to regional issues in order to advance their shared interest in stability and prosperity.

The United States shares with our GCC partners a deep interest in a region that is peaceful and prosperous, and a vital interest in supporting the political independence and territorial integrity, safe from external aggression, of our GCC partners. The United States policy to use all elements of power to secure our core interests in the Gulf region, and to deter and confront external aggression against our allies and partners, as we did in the Gulf War, is unequivocal.

The United States is prepared to work jointly with the GCC states to deter and confront an external threat to any GCC state's territorial integrity that is inconsistent with the UN Charter. In the event of such aggression or the threat of such aggression, the United States stands ready to work with our GCC partners to determine urgently what action may be appropriate, using the means at our collective disposal, including the potential use of military force, for the defense of our GCC partners.

As with Operation Decisive Storm, GCC states will consult with the United States when planning to take military action beyond GCC borders, in particular when U.S. assistance is requested for such action.

In this spirit, and building on the U.S.-GCC Strategic Cooperation Forum, the leaders discussed a new U.S.-GCC strategic partnership to enhance their work to improve security cooperation, especially on fast-tracking arms transfers, as well as on counter-terrorism, maritime security, cybersecurity, and ballistic missile defense. They reviewed the status of negotiations between the P5+1 and Iran, and emphasized that a comprehensive, verifiable deal that fully addresses the regional and international concerns about Iran’s nuclear program is in the security interests of GCC member states as well as the United States and the international community. The United States and GCC member states oppose and will work together to counter Iran’s destabilizing activities in the region and stressed the need for Iran to engage the region according to the principles of good neighborliness, strict non-interference in domestic affairs, and respect for territorial integrity, consistent with international law and the United Nations Charter, and for Iran to take concrete, practical steps to build trust and resolve its differences with neighbors by peaceful means.

The leaders decided to enhance their counter-terrorism cooperation on shared threats, particularly ISIL/DAESH and Al-Qa’ida, to deter and disrupt terrorist attacks with a focus on protecting critical infrastructure, strengthening border and aviation security, combating money laundering and terrorist financing, interdicting foreign fighters, and countering violent extremism in all its forms.

The leaders, furthermore, discussed how best to address regional conflicts and defuse growing tensions. In this context, the leaders discussed the most pressing conflicts in the region, including Syria, Iraq, Yemen, and Libya, and what could be done to advance their resolution. They decided on a set of common principles, including a shared recognition that there is no military solution to the regions’ armed civil conflicts, which can only be resolved through political and peaceful means; respect for all states’ sovereignty and non-interference in their internal affairs; the need for inclusive governance in conflict-ridden societies; as well as protection of all minorities and of human rights.

With regard to Yemen, both the United States and GCC member states underscored the imperative of collective efforts to counter Al-Qa’ida in the Arabian Peninsula, and emphasized the need to rapidly shift from military operations to a political process, through the Riyadh Conference under GCC auspices and UN-facilitated negotiations based on the GCC initiative, National Comprehensive Dialogue outcomes, and the Security Council’s relevant resolutions.  Taking into consideration the humanitarian needs of civilians, they welcomed the start of a five-day humanitarian pause to facilitate delivery of relief assistance to all those in need and expressed hope it would develop into a longer, more sustainable ceasefire.  They expressed their appreciation for the generous grant of $274 million provided by Saudi Arabia for the UN humanitarian response in Yemen. The United States reaffirmed its commitment, in partnership with GCC member states and other members of the international community, to seek to prevent the resupply of Houthi forces and their allies in contravention of UN Security Council Resolution 2216. 

The United States and GCC member states further affirmed their commitment to assisting the Iraqi government and the international coalition in their fight against ISIL/DAESH.  They stressed the importance of strengthening ties between GCC member states and the Iraqi government, based on the principles of good neighborliness, non-interference in internal affairs, and respect for state sovereignty. They encouraged the Iraqi government to achieve genuine national reconciliation by urgently addressing the legitimate grievances of all components of Iraqi society through the implementation of reforms agreed upon last summer and by ensuring that all armed groups operate under the strict control of the Iraqi state. 

The leaders committed to continue working towards a sustainable political resolution in Syria that ends the war and establishes an inclusive government that protects all ethnic and religious minorities, and preserves state institutions. They reaffirmed that Assad has lost all legitimacy and has no role in Syria’s future. They strongly supported increased efforts to degrade and ultimately destroy ISIL/DAESH in Syria and warned against the influence of other extremist groups, such as Al-Nusrah, that represent a danger to the Syrian people, to the region and to the international community. They expressed deep concern over the continuing deterioration of the humanitarian situation in Syria and condemned the prevention of aid distribution to the civilian population by the Assad regime or any other party.

The leaders decided to move in concert to convince all Libyan parties to accept an inclusive power-sharing agreement based on proposals put forward by the UN and to focus on countering the growing terrorist presence in the country.

The United States and GCC member states strongly affirmed the necessity of resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict on the basis of a just, lasting, comprehensive peace agreement that results in an independent and contiguous Palestinian state living side-by-side in peace and security with Israel.  To that end, the United States and GCC member states underscored the enduring importance of the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative and the urgent need for the parties to demonstrate—through policies and actions—genuine advancement of a two-state solution, and decided to remain closely engaged moving forward.  The United States and GCC member states also recommitted to continue to fulfill aggressively their pledges made for Gaza’s reconstruction, to include pledges made at the October 2014 Cairo Conference.

The leaders expressed their concern over the delay in electing a new president of Lebanon, called on all parties to strengthen Lebanese state institutions, and emphasized the critical importance of Lebanon’s parliament moving forward to elect a president of the Lebanese Republic in accordance with the constitution. The leaders also emphasized their determination to support the Government of Lebanon in its resistance to ISIL/DAESH and Al-Nusrah which threaten Lebanon’s security and stability.

The leaders pledged to further deepen U.S.-GCC relations on these and other issues in order to build an even stronger, enduring, and comprehensive strategic partnership aimed at enhancing regional stability and prosperity.  They agreed to meet again in a similar high level format in 2016, in order to advance and build upon the US-GCC Strategic Partnership announced today.