The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Statement by the President on the 50th Anniversary of the War on Poverty

As Americans, we believe that everyone who works hard deserves a chance at opportunity, and that all our citizens deserve some basic measure of security.  And so, 50 years ago, President Johnson declared a War on Poverty to help each and every American fulfill his or her basic hopes.  We created new avenues of opportunity through jobs and education, expanded access to health care for seniors, the poor, and Americans with disabilities, and helped working families make ends meet.  Without Social Security, nearly half of seniors would be living in poverty.  Today, fewer than one in seven do.  Before Medicare, only half of seniors had some form of health insurance.  Today, virtually all do.  And because we expanded pro-work and pro-family programs like the Earned Income Tax Credit, a recent study found that the poverty rate has fallen by nearly 40% since the 1960s, and kept millions from falling into poverty during the Great Recession. 

These endeavors didn’t just make us a better country.  They reaffirmed that we are a great country.  They lived up to our best hopes as a people who value the dignity and potential of every human being.  But as every American knows, our work is far from over.  In the richest nation on Earth, far too many children are still born into poverty, far too few have a fair shot to escape it, and Americans of all races and backgrounds experience wages and incomes that aren’t rising, making it harder to share in the opportunities a growing economy provides.  That does not mean, as some suggest, abandoning the War on Poverty.  In fact, if we hadn’t declared “unconditional war on poverty in America,” millions more Americans would be living in poverty today.  Instead, it means we must redouble our efforts to make sure our economy works for every working American.  It means helping our businesses create new jobs with stronger wages and benefits, expanding access to education and health care, rebuilding those communities on the outskirts of hope, and constructing new ladders of opportunity for our people to climb. 

We are a country that keeps the promises we’ve made.  And in a 21st century economy, we will make sure that as America grows stronger, this recovery leaves no one behind.  Because for all that has changed in the 50 years since President Johnson dedicated us to this economic and moral mission, one constant of our character has not: we are one nation and one people, and we rise or fall together.

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Press Briefing by Press Secretary Jay Carney, 1/7/2013

James S. Brady Press Briefing Room

12:32 P.M. EST

MR. CARNEY:  Good afternoon, everyone.  Thanks for being here.  Before I take your questions, I have a statement at the top.

For years, health care costs in America skyrocketed with brutal consequences for our country.  Escalating costs hurt our economy, eating into workers' wages and holding back hiring.  They contributed to our deficits and crowded out crucial investments like education and maintaining a world-class infrastructure.  And they've taken money directly out of consumers' pockets with Americans paying far higher health care prices than others around the world for no better outcomes.  The Affordable Care Act, for the first time in decades, has helped to stop that trend. 

New data released yesterday shows that in 2012 health care spending as a share of the economy declined, something that has happened only a handful of times over the past several decades.  And the years 2009-2012 saw the slowest growth in U.S. health care expenditures since the government started collecting this information in the 1960s.  These trends have already begun to pay dividends in the form of savings for American consumers, lower costs for businesses, and our rapidly declining deficits.

We have already seen powerful examples of these trends at work with hospitals and other providers making changes to their practices to bring down costs following the enactment of the health care law, prioritizing results over the amount of treatment a patient receives. 

As we bring millions more into the health insurance system, we will be working to make sure these encouraging trends continue to bring down health care costs for our economy, for our businesses and for consumers. 

After you absorb that, you can fire away.  Jim.

Q    Thanks, Jay.  Today's vote in the Senate advancing the jobless bill, the President called it an "important step."  But some of the Republicans who voted for it still insist that there should be some concessions, whether they're reforms to the U.S. system or ways to pay for the $6 billion-plus cost.  Yesterday, Gene Sperling, from the podium, said that that was unnecessary, but given the numbers of the vote and the necessary concessions that might be required, does the President now think that there must be some kind of pay-for, some way to accommodate those Republicans to win a vote?

MR. CARNEY:  The President believes that this is an emergency situation for 1.3 million Americans and their families.  Their benefits were cut off last week.  As Gene said yesterday, they expected a check this week and haven't gotten it, and won't unless Congress acts. 

Congress should follow the admirable lead of the Senate -- the House should -- and pass a bipartisan bill that extends emergency insurance to the unemployed for three months.  And as we said yesterday, Gene and I, once that happens -- to deal with that situation for those Americans and their families -- we and Congress can continue to talk about how to move forward beyond that three-month period.

Think about the fact that, I think Gene said yesterday, 14 out of the last 17 times we have extended emergency unemployment insurance benefits, they have been unpaid for because this extension was viewed as an emergency.  That happened under Democratic Congresses and White Houses and under Republican Congresses and White Houses.  It happened five times under the previous administration each time when the unemployment rate was lower than it is today, and each time when the long-term unemployment rate was significantly lower than it is today.  And when it happened towards the end of the previous administration, with bipartisan support, our deficits were climbing rapidly.  Under President Obama, our deficits have been cut in half; they are coming down at a rate faster than we’ve seen since World War II.

I would also point you to the fact that yesterday there was a great deal of skepticism in this room, understandably, that today’s vote would succeed.  Last month you couldn’t find a Republican lawmaker, until Senator Heller came forward, who would go on the record supporting extension of unemployment insurance benefits.

Q    But it only succeeded because some of those Republican senators believed that they could still get these --

MR. CARNEY:  And they passed a bill that extends unemployment insurance.  They voted on cloture, and six supported it, that extends -- that would extend, if passed, emergency unemployment insurance benefits for three months without a so-called pay-for.  That’s what they voted to do.  There’s been bipartisan action in the Senate.  We hope to see further bipartisan action in the Senate, and we hope the House will follow suit.

And I understand that as there often is, given Congress’s track record, that there’s skepticism and doubt about the capacity for Republicans to join Democrats, or Democrats to join Republicans to do the right thing by the American people and by the American economy.  But they can and they have.  They just did when they passed not a grand bargain, but a significant budget deal.  And they’ve done it again today in the Senate.  And we -- as the President noted earlier today, it’s not a huge amount or a huge accomplishment, but it’s reason to hope.  And I think the American people are looking to Washington in this New Year to shed its habit of inaction and obstruction, and instead to embrace common-sense solutions that help the economy, help the middle class, continue this recovery.  And that’s what this would do.

Q    So would you at this point be willing to issue a veto threat to anything that contains --

MR. CARNEY:  Here’s what I won’t do, is speculate about things that don’t exist, because yesterday the informed conventional wisdom said that this would not happen today, and it happened.  Yesterday, I think there were two Republicans on the record who said they would support -- they would vote “yes” today.  I think we ended up with six.  Again, six weeks ago, five weeks ago there wasn’t -- when the President was saying several times a week that we needed to do this and insisted on this, I think most of you were noting to us that there wasn’t any Republican support.  So we don’t share the conviction that this can’t happen.  We share the profound belief that it ought to and it will. 

So we're going to press forward with this.  We commend the Senate on the action it took today.  And we need to get these benefits in the hands of the American people because, as the President said, this isn't just about helping these Americans, these 1.3 Americans and their families.  This is, as independent economists have said again and again and again, a boon for the economy.  This is a direct infusion.  I mean, when you talk about bang for your buck, this is a direct infusion into the economy, and helps -- economic growth helps job creation, not just helps these individuals as they look for work, but has a broader macro effect.  And the failure to extend them has the commensurate negative impact on the economy and job creation.

And that’s, if you can dispassionately look at it only from a macro level as opposed to imagining what life is like in those households where a parent has been looking for work and has been relying to put food on the table on this assistance.  There's a long tradition, bipartisan tradition throughout many, many years and many administrations and Congresses of extending these benefits when economic conditions demand that we do it.  And we should do it again. 

Q    Quick question on immigration.  Some Democrats even in the House are suggesting that one way to get this overhaul through the House would be to focus on giving immigrants who are here illegally legal status, and not go to the next step which is providing a path to citizenship, and deal with that perhaps later.  Is that a step that the President would support?  Would that be considered?

MR. CARNEY:  The President's views have been clear, and they have not changed.  This is a comprehensive problem that needs a comprehensive solution.  The only way to advance this is to advance it all, and that includes enhanced border security; it includes measures to hold businesses accountable so that everybody plays by the same set of rules; it includes measures to deal with and provide a path to citizenship to the 11 million undocumented people here; and it includes the measures we need to take to enhance our legal immigration system so that those who come here to get educated stay here to create businesses.

So how the House gets there is obviously up to the House and House leadership.  But in the end, we need comprehensive immigration reform.  The President put forward principles; he did not expect to get everything that he wanted in terms of the line-by-line bill as he would write it, but what the Senate passed in a bipartisan way adheres to those principles.  And that reflects this broad bipartisan consensus across the country.  This is a remarkable thing.  You know -- you've covered Washington for some time.  You don’t get issues as significant as this very often where this is this kind of coalition of Republicans and Democrats, of business and labor, evangelicals. 

This is an opportunity that should be seized, and if it is seized, will do great benefit -- bring great benefit to our economy and our businesses, which is, again, the focus of the President and of so many members of both parties here in Washington.

Jeff.

Q    Jay, on a completely different subject.

MR. CARNEY:  Okay.

Q    What does the President think about Dennis Rodman's trip to North Korea? 

MR. CARNEY:  I have not discussed that with him, but I can tell you a couple of things. 

Mr. Rodman is on a private trip.  And our views about North Korea and its failure to meet its obligations have not changed.  And our views about Kenneth Bae have not changed.  So I heard about -- I did not see -- some of the comments that Mr. Rodman made, but I'm not going to dignify that outburst with a response.  I'm simply going to say that we remain gravely concerned about Kenneth Bae's health and continue to urge DPRK authorities to grant his amnesty and immediate release on humanitarian grounds.

Q    Was there any effort by the White House or the State Department to discourage Rodman from doing this trip?

MR. CARNEY:  This is travel that's private by nature, and we do not vet private travel to North Korea.  We have not been contacted by Mr. Rodman about this trip or his prior trip, and we do not -- the U.S. government does not vet U.S. citizens’ private travel to North Korea.

Q    Is there any good that can come from something like this?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, look, sports exchanges can be valuable.  Sports diplomacy can be valuable.  And it's something that we pursue in many places around the world, including through direct support.  But this is a private trip.  And our focus, when it comes to North Korea, is on sharpening the choice that that regime faces between further isolation, further economic deprivation because of its insistence upon using its resources to fund its military program and fund its nuclear ambitions, or a decision to come in line with its international obligations and taking advantage of the opportunity to rejoin the community of nations, to ease that and potentially end that isolation.  That's the very clear choice that the DPRK faces.

Q    And just one other topic as well.  Senator Murkowski today gave a speech calling for changing U.S. laws about the exportation of crude oil, which is a big issue for lots of people in the energy industry, as the U.S. energy situation changes.  What is the White House's thinking about that?

MR. CARNEY:  I didn't get a chance to review those.  I saw that there was a story about that, but I don't have anything for you on that.  You might try the Department of Energy.

Let me move up and back.  Chris.

Q    Thanks, Jay.  Yesterday, the Supreme Court issued a stay on same-sex marriages in Utah.  As the litigation that brought them there proceeds through the courts, did the President express any disappointment with that decision?

MR. CARNEY:  We have no comment on the specifics of this case, because the United States government is not a party to this litigation.  But speaking broadly, as you know, the President's views on marriage equality are well established.  He believes that loving, committed gay and lesbian couples that want to get married and have access to the full benefits, protections and obligations that marriage brings should be able to do so. 

He has also long opposed divisive and discriminatory efforts to deny rights and benefits to same-sex couples.  And he believes strongly that protections should not be taken away from committed gay and lesbian couples who want to take care of their families.  So, again, I can't -- we're not party to this case.  For the sort of questions of legal nature about it, you might try the Department of Justice.  But on the broader issues here, the President has been very clear.

Q    The thing I want to ask you, though, is that there is a question about whether the federal government will recognize the marriages that were already performed in that state as legally valid.  Are there any conversations taking place between the White House and DOJ about that?

MR. CARNEY:  I would refer you to the Department of Justice.  I'm not -- again, this is a matter that's in litigation now.  We're not a party to the litigation.  The views of the President are well known.  And when it comes to questions like that, I think the Justice Department is the best place to ask them. 

Jon.

Q    The Speaker of the House says that a month ago he told the President that any extension of unemployment benefits would have to be paid for and have to include measures to help people get back to work.  That was a month ago.  That was before this emergency situation where they have expired.  Did the President in any way act on that or initiate any discussions about coming up with a plan that would be acceptable to House Republicans?

MR. CARNEY:  I thank you for the question, Jon.  As a rule, we don't read out conversations between congressional leaders, the Speaker and the Chief of Staff, which is the case here.  So I'm not going to get into greater detail about that.  I can tell you that our view is clear, as I just expressed, which is that there is a bipartisan bill that has cleared a significant hurdle in the Senate that extends these benefits, these emergency benefits, for three months to make these families, these Americans, these 1.3 million Americans and their families whole as they look for work.  And we are absolutely of the mind that the House ought to follow suit.  They ought to take care of this.  And we can then continue to have conversations about how we move forward beyond the three months, which is what we've been saying for quite some time and what we said yesterday, again, when I think the consensus view was that this vote would fail this morning. 

So we believe there's some momentum here and that there ought to be a willingness, a bipartisan willingness by members of both parties in both houses to do what they've done before when the unemployment rate was lower and when the long-term unemployment rate was significantly lower.  It can't have been the right thing then and the wrong thing now.  And if the argument is solely a matter of fiscal probity, why was, when deficits were climbing in 2008 exponentially, it was the right thing then, but in a period of steep decline in our deficits it's the wrong thing now.

So the premise is flawed.  But the fact is the Senate took an important step with bipartisan support today and we believe that the House ought to follow suit.

Q    But, Jay, as you know, it passed today with the votes of Republicans who said that they would only support final passage if it is paid for.  So the question is -- it's really a direct one here -- is are you -- is the White House opposed to paying for the extension of these unemployment benefits with cuts to other programs?

MR. CARNEY:  The White House believes that we ought to do this the way we've done it 14 out of the last 17 times. 

Q    So the answer is, yes, then you're opposed to doing it in a way that is paid for with cuts --

MR. CARNEY:  Yes.  We believe that Congress ought to act on this short-term extension of these emergency benefits right away so that those benefits begin flowing again to these families who, by the way, in addition to the other hardships they face in many parts of the country, are contemplating how they pay their heating bills.  Louisville, Kentucky, before I walked out here today, was seven degrees Fahrenheit -- seven degrees.  That’s what it was here this morning.  If you didn’t get a check this week, or you know you're not getting one this week, and you know you've got a heating bill coming, you might be wondering how you're going to pay it. 

Q    So there's no negotiating with the Republicans on this point?

MR. CARNEY:  Let me just -- all I would tell you is that yesterday the same questions were asked on the premise that this would fail in the Senate.  It has not failed; in fact, it picked up Republican support.  So we are absolutely unwilling to concede that there is not support for doing what Congress has done in the past. 

Yes.

Q    You talk about what the House should do, so is there some reason to doubt that it will do it?

MR. CARNEY:  It wouldn’t be interesting if that weren't the case, Bill.

Q    Why not admit that if you really want this to happen, you're willing to talk to them about alternative plans?

MR. CARNEY:  Bill, I can only repeat what I've said in the past -- in the very recent past -- which is that Congress has done this before many, many times.  The previous President, a Republican, signed it into law, unpaid for many times, bills that had bipartisan support, bills that were passed by Congress when the unemployment rate was lower and when the long-term unemployment rate was significantly lower.

So again, the question you ought to be asking is why was it the right thing to do --

Q    Will you let it fail?

MR. CARNEY:  But, Bill, that premise is the same you would have asked yesterday on the supposition that it was going to fail today, and instead, it picked up votes.  And what we have seen steadily since December, and what we saw this weekend on the Sunday shows, and what we saw yesterday and what we saw today is that more and more Republicans are supporting, publicly, the idea that we need to do this in the way that we've done it before, which is to set aside ideology and recognize that this is the right thing to do for these families and the right thing to do for our economy.  It's not that complicated.  So hopefully that’s what will happen. 

Q    If it doesn’t?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, that’s the same question you could have asked yesterday -- "Jay, it's not going to pass tomorrow so what do you do then?"  So you're suggesting something with certitude that you can't possibly know.  And, in fact, I think recent history suggests --

Q    And so are you. 

MR. CARNEY:  I would say that we have the momentum when it comes to the building consensus that this is something that ought to be done. 

Q    One more thing.  On the health care costs, declining health care costs, aren't you giving the ACA more credit than it’s due?  Health care costs have been declining between 2009 and 2012, at a time when all consumer spending has declined.  So by piggybacking the ACA onto it, aren't you giving it more credit than it deserves?

MR. CARNEY:  What I can tell you is that you can disagree about the scale of impact of the ACA on the continued slowdown in health care costs, but according to a range of experts from the Congressional Budget Office to leading health economists, the slowdown does go beyond the recession.  I would remind you that we are now obviously in 2014, and the recession, as a technical matter, is something that ended sometime ago.  The economy has been growing and creating jobs.

I would also remind you that a number of skeptics, including the aforementioned Speaker of the House, said in August of 2010, "Health care costs will skyrocket next year thanks to Obamacare."  I think he missed on that prediction.  Paul Ryan:  "Unless repealed, this law will exacerbate the spiraling cost of health care."  That was in January of 2011.  The opposite happened.  The opposite happened. 

And it reminds me -- Bill, it's good to do this because you covered it, too -- remember 1993, the Clinton budget?  Remember?  And some of these members are still in the House and the Senate -- profoundly confident predictions that if this budget were to pass, we would -- the country would go into recession, job growth would be decimated, terrible things would happen, and instead, we saw the longest sustained period of economic growth and job creation in half a century.

So I think we're a little bit better about the prediction business.

Ed.

Q    Jay, there have been some reports in talking about the economy that the President may have some new proposals this week, specifically the Promise Zones that have been talked about before.  Whether you call it -- or confirm it now, the idea that he has some tax incentives and some other things to help areas of the country that have been historically dealing with poverty, will he have something to say this week on that, and on the anniversary of the War on Poverty?

MR. CARNEY:  I don’t have any scheduling announcements to make.  I think the program that you cited has been discussed in the past.  It's something that we think is a significant help economically, and it's something this President supports.  But I don’t have any scheduling announcements with regards to the President or previews of policy proposals he may make or remake. 

Q    When the President today in talking about the unemployment benefit issue acknowledged, as Gene Sperling did yesterday at the podium, that long-term unemployment is still a big problem in this country, since he's now been in office for five years, will he acknowledge that some of that is his responsibility?  It's not just policies from the Bush administration, but he's now had five years.  Does he bear some responsibility for long-term unemployment?

MR. CARNEY:  The President believes that everyone who is sent to Washington by their representatives bears responsibility for taking action to help the economy and help the American people.  And that’s why economic growth, job creation, middle-class security have been the cornerstones of his domestic policy since the day he was sworn into office.

The problem that we've seen with both the reduction in mobility, economic mobility has been one that’s been obviously developing for a number of years and decades.  When it comes to -- and he talked about that in his speech here in Washington at the Center for American Progress, so the event sponsored by CAP.  And when it comes to long-term unemployment, this is obviously a situation that has been developing for some time, and it was gravely exacerbated by the worst recession since the Great Depression. 

And the fact that it is a continuing problem and a problem that calls out for creative solutions only reinforces what the President has said about the need to take action, and the need to do things legislatively and through other means that help Americans out there who have been looking for work for too long.  And you've heard the President talk about it a lot because it's very much on his mind.

Q    When you talk about the millions of jobs that have been created and some of the recovery that we've seen under the President you certainly take credit for that, that his policies have worked in some ways.  Will you also take responsibility that when you have a record number of people on food stamps; when you've got, as he says and Gene Sperling said yesterday, this long-term unemployment problem, some of his policies have not worked. 

MR. CARNEY:  Well, I'm not sure that’s what he said.  He said that long-term unemployment continues to be a persistent problem that we need to address.  And we look forward to collaboration and cooperation from Congress on measures that will help the long-term unemployed, that will help other unemployed Americans strengthen the middle class, help our economy grow.  And the President has put forward a host of proposals that are of the nature that have traditionally enjoyed bipartisan support, including his proposal to combine a simplification and reduction in the corporate tax rate as part of a package of investments that would help build our infrastructure and put people back to work.

So this President is very eager to have conversations with members of Congress about what we can do to further the economic expansion, further the job creation that we've seen.  Because there's no question -- given that we started this enterprise here, the President did, when we were hemorrhaging jobs at 800,000 per month, and that job loss was sustained and dramatic -- the work is not yet finished, not even close to finished, which is why it's the President's primary preoccupation. 

Tamara.  Welcome.

Q    Thank you.  So it's not entirely unprecedented, though, to pay for unemployment extension.  You said 14 out of 17, so that leaves three; I think at least one of those times was under this presidency when the unemployment rate was higher.  So does this -- it seems like both sides have something to say here, and that -- is there a way out?

MR. CARNEY:  We'll take the 14 out of 17 as opposed to the 3 out of 17 in terms of the preponderance of evidence.  But I would simply argue that you have a situation where last week 1.3 million Americans and their families were cut off.  You have areas of the country where the unemployment rate is significantly higher than the national rate of 7 percent.  You have families who, in many cases, are in very desperate circumstances in terms of the prospect of trying to do without that assistance as the individuals or the primary breadwinner in the family searches for work.  And remember, as Gene said yesterday, this assistance comes with the requirement that you're looking for work. 

So we're talking about a proposal that extends these benefits for three months -- not a year -- three months.  And Congress ought to do what it has done the disproportionate percentage of the time in the past, including under Republican Congresses and Republican Presidents, and extend these benefits so that these families can live without some of the fear that they face during a time of economic hardship and thereby create the time here in Washington for further discussions about how to move forward beyond the three months. 

It doesn't seem, given the bipartisan nature of these kinds of efforts in the past, given the pro-growth nature of the extension of these kinds of benefits and pro-job creation nature of it, it doesn't seem like it should be a huge ideological disagreement.  In fact, what we've seen over the past several days is that it's not. 

And when you hear what Senator Heller says and what other Republicans have said, including some Republicans not in Congress but in the think-tank world, there is a positive economic reason to do this.  There is obviously the moral reason to do this, because we should be helping these Americans as they search for work.  And that has held true in the past and it ought to hold true now.  And we take great heart in the fact that what was largely silence from one side of the aisle in December on this issue has steadily grown when it comes to support for moving forward on this. 

So what we think is that the House ought to do what -- follow the Senate's lead.  The Senate ought to finish the work of passing this.  The House ought to pass it.  And then we can move forward with discussions about how to move beyond the three-month period that this extension would cover.

Q    So is the hope that the Speaker just doesn't really mean what he has been saying for a month?

MR. CARNEY:  Again, I would simply say that, in the past, including under President George W. Bush, these benefits have been extended more often than not, considerably more often than not without pay-fors because of the emergency nature of the assistance and the economic benefit of the assistance at a macro level.  And what the bipartisan bill that has been moving through the Senate represents is a compromise, a three-month extension, not a year.  And if Congress acts on that, as it should right away, then we can continue discussions about how to move forward.  That's the economically sensible thing to do.  It's the centrist thing to do.  It's certainly -- extending these benefits is not a disservice to the families who are counting on them and to the individuals who are looking for work.  So we remain hopeful that Congress will take action.

Q    Can you say which lawmakers the President talked to last night lobbying for this bill?

MR. CARNEY:  I can only tell you that the President has been in contact with lawmakers on this issue, but I'm not going to itemize a list.

Q    And can I just jump back to the Murkowski question earlier?  One of the things she asked for specifically was to lift the ban on crude oil exports.  It's not necessarily a new issue.  Is the President --

MR. CARNEY:  I certainly don't believe our position on this has changed, but I saw the headline.  I just don't have anything more on it for you.  Energy might have something for you.  But I just, before I came out here, didn't look into it.

Peter. 

Q    Jay, the House has passed dozens of bills to create jobs and for skills training for the long-term unemployed, including the SKILLS Act dating back to I think March of last year.  They are held up in the Senate right now.  What's wrong with those bills presently out there, pushed by House Republicans admittedly, that the President wouldn't be supporting them as a means to try to help accommodate these people?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, you would have to be more specific than those bills.

Q    The SKILLS Act, specifically.

MR. CARNEY:  I think a number of these bills have been scored as terms of their job creation and their cost.  Obviously, what needs to happen is for a bill to move through both houses of Congress in a bipartisan way.  I understand in the House -- I understand in the House you can pass something with purely Republican support and check it off your list as having done something.  But in the Senate, because of the circumstances there and the rules there, you need what we saw today, which was bipartisan action.  And the President has put forward a series of proposals that represent what has traditionally been a bipartisan approach to job creation and economic investment and development.

Building our infrastructure is hardly a pursuit that Democrats have engaged in alone over the years.  And making a more competitive and more fair corporate tax code is not something you'd normally associate with Democrats alone.  So this is just one idea that we've put forward and Gene repeated again over the weekend and this week that we ought to be able to move on, like, comprehensive immigration reform.  This is not some ideological pursuit.  It has the support of evangelicals.  It has the support of big business and small business.  It has the support of labor.  It has the support of Republicans across the country.  It has the support of Republicans on Capitol Hill.  So let's do it.

Q    So why won't this hold the same fate as immigration reform, given the intransigence?

MR. CARNEY:  We believe immigration reform is going to pass.  It's going to pass.  And it's up to the House to decide when, but it's going to happen.

Q    Just for better understanding, Katherine Hackett was the woman who spoke before the President today, and there was a group of those who have been impacted by the cessation of their long-term unemployment benefits.  Who pays in situations like that for those individuals to come to the White House, just curious?

MR. CARNEY:  I'll have to get that.  I don't have any background on the individuals.

Q    Then, if I can, specific to the weather that you addressed earlier today -- in Louisville, seven degrees here, a record cold, the coldest in two decades in large parts of America.  Can you give us a sense, given the breadth of this as a real issue, what the President has been doing or what contacts he has had today in terms of emergency management?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, the President is certainly aware of the dramatic weather that parts of the country have been experiencing.  And there have been no requests thus far for federal assistance.  But FEMA is monitoring the weather and in contact with state, local and tribal partners through its regional offices.  We urge residents to be safe and to follow directions from local officials.  If local officials say stay off the roads, avoid travel unless it’s an emergency.  Depending on the state, depending on the region, local officials have the best insight when it comes to what’s the right thing and the safe thing to do.

We are confident that the team at FEMA is monitoring this closely and if there is an issue that requires federal assistance, they’ll be on top of it.

Q    After 43 years, the activists behind the theft of an FBI office that exposed domestic spying have now come forward, and the FBI spokesperson told NBC News that a number of events during that era, including that burglary, contributed to changes in how the FBI identified and addressed domestic security threats, leading to reforms of the FBI’s intelligence policies and practices.  Do you see any relationship between what happened then and the situation with Edward Snowden now, that the two somehow correlate and the impact is the same, that he should somehow be treated the same way those individuals were?

MR. CARNEY:  Our view of Mr. Snowden has not changed.  He’s been charged with felonies for the illegal leaking of classified information.  And our intelligence community experts are better able to address this, but there are dramatic negative impacts to that kind of leaking when it comes to our national security.

Q    Are there any positive impacts?  Anything of value?

MR. CARNEY:  I would simply -- the President was asked a version of this at his press conference at the end of the year and he said it better than I could in terms of how he views these matters.  And you know from what he said then and what he’s said in the past that he takes these issues very seriously.  He has instituted a review about the NSA procedures and broader issues that encompasses both the review group as well as other elements.  And as we've said, you’ll be hearing from the President on these issues before the State of the Union.

Q    The President brought the NSA advisory report to Hawaii with him on vacation.  Can you tell us a little bit about how much time he spent reviewing that on his vacation, and maybe tell us a little bit whether he has -- has he come to sort of a decision at this point, or close to a final decision?

MR. CARNEY:  He and his team are continuing to review the review group’s report, including sorting through which recommendations we will implement and which might require further study, as well as those that we might not pursue.  As I mentioned earlier and as we said in December, there are other pieces of the review beyond the review group’s work, which the group presented to the President in December.

We expect that -- in fact, we know with confidence that the President will have made some decisions about which recommendations he wants to implement, which require further review, and which we will not implement, and you will hear him discuss those issues later this month.

Q    Can you talk a little bit, though, about in terms of, for example, the last couple weeks in Hawaii, the last couple days -- was he spending time each day on this issue, the President himself and/or people around his --

MR. CARNEY:  I didn’t travel with him to Hawaii, but I can say with confidence that this is an issue that he takes very seriously and he consumes vast quantities of briefing materials, and I'm sure he gave and has given the report from the review group a great deal of consideration.

Yes, Sam.  I'm sorry -- Brianna.  My peripheral is fading with my age.  Sorry.

Q    It’s the beard.

MR. CARNEY:  It’s the beard that's growing up and blocking my view.  (Laughter.)

Q    You're not going to blame the beard.  (Laughter.) 

MR. CARNEY:  I might.  I mean, look what it’s done to you.  (Laughter.) 

Q    Thank you. 

Q    Oooh --

MR. CARNEY:  Sorry.  I say that out of affection.  (Laughter.) 

Go ahead.   

Q    On unemployment benefits, you're citing momentum on that, which seems to be based on the fact that the White House expected the preliminary vote to fail.

MR. CARNEY:  We didn’t; you guys did.

Q    Well, some Senate Republicans were indicating they had the votes as early as yesterday afternoon, and then --

MR. CARNEY:  Really?  I had one of your colleagues tell me an hour before it passed right here in this room that we were three votes short -- two votes short.

Q    We reported that Senate Republicans were indicating -- some Senate Republicans --

MR. CARNEY:  Well, I think it was close, Brianna.  I think there were exactly zero Republicans on the record for this.  Then there was Senator Heller, who, admirably, co-sponsored this legislation, and then we ended up with six.  It’s what makes these things worth covering, is that none of this was baked in the cake.

Q    Yes, it was going to be close, but as Jon noted, the Republicans who voted for it, they want conditions that obviously the White House isn't advocating.  And this was a preliminary vote.  This was a vote to begin debate.  So is this really momentum in terms of a clean extension of long-term unemployment benefits?

MR. CARNEY:  Yes.

Q    Why is that, if that's not what Republicans who voted, that's not what they want?

MR. CARNEY:  Because the operating rhetoric of the moment in December when this was an issue the President was pushing was that Republicans wouldn't support extension, they weren’t necessary -- the benefits weren’t necessary and, in fact, according to one top Republican, they were a disservice to the recipients of the benefits.  So I think by anybody’s analysis, that view has evolved in a positive direction.

I think if you look at what senators who were out publicly over the weekend said about this, there has been significant and commendable movement in the direction of moving forward with extending these emergency benefits to the 1.3 Americans and their families -- I keep saying 1.3 -- I mean 1.3 million Americans and their families who had this assistance cut off last week.

Q    So the debate has moved from the need for the benefits to the need for a pay-for.  You think you can push them beyond that, including House Republicans, to a clean extension?

MR. CARNEY:  I think that there is growing bipartisan support for extending emergency insurance to the unemployed.  I think that it's irrefutable that the direction of this debate has moved in a favorable way since December.

I acknowledge that this is hard; unfortunately, these kinds of things tend to be hard.  But we are hopeful, and we believe and know that it's the right thing to do.  And we're not -- we don’t have a corner on that faith and wisdom.  We know it's shared by Americans across the country and by economists and by Republicans and Democrats alike.

So we're just going to keep pressing for Congress to do the right thing, which is extend these benefits temporarily, three months.  And then, as we've said quite clearly, we should then have conversations about how to move forward, which we're absolutely willing and interested in doing.

Q    You cite this as an emergency, the time is now.  We know that the checks are not arriving, obviously.  But the issue of a pay-for, it's a traditional request of Republicans.  It's not something you were blindsided by.  I guess I'm asking because the perception is that this is a political fight.  So if it's not politics and the checks aren't arriving right now, then why not try to find that middle ground on a pay-for, middle ground that has been found before?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, on a relatively rare number of occasions.  What I would say is that the ideological fight, if it were to be one, is around horse trading over what are essentially emergency benefits for families in need -- individuals, 1.3 million of them, who are looking for work actively, and who have been suffering under circumstances of long-term unemployment that are unique in our history, and certainly our more recent history.

So this, again, is a short-term extension.  And we have made clear that we would look forward to conversations about how to move forward after this three-month extension is passed.  Again, this is -- I think those Americans who are watching these kinds of debates, and especially those who are directly affected by what Congress will decide to do here, are only asking Washington to work for them and not against them. 

And this is a case where those who support this extension aren't asking for anything extraordinary, right?  We’ve just cited how many times this has been done in the past when the circumstances were not as dire for families like these.  So we ought to do that.  And there's an opportunity here I think that we saw at the end of the year in December with success that Senator Murray and Chairman Ryan had in working out a budget deal to return to normal order a little bit, to obviously not end all division that we have here or -- there's going to be areas no matter what where we disagree and we can't move forward legislatively. 

But this is the kind of thing where history shows us we should be able to move forward, and there are a whole host of areas where that opportunity exists.  And it doesn’t make you less of a Republican or less of a Democrat to find some common ground here and move forward.  And this President has demonstrated his willingness to do that again and again, and he will continue to do so.

Q    Last question, just on -- to follow on Dennis Rodman.  I don’t know if you've seen the interview --

MR. CARNEY:  I haven't, no.  I heard about it, yes.

Q    Okay.  It was rather testy.  He suggested that there's a valid reason for North -- for the North Korean government to be holding Kenneth Bae -- I assume you know that he suggested that.  Is it hurtful to the U.S.'s position on North Korea and also relations with, for instance, South Korea, when you have someone who has a really rare access, who's freelancing with these kind of opinions?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, again, we don’t -- the United States government does not control or vet the private travel of private citizens to the DPRK.  The interview that you mentioned -- I won't sort of dignify what I understand was an outburst with a response.

Q    But is it hurtful?

MR. CARNEY:  Look, our position on Mr. Bae is what it was, and we want to see him released.  We remain gravely concerned about his health and continue to urge North Korean authorities to grant him amnesty and immediate release.  And that pursuit continues regardless of what's happening with this visit. 

Q    But you won't say it’s hurtful when this is -- I mean, this is the exposure to America that North Korea has.

MR. CARNEY:  I don't know whether I could assess whether it's hurtful or not.  What I know is what our position is.  And I'm not going to address the assertions made in the interview because they don't merit one, a response or a comment.  We believe he needs to be released and granted amnesty. 

Jon.

Q    Two things, Jay.  One, to follow up on Brianna, is there any concern on the White House's part that Dennis Rodman could now be or in the future be in violation of the Logan Act, preventing private citizens from undermining U.S. foreign policy by interacting with foreign leaders?

MR. CARNEY:  I haven't heard that discussed.

Q    And then, the second thing is on unemployment insurance.  Is there a metric that the White House would use for when emergency unemployment insurance is no longer necessary in terms of unemployment --

MR. CARNEY:  That's a great question.  There's a mechanism built into these benefits, as Gene, far more of an expert than I, discussed yesterday, whereby already benefits are reduced the number of weeks that they're extended or reduced depending on the unemployment rate.  And that exists already.  There are only some areas of the country where the full benefits, the full extension of benefits are delivered because of the unemployment rate.  And as the unemployment rate comes down, weeks are lopped off that time period.

So there is an already existing mechanism within the program that accounts for a reduction in the unemployment rate.  Even though we've made substantial progress in bringing down the unemployment rate from its terrible highs from the Great Recession, we still have a lot of work to do.  Seven percent is no one's idea here of an acceptable unemployment rate.  So that work continues.

And while we have Americans out there actively seeking jobs who depend on this assistance, we need to do the right thing here in Washington to ensure that it continues. 

Dan.

Q    Thanks, Jay.  So we now have these drones and the Hellfire missiles flowing to Iraq.  Are there concerns about how the missiles in particular will be used given the consideration about civilian casualties in some of these areas?  You're talking about Fallujah, Ramadi.  And also, what about the suggestion we've heard by some observers that just sending more weapons will just encourage Prime Minister Maliki to believe that a political solution is not the way to go?  

MR. CARNEY:  Well, our policy is certainly not to simply send more weapons.  We continue to follow events in Iraq's Anbar Province very closely as the situation remains, as you know, volatile.  Iraqi tribes, with support from Iraqi security forces, continue successfully to confront Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant fighters in and around the city of Ramadi, and to prepare to confront extremists in the city of Fallujah. 
  
We remain in close contact, as I said yesterday, from here in Washington and from our embassy in Baghdad with all of Iraq's political leaders at the highest levels about how we can continue to support their efforts to defeat our common enemy and about how there needs to be a united effort, a unified effort to combat the ISIL and the threat it poses in Anbar.

And as you may know, Vice President Biden spoke with Prime Minister Maliki and Speaker al-Nujaifi yesterday to press for that unified effort.  And we have made clear -- and we believe that Iraq's leaders agree -- that the only way to fight ISIL is through strong coordination between the government of Iraq and local Sunni tribes and officials, who are essential in this effort.  Because I think there's no question, despite the divisions in Iraq, that the vast, vast majority of Iraq's citizens reject the extremism that al Qaeda represents.  And that's why we're having the conversations at very high levels with Iraq’s leaders about the need to work together to combat ISIL. 

And we were pleased to see Prime Minister Maliki and Speaker al-Nujaifi call on the residents of Anbar to rise up against extremist elements, as well as their call on the Iraqi Army to operate in a professional manner with the backing of the local population.  This, as you know, is very key.

We were also encouraged by Grand Ayatollah Sistani’s comments that internally displaced Anbaris -- residents of Anbar Province -- are welcome in Najaf and Karbala, which is Iraq’s Shia heartland, and that they would be received by a committee established to meet their needs.  And that kind of approach -- unified, in a spirit of reconciliation and cooperation -- is one that we believe is essential to the effort here.

Q    Since the Prime Minister was here in November, is President Obama satisfied with the degree of cooperation with what he’s seen in terms of Maliki addressing the sectarian issues and the political reconciliation issues?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, this is a matter that we have discussed in conversations at the very highest levels with Iraqi leaders ever since President Obama and Vice President Biden took office in January 2009.  I know from my personal experience when I worked for the Vice President, he’s traveled many times to Iraq and spent -- and continues to spend a lot of time on the phone with Iraq’s leaders pressing this very issue, as well as many other issues.  It’s an important relationship that we have with the government of Iraq, with the Iraqi people, and our commitment to assisting them in this effort I think is represented both by the military assistance that we're providing and speeding up, but also by the kind of discourse that we have with Iraq’s leaders.

Jared.

Q    Jay, yesterday you described -- you said that CMS would be providing demographic data in its next report.  Will that be in the annual monthly report that we should be getting in about a week?

MR. CARNEY:  I think I just said I knew it was coming soon.  I don't know in what form of report.  I don't think I said next report, because I don't know.

Q    And why has the demographic and geographic diversity, which you have said and which the White House has said for weeks now is the crux of the solvency of the program -- why has that been scrubbed out of the last two months of reports of all of the data we've seen from CMS so far?

MR. CARNEY:  I have addressed these questions to CMS, which has been providing briefings and direct information.  This is a fairly complicated piece of business, all this data coming in from a variety of sources.  It has to be scrubbed; it has to be made accurate.  Top-line numbers are a little simpler to come by than more nuanced slices of the data.

But as I said yesterday and as I know CMS has said, we will be providing that data once we're confident that it’s ready to be made public.

Q    So it’s not the White House’s policy that age, for example, has been removed from the data that's --

MR. CARNEY:  No, no.  Look, I think, Jared, if you’ve watched us since the rather difficult days of October, our approach has been very clear.  We put out what we have; we acknowledge the wholly unsatisfactory launch that healthcare.gov underwent on October 1st and have made every effort, with a team of folks working 24/7, to fix the problems that caused that rocky start to the launch of the website and other problems as they arise.  And there’s no question, even as we've seen dramatic improvement in the functionality of the website and dramatic improvements -- or increases in the enrollments, that we still have more work to do and that we take nothing for granted.

So we're going to get that information to you when it’s ready, and my understanding is that will be soon.

Q    You said you wouldn’t lay out specific calls with Republicans in the Senate, but I wonder if you could kind of describe the outreach effort in the last day or two leading up to the vote.  And also, looking past the three-month extension, what does the White House see as the best path forward if you -- once you get a short-term extension passed?

MR. CARNEY:  On the second one, I'll accept that challenge if and when it arrives.  I hope we get to have that conversation if Congress acts, the House and the Senate, to extend benefits for three months.

On the first one, I would simply say that it’s been a comprehensive effort here that has involved obviously the President and others in conversations with members of Congress, members of the Senate as well as the House.  And this will continue. 

The arguments that are made in those conversations are not unlike the ones we're making publicly.  They’re similar -- they’re the same, which is that this is something that we've done in the past; it’s the right thing to do; it’s good for the economy.  We have, unfortunately, a high number of long-term unemployed Americans who need this assistance and we ought to take action.  And we will absolutely want to have further conversations about how we move forward beyond a three-month extension.

Last one.  Steve.

Q    Thank you.  To follow up on Jared’s question regarding the demographic data -- so if the administration doesn’t have the demographic data and this is the most -- one of the most important factors in determining the success of these exchanges, does it then follow that the administration doesn’t know whether these exchanges will be successful or not?

MR. CARNEY:  I don't think we would make declarations about where we're going to be on March 31st in October -- we can make projections about where we hope to be -- but October or November, December or January.  I'm not even sure I understand your question.  We are confident that we are making significant strides when it comes to enrollees and that enrollees represent a lot of Americans from different regions of the country, age groups and circumstances. 

But the issue here is -- I guess this is sort of -- this is the new thing where we're going to find some problem in the system.  Well, first of all, we acknowledge problems when they arise and when they need to be fixed.  We acknowledge that there needs to be the right mix for the marketplaces to be maximally effective.  We believe we will achieve that mix.  But we're not going to even imagine or hope that you’ll take our word for it; you’ll evaluate it as you see the proof of it, as you have with the enrollment figures and the numbers that were obviously terrible in October and gradually improved after that. 

So we're committed to getting the data to you and you can judge it for yourselves.

Thanks.

END
1:33 P.M. EST

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Presidential Nominations Sent to the Senate

NOMINATIONS SENT TO THE SENATE:

Paige Eve Alexander, of Virginia, to be an Assistant Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development, vice Mara E. Rudman.

Max Sieben Baucus, of Montana, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to the People's Republic of China.

Sharon Y. Bowen, of New York, to be a Commissioner of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission for a term expiring April 13, 2018, vice Bartholomew Chilton, resigned.

John Charles Cruden, of Virginia, to be an Assistant Attorney General, vice Ignacia S. Moreno, resigned.

Janet Garvin McCabe, of the District of Columbia, to be an Assistant Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency, vice Regina McCarthy, resigned.

J. Mark McWatters, of Texas, to be a Member of the National Credit Union Administration Board for a term expiring August 2, 2019, vice Michael E. Fryzel, term expired.

Leon Rodriguez, of Maryland, to be Director of United States Citizenship and Immigration Services, Department of Homeland Security, vice Alejandro N. Mayorkas, resigned.

Eric Rosenbach, of Pennsylvania, to be an Assistant Secretary of Defense, vice Paul N. Stockton, resigned.

David B. Shear, of New York, to be an Assistant Secretary of Defense, vice Mark William Lippert, resigned.

Darci L. Vetter, of Nebraska, to be Chief Agricultural Negotiator, Office of the United States Trade Representative, with the rank of Ambassador, vice Islam A. Siddiqui.

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Message to the Congress -- Agreement for Cooperation Between the American Institute in Taiwan and the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office Concerning Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy

TO THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES:

I am pleased to transmit to the Congress, pursuant to sections 123 b. and 123 d. of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954, as amended (42 U.S.C. 2153(b), (d)) (the "Act"), the text of a proposed Agreement for Cooperation Between the American Institute in Taiwan (AIT) and the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office in the United States (TECRO) Concerning Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy (the "Agreement"). I am also pleased to transmit my written approval, authorization, and determination concerning the Agreement, and an unclassified Nuclear Proliferation Assessment Statement (NPAS) concerning the Agreement. (In accordance with section 123 of the Act, as amended by title XII of the Foreign Affairs Reform and Restructuring Act of 1998 (Public Law 105-277), a classified annex to the NPAS, prepared by the Secretary of State in consultation with the Director of National Intelligence, summarizing relevant classified information, will be submitted to the Congress separately.) The joint memorandum submitted to me by the Secretaries of State and Energy and a letter from the Chairman of the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) stating the views of the Commission are also enclosed. An addendum to the NPAS containing a comprehensive analysis of the export control system of Taiwan with respect to nuclear-related matters, including interactions with other countries of proliferation concern and the actual or suspected nuclear, dual-use, or missile-related transfers to such countries, pursuant to section 102A of the National Security Act of 1947 (50 U.S.C. 403-1), as amended, is being submitted separately by the Director of National Intelligence.

The proposed Agreement has been negotiated in accordance with the Act and other applicable law. In my judgment, it meets all applicable statutory requirements and will advance the nonproliferation and other foreign policy interests of the United States.

The proposed Agreement provides a comprehensive framework for peaceful nuclear cooperation with the authorities on Taiwan based on a mutual commitment to nuclear nonproliferation. The proposed Agreement has an indefinite term from the date of its entry-into-force, unless terminated by either party on 1 year's written notice. The proposed Agreement permits the transfer of information, material, equipment (including reactors), and components for nuclear research and nuclear power production. The Agreement also specifies cooperation shall be in accordance with the provisions of the Agreement and applicable legal obligations, including, as appropriate, treaties, international agreements, domestic laws, regulations, and/or licensing requirements (such as those imposed by the NRC in accordance with 10 CFR 110 and the Department of Energy in accordance with 10 CFR 810). It does not permit transfers of Restricted Data, sensitive nuclear technology and facilities, or major critical components of such facilities. The proposed Agreement also prohibits the possession of sensitive nuclear facilities and any engagement in activities involving sensitive nuclear technology in the territory of the authorities represented by TECRO. In the event of termination of the proposed Agreement, key nonproliferation conditions and controls continue with respect to material, equipment, and components subject to the proposed Agreement.

Over the last two decades, the authorities on Taiwan have established a reliable record on nonproliferation and on commitments to nonproliferation. While the political status of the authorities on Taiwan prevents them from formally acceding to multilateral nonproliferation treaties or agreements, the authorities on Taiwan have voluntarily assumed commitments to adhere to the provisions of multilateral treaties and initiatives. The Republic of China ratified the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) in 1970 and ratified the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on Their Destruction (the "Biological Weapons Convention" or "BWC") in 1972. The authorities on Taiwan have stated that they will continue to abide by the obligations of the NPT (i.e., those of a non-nuclear-weapon state) and the BWC, and the United States regards them as bound by both treaties. The authorities on Taiwan follow International Atomic Energy Agency standards and directives in their nuclear program, work closely with U.S. civilian nuclear authorities, and have established relationships with mainland Chinese civilian authorities with respect to nuclear safety. A more detailed discussion of the domestic civil nuclear activities and nuclear nonproliferation policies and practices of the authorities on Taiwan, including their nuclear export policies and practices, is provided in the NPAS and in a classified annex to the NPAS submitted separately. As noted above, an addendum to the NPAS containing a comprehensive analysis of the export control system of the authorities on Taiwan with respect to nuclear-related matters is being submitted to you separately by the Director of National Intelligence.

I have considered the views and recommendations of the interested agencies in reviewing the proposed Agreement and have determined that its performance will promote, and will not constitute an unreasonable risk to, the common defense and security. Accordingly, I have approved the Agreement and authorized its execution and urge the Congress to give it favorable consideration.

This transmission shall constitute a submittal for purposes of both sections 123 b. and 123 d. of the Act. My Administration is prepared to begin immediately the consultations with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and the House Foreign Affairs Committee as provided in section 123 b. Upon completion of the 30 days of continuous session review provided for in section 123 b., the 60 days of continuous session review provided for in section 123 d. shall commence.

BARACK OBAMA

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by the President on the Importance of Extending Emergency Unemployment Insurance

East Room

11:55 A.M. EST
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Please, everybody, have a seat.  (Applause.)  Well, Happy New Year, everybody. 
 
AUDIENCE:  Happy New Year!
 
THE PRESIDENT:  I hope you're keeping warm.  A few weeks ago, I said that 2014 could be a breakthrough year for America.  Think about it:  Five years ago this month our economy was shedding 800,000 jobs just in one month.  But as Americans buckled down and worked hard and sacrificed, we began to come back.
 
And our businesses have created more than 8 million new jobs since we hit the bottom.  Our auto industry has gone from bust to boom.  Manufacturing is rebounding.  The housing market is rebounding.  Stock markets are restoring retirement accounts.  The promise of energy independence is actually in sight.  Health care costs eat up less of our economy; over the past four years, costs have grown at the slowest rate on record.  And since I took office, we’ve cut our deficits by more than half. 
 
So America is getting stronger and we've made progress.  And the economy is growing, and we've got to do more to make sure that all Americans share in that growth.  We've got to help our businesses create more jobs.  We've got to make sure those jobs offer the wages and benefits that let families rebuild a little security.  In other words, we've got to make sure that this recovery leaves nobody behind.  And we've got a lot of work to do on that front.  The good news is I’m optimistic we can do it if we do it together. 
 
Now, before the holidays, both parties compromised on a budget that lifts some of the drag that’s been on the economy from these indiscriminate cuts we call sequester.  And as a consequence, this year we may see more stability when it comes to economic growth.  And I think I'm not alone in saying that we are all grateful in the New Year that we won't have another partisan shutdown, hopefully, going forward.  (Applause.)
 
So that was a good sign.  And we should build on that progress with what I said should be the first order of business in 2014, and that is extending insurance for the unemployed.  (Applause.)  The good news is this morning the Senate took a very important step in that direction.
 
For the Americans who have joined me at the White House today and millions like them who were laid off in the recession through no fault of their own, unemployment insurance has been a vital economic lifeline.  For a lot of people, it’s the only source of income they’ve got to support their families while they look for a new job.  These aren't folks who are just sitting back waiting for things to happen.  They're out there actively looking for work.  They desperately want work. 
 
But although the economy has been growing and we've been adding new jobs, the truth of the matter is, is that the financial crisis was so devastating that there's still a lot of people who are struggling.  And, in fact, if we don't provide unemployment insurance it makes it harder for them to find a job.     
 
You heard Katherine’s story.  And she's far more eloquent than I could ever be.  She wrote me last month to say, "Please let those who think I am sitting at home enjoying being unemployed know that I would much rather be working."  And I had a chance to talk to Katherine, and I think it's pretty clear that that's the case.  Katherine went on to say, "I have applied to everything for which I am possibly qualified to no avail.  I have worked hard all my life, paid taxes, voted, engaged in political discussion, and made the ultimate sacrifice:  My two sons serve in the U.S. military.  Job loss is devastating, and if I could fix it myself, I would.  I challenge any lawmaker to live without an income.”  That’s what Katherine said.  It's hard.  (Applause.) 
 
So when we've got the mom of two of our troops, who is working hard out there, but is having to wear a coat inside the house, we've got a problem.  And it's one that can be fixed.  And Katherine is not alone. 
 
Devlin Smith, who’s watching today from her home in California, wrote me about her hunt for a new job.  Since she was laid off 13 months ago, she has sent out hundreds of résumés, she has volunteered, she has done seasonal work.  She doesn’t want to just be sitting around the house.  She’s been taking online courses to learn new skills.  Without unemployment insurance, though, she won’t be able to pay for her car or her cellphone, which makes the job hunt that much harder.  And Devlin wrote to me and said, “I’ve wanted nothing more than to find a new full-time job and have dedicated every day to that mission.  I’m asking you to advocate for me and the millions like me who need our extended unemployment benefits to make ends meet.”
 
So I just want everybody to understand this is not an abstraction.  These are not statistics.  These are your neighbors, your friends, your family members.  It could at some point be any of us.  That’s why we set up a system of unemployment insurance.  The notion was everybody is making a contribution because you don’t know when the business cycle or an economic crisis might make any of us vulnerable. 
 
And this insurance helps keep food on the table while Dad is sending out résumés.  It helps Mom pay the rent while she's learning new skills to earn that new job.  It provides that extra bit of security so that losing your job doesn’t mean that you have to lose your house, or everything you've worked so hard to build for years.  We make this promise to our fellow Americans who are working hard to get back on their feet, because when times get tough, we are not a people who say, you’re on your own.  We're a people who believe that we’re all in it together.  And we know, "there but the grace of God go I."  (Applause.) 
 
So that’s the values case for this.  That’s the moral case for this.  But there's an economic case for it, as well.  Independent economists have shown that extending emergency unemployment insurance actually helps the economy, actually creates new jobs.  When folks like Katherine have a little more to spend to turn up the heat in her house or buy a few extra groceries, that means more spending with businesses in her local community, which in turn may inspire that business to hire one more person -- maybe Kathy. 
 
That’s why, in the past, both parties have repeatedly put partisanship and ideology aside to offer some security for job-seekers with no strings attached.  It’s been done regardless of whether Democrats or Republicans were in the White House.  It’s been done regardless of whether Democrats or Republicans controlled Congress.  And, by the way, it’s been done multiple times when the unemployment rate was significantly lower than it is today. 
 
And what’s important to keep in mind also is that the recovery in a big country like the United States is going to be somewhat uneven.  So there are some states that have a 2.5 unemployment rate, and then there are some places that may still have a 7, 8, 9 percent unemployment rate.  The people living in those respective states may be working equally hard to find a job, but it’s going to be harder in some places than others.
 
     Now, two weeks ago, Congress went home for the holidays and let this lifeline expire for 1.3 million Americans.  If this doesn’t get fixed, it will hurt about 14 million Americans over the course of this year:  5 million workers along with 9 million of their family members -- their spouses, their kids. 
 
     Now, I’ve heard the argument that says extending unemployment insurance will somehow hurt the unemployed because it zaps their motivation to get a new job.  I really want to go at this for a second.  (Laughter and applause.)  That really sells the American people short.  I meet a lot of people as President of the United States, and as a candidate for President of the United States, and as a U.S. senator, and as a state senator -- I meet a lot of people.  And I can’t name a time where I met an American who would rather have an unemployment check than the pride of having a job.  (Applause.)
 
     The long-term unemployed are not lazy.  They’re not lacking in motivation.  They’re coping with the aftermath of the worst economic crisis in generations.  In some cases, they may have a skills mismatch.  They may have been doing a certain job for 20 years; suddenly they lose that job.  They may be an older worker, may have to get retrained.  It's hard -- sometimes employers will discriminate if you've been out of work for a while; they decide, well, we're not sure we want to hire you, we'd rather hire somebody who's still working right now. 
 
     So it's hard out there.  There are a lot of our friends, a lot of our neighbors who have lost their jobs and they're working their tails off every single day trying to find a new job.  Now, as the job market keeps getting better, more and more of these folks will find work.  But, in the meantime, the insurance keeps them from falling off a cliff.  It makes sure they can pay their car note to go to that interview.  It makes sure they can pay their cell phone bills so that if somebody calls back for an interview, they can answer it.  (Laughter.) 
 
     And Katherine explained this.  Katherine, in the letter that she wrote to me, said, do folks really think that "cutting this benefit will make someone hire me?"  I mean, that’s not how employers are thinking.  
 
So letting unemployment insurance expire for millions of Americans is wrong.  Congress should make things right.  I am very appreciative that they’re on their way to doing just that thanks to the bipartisan work of two senators.  You had a Democrat from Rhode Island, Senator Reed, and you had a conservative Republican from Nevada, Senator Heller.  And despite their political differences, they worked together on a plan to extend unemployment insurance at least for three months temporarily while we figure out a longer-term solution.  And this morning, a bipartisan majority of senators agreed to allow this common-sense provision to at least move forward in the process. 
 
The Senate is a complicated place.  (Laughter.)  So just because they agreed on this vote, all they’ve agreed to so far is that we’re actually going to be able to have a vote on it.  They haven't actually passed it.  So we've got to get this across the finish line without obstruction or delay, and we need the House of Representatives to be able to vote for it as well.  (Applause.)  That's the bottom line. 
 
Voting for unemployment insurance helps people and creates jobs, and voting against it does not.  Congress should pass this bipartisan plan right away, and I will sign it right away.  And more than 1 million Americans across the country will feel a little hope right away.  And hope is contagious.  (Applause.) 
 
When Katherine has a little bit more confidence about her situation, when she finds a job, she is going to be able to help somebody down the line maybe who is also down on their luck.  When Congress passes a bipartisan effort starting here right at the beginning of the New Year, who knows -- we might actually get some things done this year.  (Laughter.)  So after all the hard work and sacrifice of the past five years to recover and rebuild from the crisis, what I think the American people are really looking for in 2014 is just a little bit of stability.  Let's just do the common-sense thing.  Let's do what's right. 
 
We're going to have to see action, though, on the part of Congress.  And I'll be willing to work with them every step of the way -- action to help our businesses create more of the good jobs that a growing middle class requires; action to restore economic mobility and reduce inequality; action to open more doors of opportunity for everybody who is willing to work hard and walk through those doors. 
 
When I was listening to Katherine, I was just so struck by her strength and dignity.  And I think people when they bump into some tough times, like Katherine, they're not looking for pity.  They just want a shot.  (Applause.)  And they just want to feel as if -- as a part of this country, as a part of their communities, that if misfortune strikes, all the things that they've done in the past, all the hard work they've done raising children and paying taxes and working hard, that that counts for something, and that folks aren't suddenly just going to dismiss their concerns, but we're going to rally behind them.  That's not too much to ask.  That’s who we are as Americans.  That's what built this country.  That's what I want to promote.  (Applause.)
 
So thank you very much, everybody.  Let's get to work.  Let's get this done.  (Applause.)  
 
END               
12:11 P.M. EST
 

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Statement by the President on the Celebration of Coptic Christmas

Michelle and I wish Coptic Orthodox Christians in the United States and around the world a joyous Christmas.  On this special day, we celebrate the messages of peace and hope that continue to inspire congregations more than 2,000 years after Jesus’ birth.  During this season, we reaffirm the commitment of the United States to work for the protection of Christians and other people of faith in Egypt and around the world.  The freedom to practice our faiths is critical to stable, pluralistic, and thriving societies, and the United States will continue to be vigilant in its work to protect that freedom.  We wish Coptic Christians the blessings of this season and join them in offering prayers for peace in the year ahead.

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Statement by the President on the Confirmation of Janet Yellen as Chair of the Federal Reserve

With the bipartisan confirmation of Janet Yellen as the next Chair of the Federal Reserve, the American people will have a fierce champion who understands that the ultimate goal of economic and financial policymaking is to improve the lives, jobs and standard of living of American workers and their families. As one of our nation’s most respected economists and a leading voice at the Fed for more than a decade – and Vice Chair for the past three years – Janet helped pull our economy out of recession and put us on the path of steady growth. Janet is committed to the Fed’s dual mandate of keeping inflation in check while also addressing our most important economic challenge by reducing unemployment and creating jobs. And she understands that fostering a stable financial system will help the overall economy and protect consumers. I am confident that Janet will stand up for American workers, protect consumers, foster the stability of our financial system, and help keep our economy growing for years to come.

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

President Obama Signs Arkansas Disaster Declaration

The President today declared a major disaster exists in the State of Arkansas and ordered federal aid to supplement state and local recovery efforts in the area affected by a severe winter storm during the period of December 5-6, 2013.

Federal funding is available to state and eligible local governments and certain private nonprofit organizations on a cost-sharing basis for emergency work and the repair or replacement of facilities damaged by the severe winter storm in the counties of Crawford, Franklin, Johnson, Logan, Madison, Marion, Newton, Polk, Scott, Searcy, Sebastian, Sharp, and Van Buren.

Federal funding is also available on a cost-sharing basis for hazard mitigation measures statewide.

W. Craig Fugate, Administrator, Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), Department of Homeland Security, named Timothy J. Scranton as the Federal Coordinating Officer for federal recovery operations in the affected area.

FEMA said that damage surveys are continuing in other areas, and additional counties may be designated for assistance after the assessments are fully completed. 

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Press Briefing by Press Secretary Jay Carney and Director of the National Economic Council Gene Sperling 01/06/14

James S. Brady Press Briefing Room

1:05 P.M. EST
 
MR. CARNEY:  Happy New Year, everyone.  It is great to be back here with you all.  I hope you had an excellent break, those of you who traveled with the President, those of you who did not. We did everything we could to keep things quiet for you and we hope that you come back as excited to be here as we all are.

Before I take questions on other subjects, I have with me today a familiar face -- Gene Sperling, Director of the President’s National Economic Council.  You may have seen him yesterday on a couple of shows talking about the urgent need for Congress to act to extend expired unemployment insurance benefits to 1.3 million Americans and their families.  So Gene is here to talk about that issue, to take questions from you on that issue and others in his purview, if you like. 
 
As we do normally in these things, if Gene could go at the top, you could have all your questions for him at the top so that we can let him go back to work.  I will remain to take your questions on other subjects.  I need a hard out at 1:55 p.m.  So, minders of the time --
 
Q    Why?
 
MR. CARNEY:  I have a meeting at 2:00 p.m. with a very important person.
 
Q    Who?  (Laughter.) 
 
Q    How?  (Laughter.) 
 
MR. CARNEY:  This is actually an homage to Mark Knoller, but he’s not here today, by the way --
 
Q    He’s back there.
 
MR. CARNEY:  Where is he?  Knoller?
 
Q    He’s back in the back.
 
MR. CARNEY:  You can hear me, Mark.  Okay.
 
Q    The one time you need him.  (Laughter.)
 
MR. CARNEY:  The one time I need him. 
 
Okay, with that, I give you Gene Sperling.  Thank you all very much.
 
     MR. SPERLING:  Thank you.  Thanks, Jay.
 
     There’s no question that we go into 2014 with more economic momentum.  Unemployment rate is down to 7 percent.  We've had 2.3 million private sector jobs over the last year.  We've seen housing up about -- housing prices up about 13 percent.  But there’s also no question that we need to ensure the economy has more momentum and that we're having a recovery that leaves no one behind.
 
     In terms of job growth, there’s no question there are opportunities for us to move the ball forward as a country.  The President has put forward a grand bargain on jobs, a proposal that he announced at Chattanooga, that would combine business tax reform that would lower rates, have a minimum foreign earning tax, combined with an infrastructure initiative.  We're working on bipartisan legislation on housing finance reform, on immigration, on manufacturing. 
 
     But it’s also no question that we have to make sure that this recovery does leave no one behind.  And that means addressing what is clearly perhaps the worst legacy of the Great Recession, which is the crisis of long term unemployment that we still face in our country. 
 
     While we've seen the unemployment rate come down generally, and particularly for those who are short-term unemployed, those who are long-term unemployed continue to face a very difficult labor market and we know that those who stay out of the labor force too long often suffer serious economic and psychological wounds, and that we as a country have to be committed to doing everything we can to help those who are long-term unemployed find new jobs to support their families and get them back on their feet. 
 
And that's going to take an attack on all fronts on long-term unemployment.  It’s going to mean, one, doing more to give the recovery more momentum, more job creation so there are more jobs -- so it’s not three people looking for every one job open, but that have many more jobs created.  Secondly, to work in partnership with CEOs in our country to make sure that we are all working in partnership to give those who are long-term unemployed the most opportunities possible to interview, to get a chance at a new job.  And we have been working together in partnership with many of our country’s top CEOs.  And the President will, in the coming weeks, have more to say on that.
 
But, finally, we have to give the basic support for those who are out there who have worked in the past and are out there every day working hard to find a new job.  We, as a country -- we're a country that has each other’s back in hard times.  We have never, over the last half-century, cut off emergency unemployment benefits when long-term unemployment was even barely over half the rate that we have right now.  Now is not the time to start.
 
     I’ll tell you what today is.  Today is the day that 1.3 million Americans start going to their mailbox and find that the check that they expected to get today is not there -- the check that is a temporary lifeline for families who are facing long-term unemployment; a check that puts food on their table and perhaps the gas in their car they need to drive to interview for a new job.  Today is the day -- today and tomorrow is the day that that mailbox will be empty, and those families will face hardship in covering for the basic necessities.
 
     Over 2014, over the whole year, the number would be 4.9 million people who would find their emergency unemployment benefits cut off at some point.  And those 4.9 million support an additional 9 million, so this would affect 14 million families over the course of 2014. 
 
     Now, while today and tomorrow are the days that the 1.3 million Americans will find their temporary lifeline not in their mailbox, today is also the day that we have a chance to do something about it.  There is a bipartisan piece of legislation supported by Democratic Senator Jack Reed and Republican Senator Heller from Nevada that says that we should extend emergency unemployment for three months, right now.  This will obviously give us more time to figure out what is the best way to deal with a longer solution for 2014.  But we can act right now to help those 1.3 million people.  In fact, in these three months, that number would grow to helping over 2 million Americans. 
 
     I talked to Senator Heller on Friday and he said for him, this was not ideology.  This was being a senator in a state that had 9 percent unemployment.  It was talking to constituents every day who are often in economic distress who desperately wanted a job, and understanding that we’re a country that has each other’s back in these difficult times.
 
     I want to say just two points before taking questions that are important to recognize.  Number one, you are only eligible for emergency unemployment benefits if you are actively looking for work.  This can actually help encourage people to stay in the workforce and not get discouraged because they have to be actively looking for work to be eligible for these benefits. 
 
Secondly, to use a popular word among those of you who cover the Fed -- the emergency unemployment benefits are designed to taper off as unemployment goes down.  So for example, when you talk about the fact that we have 46 extra emergency weeks, that is only for a state that has over 9 percent unemployment.  If your unemployment goes beneath 9 percent, then there’s 10 weeks less available.  When it goes under 7 percent unemployment, then there’s nine less weeks available.  When it goes under 6 percent, there’s an additional 14 more weeks unavailable.
 
     So this is not designed to go on forever.  It is a temporary lifeline in difficult times that our country has relied on for well over a half-century.  And the President feels very strongly that this deserves the support of both Democratic and Republican senators -- a bipartisan proposal to extend for three months.  And we believe this should -- this deserves to pass.
 
     Q    Gene, as you know, Republicans want this offset at $6.5 billion for the three months.  In any way, shape or form, is the administration open to negotiating an offset of $6.5 billion for the three months and then using that as a precedent to offset the much larger cost -- $35 billion -- over a full calendar year?
 
     MR. SPERLING:  We have just an urgent situation right now.  As I said, today is the day when people have been cut off, but today is the day they find the check not there.  The President believes that we should pass this right away with no strings attached. 
 
Now, that is more in line with precedent than anything else. Fourteen of the last 17 times in 20 years that it’s been extended, there’s been no strings attached.  All five times -- all five times that the previous President Bush extended emergency unemployment benefits, there was no pay-for strings attached and the unemployment rate was lower each of those five times than it is today. 
 
     So I think that the compromise that is inherent in the Heller-Reed bipartisan legislation is let’s move quickly and pass this three-month extension now.  This will help Americans immediately and this will give us more time to have a larger conversation about what happens after the three months are over.
 
     Q    To follow up, would you be willing to offset a calendar year if not the three months?  Or are you opposed to offsetting under every circumstance?
 
     MR. SPERLING:  What I’ve said is let’s move quickly now because we’re in an urgent situation.  We didn’t get it passed in December.  If we take this step now, that will leave more time to have a broader discussion about how best to do it for the remainder of 2014 after that.
 
     Q    So you don’t rule it out?
 
     MR. SPERLING:  Our focus right now is on the legislation that is up there.  It’s the only bipartisan plan that’s been there.  There’s been talk, but there’s one bipartisan plan; it’s to extend for three months on an emergency level.  That’s where our focus is.  That’s what we want to encourage people to support -- with the understanding there will be time to discuss what to do when that three months is over.
 
     Q    But just to clarify, are you opposed -- is the White House opposed to negotiating those offsets?  Are you -- I know you want this short term, do it now.  But if Republicans draw a line on this that they’re saying right now they want it offset, is that something the White House is willing to negotiate on?
 
     MR. SPERLING:  Our focus right now, Jon, is to get this passed. 
 
And I just want to point out, as I’ve said, this is the day -- I mean, people have already been cut off.  People are right now, today, who maybe got as little as $150 a week, or maybe an average of $300 a week, but this was their lifeline.  This was their basic support.  When you have the first bipartisan proposal, when it could be passed right now with no strings attached, when that is consistent with the overwhelming precedent before, the clear right thing for us to do right now is pass this measure now in its current form.  And again, it’s just for three months.  It gives more time to have those types of further bipartisan discussions about what else you might do to extend it after that.
 
     MR. CARNEY:  April.
 
     Q    Gene, what do you say to Republicans who are not necessarily worried about the fact that some people are not getting their insurance benefits, the unemployment insurance benefits today, they are simply worried about the fact that we are out -- things are getting better, we’re out of recession, and the fact that it saves money not to extend these benefits?  What do you say to those Republicans?
 
     MR. SPERLING:  First of all, extending emergency unemployment benefits is the right thing to do based on our economic values.  These are our neighbors.  These are community members.  These are our fellow parents struggling to get by.  It’s also the common-sense thing to do economically.  It’s been estimated that unemployment insurance extended in 2014 would mean an additional 230,000 jobs, an additional fifth of a percent of growth.  People have estimated that for every dollar you put in the pocket of somebody in this kind of distressed situation, it leads to a multiplier of a $1.50 helping in the economy.  So it’s smart economically.  But it’s also just the right thing to do.
 
     And I guess what I’d say is, the reason that you’ve had emergency unemployment benefits like this over 50 years over Democrat and Republican Presidents is that we understand that perhaps when unemployment is at a low level, one can assume that most people should be able to find work in some way and so you limit unemployment benefits to 26 weeks.  But when you have nine states that are over 8 percent unemployment, when you have Rhode Island and Nevada at 9 percent unemployment, when you have historic levels of long-term unemployment, you know that there are just millions of people still who are desperately looking for work.  They're eligible because they were working before.  They're looking for a job.  This is not their fault.  They're not the ones who were packaging subprime securities.  They didn't ask to have a Great Recession.  They didn't ask to have to struggle with some of the hard legacy.
 
     And the reality is that -- look, we are obviously pleased that the economy has more momentum.  We’re pleased to see unemployment overall coming down.  We’re pleased to see private sector jobs coming up.  But again, we work for a President who wants a stronger recovery and wants a recovery that leaves no one behind. 
 
And we could be an administration that just comes in here and tells you nothing but the good news that’s happened, or the improvement.  But that’s not what we're about.  We're about helping people who are hardworking, responsible, and want to get back on their feet.  And that’s why we're willing to point out that even amidst the stronger economic news we've seen and the stronger economic momentum, there is a real challenge in long-term unemployment.  And we care about those people and we're going to do everything we can to help them.
 
Q    Can I follow up?  Have you been personally talking to some of the Republicans to help change their mindset as it relates to the extension of unemployment benefits?
 
MR. SPERLING:  I would say many of us have been in contact with many people.  I don’t want to reveal conversations.  I obviously, as I mentioned, have been in conversations with Senator Heller and his chief of staff, but you can be sure that we are actively working this. 
 
MR. CARNEY:  Alexis.
 
Q    Gene, what does the vote count look like since you've been in touch with the co-sponsors of the legislation?
 
MR. SPERLING:  I don’t know.  I'm not here to predict, I'm here to tell you it should pass.  I really think there were a lot of very moving stories that I'm sure a lot of the papers here and around the country were responsible for, and I think they were important because they didn’t just go through the numbers I did, they told the stories of real people and told stories of people with compelling stores.  They put the names and faces of people that clearly are people that are responsible, hardworking, have fallen in a tough situation through no fault of their own and are trying to get back on their feet again.  And that’s who we're here to help.
 
Q    As part of a larger discussion, are you open to -- or is the White House open to further tapering the unemployment insurance program?  There's talk of wanting more reforms, phasing it out.
 
MR. SPERLING:  I think I'd put that in the frame that I've put forward, which is we've got an urgent situation on our hands with 1.3 million Americans finding their benefits cut off.  Let's get this bipartisan three-months plan passed and, as I said, that will give us more time to have a broader discussion, a more in-depth conversation about how best to go forward after that.
 
Q    Gene, can you talk a little bit, either you or Jay, about what the President has personally been doing since he's been back to try to get this passed?  Any calls to read out with anybody?  And kind of talk a little bit about what the event tomorrow is supposed to do, vis-à-vis the votes that may or may not happen tonight.
 
MR. SPERLING:  I can just tell you the President's been active, and that he has --
 
Q    Calling senators?
 
MR. SPERLING:  He has made calls.  But again, we don’t have much more to say after that because we're doing what we can and sometimes that’s more helpful with private conversations. 
 
Q    Could the urgency have been avoided if the President had fought harder on the Ryan-Murray budget plan to have these included in the plan that was passed last month?
 
MR. SPERLING:  I went back and looked at our efforts, and I found that the President of the United States had publicly called for extending emergency unemployment in 2014 seven times in 18 days -- seven times in 18 days.  I think I called for it first on November 14th, again on November 17th.  The CEA Chair, Jason Furman, put out an entire report -- I believe came into the briefing room and spoke to you about it.  The President did a weekly address.  He included it in his -- a weekly address entirely on this issue.  He included it on his statement on the agreement on Ryan-Murray.  It was a significant part of his speech at CAP on inequality. 
 
So I think the President and the administration made very, very clear how important we thought this was to get done.  We’re not of the belief that the only way we should be able to work together is for somebody to threaten a shutdown.  And so we made very, very clear that this ought to get done, and there’s lots of ways for it to get done.  And the most clear and present way is for the United States Senate to start by passing the bipartisan Heller-Reed legislation that will be on the floor tonight.
 
     Q    But a veto threat isn’t a shutdown threat, and you’re talking about urgency.  If they’re not getting checks today you still would have had a couple days to get a budget deal passed before the end of that timeline.
 
     MR. SPERLING:  Well, as I said, the President called for it seven times in 18 days.  Just as many of us were leaving, Reed and Heller put their proposal forward.  The President, from his vacation, called both senators, asked how he could help.  The administration has been out there continually.  So you may have noted that we don’t always have 100 percent control over the United States Congress.  But I think the record is pretty clear that the President and his White House and the Secretary of Labor have aggressively been pushing for this both in December, both in the break, and as quickly as possible as we’ve returned.
 
     MR. CARNEY:  Gene, thank you very much.
 
     MR. SPERLING:  Thank you.
 
     Q    Gene, is this the last time that we’re going to hear from you in this role or in this administration from this podium? And if so, is there any sort of thoughts about the economy or -- that you wanted to share?
 
     MR. SPERLING:  Well, I don’t know when Jay is asking me back.  (Laughter.)  I will probably be here for all of January and probably quite a lot of February as well.
 
Q    March?  (Laughter.) 
 
MR. SPERLING:  Jeff and I were talking yesterday, and I’m quite confident that when March comes I will be somewhere else.
 
     Q    Can I ask you one broad question?  A lot of stories this weekend and today on the 50th anniversary of the War on Poverty.  You served in the Clinton administration; you saw the Bush years and now the Obama years.  These policies -- I think the broader point, obviously -- have been building for a long time, decades -- the problem of poverty.  But you were talking a moment ago about historic levels of long-term unemployment -- 46 million people still in poverty.  How much responsibility does the President bear after having five years in office for at least some of his policies to take hold?
 
     MR. SPERLING:  Well, look, on the broader question, I think there’s no question that the War on Poverty that Lyndon Johnson declared 50 years ago Wednesday has made very important advances. There’s just no question.  I mean, in 1963, 51 percent of African Americans were in poverty and about 25 percent had graduated from high school.  I think that one of the things you’ve heard us talk about and I think you’ll see Jason Furman, our Council of Economic Advisers talking about more is that the Bureau of Labor Statistics has now started -- our government has started looking at a broader measure of poverty that makes sure that we’re looking at all the things that affect how people are doing, including things like earned income tax credit, food stamps.  And I think when you look at that measure, that you would find that poverty has come down close to 40 percent, perhaps 35-40 percent since then. 
 
So there has been important progress and I think it is important to understand that many of the things that have been done over the last 20 years have mattered.  So, for example, when I came into -- when I was first here in ’93, there was probably about 1.5 million-1.7 million Americans that were above the poverty line because of the earned income tax credit. 
 
     Now, because of measures that have been done over the last 20 years, including President Obama extending the earned income tax credit more for people with three children or more, reducing the marriage penalty and extending those, there’s 6 million people out of poverty.  When you look at the refundable tax credits and the child tax credit and the ITC together, it may be as many as 9 million people not being in poverty.
 
     Now, I think when you look over this, I think there’s no question over the last 50 years things have been done wrong, but I think we’ve learned from lessons.  I think that both Democrats and Republicans have learned you have to look at -- to make sure about the incentives you’re creating and that policies are better if they are designed to reward work.  One of the reasons the earned income tax credit has been so important is that it’s an incentive for work.  You get that assistance as you are working. It has positive incentives and it’s giving positive support for the program.
 
     And just to give an example, going back to 1993, when you look at the alternative poverty measure, the broader poverty measure, the poverty rate was actually lower in 2010, 2011 than it was in ’93.  So my first time in office here, a year or two after a very mild recession, poverty was higher than it was after the worst downturn since the Great Depression. 
 
So, look, we should be judging and looking at all of the different things that we are doing.  We should be willing to reform.  But I think that there are things that this President has done that have made a big difference.
 
     The Center for Budget and Policy Priorities estimated that as many as 8 million people are not in poverty because of things done in the Recovery Act.  The fact that when we’ve been in these budget agreements, while everybody else is focused on what’s going to happen to the middle-class tax relief and the upper-income tax relief, that the President has made a priority to fight for extending the earned income tax credit, the refundable part of the American Opportunity tax credit, the child tax credit -- has shown his commitment -- there’s no politics in that, not even much attention, it’s just in his heart.
 
     And I’ll tell you one other thing that would make a big difference.  A very smart professor, Professor Dube, University Massachusetts Amherst, who just came out with a report that many of you saw in the last few days that said if we were to raise the minimum wage to $10.10 in the staged way it’s projected by the Harkin-Miller legislation, that that would lift 6.8 million people out of poverty; it would make them less dependent on government programs; it would not add to the deficit one penny but it would reward work and reduce poverty. 
 
And those are some of the things that you're going to hear from your President now in the State of the Union, and, more importantly, those are things that we're going to fight to get done.  And if anybody suggests that somehow we want to fight for the minimum wage or extending emergency unemployment for political reasons as opposed to it being the right thing to do, I have a really good solution:  Let's get them done right now in a bipartisan way.  Then everybody can share credit in doing something that’s the right thing for the American people.
 
So thank you very much.
 
MR. CARNEY:  Thanks, Gene. 
 
Any other questions?  Julie.
 
Q    Thanks, Jay.  I had a couple questions about the situation in Iraq.  Secretary Kerry said that this is a fight that belongs to the Iraqis, but I'm wondering if the President feels any kind of special responsibility for assisting the Iraqis given the very recent history between these two countries.
 
MR. CARNEY:  Well, the United States maintains a strong relationship and commitment with and to the government of Iraq.  And we remain in close contact both from Washington and our embassy in Baghdad with Iraq's political leaders about how we can continue to support the government's efforts to defeat al Qaeda  -- what's known now as the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, which is the al Qaeda umbrella group there.
 
We have, as Secretary Kerry said, made a significant commitment to helping the Iraqi government in dealing with that situation.  And what Secretary Kerry's point also was -- and I think this is a broader point about conflicts in the region -- is that this is something for the Iraqis to take the lead on and handle themselves, but that doesn’t mean that we cannot assist them, and we have.  We're working closely with the Iraqis to develop a holistic strategy to isolate the al Qaeda-affiliated groups, and we have seen some early successes in Ramadi, as you know, where tribal forces and police, with the Iraqi army providing support, appear to have isolated ISIL in pockets of the city.
 
Now, this situation remains fluid, and it's too early to tell or make conclusions about it, but we're accelerating our foreign military sales deliveries and are looking to provide an additional shipment of Hellfire missiles as early as this spring. These missiles are one small element of that holistic strategy, but they have been proven effective at denying ISIL the safe haven zones that it has sought to establish in western Iraq. 
 
I can add that in addition to those Hellfire missiles, through our FMS program we will also be providing 10 ScanEagle surveillance UAVs in the upcoming weeks and 48 Raven surveillance UAVs later this year.  These UAVs will help the Iraqis track terrorist elements operating within the country.  We also provided Aerostat surveillance balloons to the government of Iraq in September of last year, and delivered three additional Bell IA-407 helicopters in December, just last month, bringing the total purchase purchase buy and delivered to Iraq to 30. 
 
So this is I think representative of the comprehensive package of assistance that we’re providing to Iraq in this effort, which, obviously, they are leading and the government is responsible for carrying out.
 
     Q    John McCain, Lindsay Graham, and some others say that some of what is happening on the ground in Iraq is a consequence of the U.S. completely pulling out.  And they say that the administration should learn a lesson from that and not go to the so-called zero option in Afghanistan.  Is the President looking at what’s happening in Iraq and applying that to his decision making on Afghanistan in any way?
 
     MR. CARNEY:  Well, I would say a couple of things about that.  I don’t think -- I’ve heard members of Congress suggest this, but if members were suggesting that there should be American troops fighting and dying in Fallujah today, they should say so.  The President doesn’t believe that.  If they believe that we should not end our combat mission in Afghanistan, they should say so. 
 
     Now, the President, when it comes to Afghanistan, has made clear that he believes we should and can have a continuing mission there focused solely on training Afghan troops and counterterrorism.  But being able to do that and fulfill that requires the Afghan government to sign the bilateral security agreement and they have not done so.  And as each day passes, it becomes harder to plan with our NATO allies for a post-2014 mission because we can’t do that without a BSA that’s signed after it’s been negotiated.  And as you know, there were commitments by the Afghan government to complete that by the end of the year.
 
     Q    But does he believe that if the U.S. doesn’t leave some small contingent there, even if their primary mission is training, counterterrorism -- does he believe that that could leave a vacuum in Afghanistan similar to what we’re seeing in Iraq?
 
     MR. CARNEY:  Well, the President believes that the best policy is to maintain a presence there focused solely on the missions that I’ve mentioned.  But he cannot and will not do that absent a BSA, which is why it is so important that Afghanistan, the Afghan government move quickly to sign that agreement, which would then allow for preparation for 2014 under the conditions that I talked about, which would be a continued presence -- ending the combat operation in Afghanistan, but having a smaller contingent -- or, rather, a smaller contingent of American forces in Afghanistan focused on counterterrorism and training Afghan troops.
 
     I think it’s important to know when you make this comparison -- which is an excellent question -- that there was sectarian conflict -- violent sectarian conflict in Iraq when there were 150,000 U.S. troops on the ground there.  So the idea that this would not be happening if there were 10,000 troops in Iraq I think bears scrutiny.
 
     The President believes that we ought to pursue our national security interests in our policy with regards to Iraq and with regards to Afghanistan, and that’s what he’s doing.
 
     Steve.
 
     Q    Jay, do you have a new deadline for when you’d like to see the Afghan people sign the bilateral security agreement?
 
     MR. CARNEY:  Steve, we never set a December 31st hard deadline, but it was certainly our preference to complete that agreement in 2013, which was consistent, as I just mentioned, with the goal that was set at the beginning of negotiations and reiterated by President Karzai during his visit to Washington last January.
 
     Now, our position continues to be that if we cannot conclude a bilateral security agreement promptly, then we will be forced to initiate planning for a post-2014 future in which there would be no U.S., nor NATO troop presence in Afghanistan.  That's not the future we’re seeking.  That's not the policy the President believes is best and we don't believe it’s in Afghanistan’s interest.  But the further this slips into 2014, the more likely that outcome will come to pass.  The holidays are over, and I would expect that as the interagency convenes to continue considering options to present to the President for a post-2014 presence, we will have to increasingly factor the lack of a BSA, a signed BSA into our plan.
 
     Q    So how much longer then do you give them to think about this? 
 
     MR. CARNEY:  Look, I don't have a specific deadline --
 
     Q    Are you talking a matter of weeks or months?
 
     MR. CARNEY:  -- or other policy decisions to announce today, but I can tell you that we’re talking about weeks and not months. And the clock is ticking for the reasons I laid out.  We can't contemplate a continued presence there absent a signed bilateral security agreement.  The planning necessary for a continued presence to fight -- to take on counterterrorism missions and to assist in the training of Afghan security forces needs to happen early this year.  And absent a signed BSA, we’ll have to plan for that contingency.
 
     Q    You’ve got Syria peace talks coming up in Geneva later this month.  What role do you perceive the Iranians have in this process?
 
     MR. CARNEY:  Our position on that, Steve, has not changed, which is that in order to participate, Iran would have to commit itself to the Geneva Communiqué.  The purpose of the Geneva II meeting on January 22nd is to move forward on a principle laid out in the Geneva Communiqué, so obviously you cannot participate constructively if you do not buy into those principles and publicly say so.  That position has not changed.
 
     Brianna.
 
     Q    Thanks, Jay.  On unemployment, on the offsets that you hear Speaker Boehner and some Republicans are open to, what’s the reasoning for not being opened to offsets for the short term and the long term?
 
     MR. CARNEY:  As Gene just said, we’re already now a week past the point at which 1.3 million Americans and their families had those benefits -- emergency benefits cut off --
 
     Q    Is it because it would delay -- it delays the process? Do you think offsets are damaging in some way?  What’s the reasoning for --
 
     MR. CARNEY:  What I would say is there’s a bill in the Senate that will be voted on soon that treats this as the emergency it is, would extend benefits for just three months, and we ought to act on that, as Gene said.
 
     It is also the case that all five times -- as noted earlier by Gene -- under President George W. Bush when unemployment insurance, emergency benefits were extended, they were unpaid for.  And the fact is the unemployment rate was lower than it is even now -- at 7 percent, even though it’s coming down.  And also what is distinct from at least the latter times that unemployment insurance was extended under President Bush, the deficit is going down instead of up. 
 
So when it comes to the need to be mindful of our deficits, the fact is, as has been much reported on and we’ve discussed from here, the deficit is coming down at the fastest rate since World War II -- which does not mean we don't need to be extremely mindful of how we spend our resources, but we have an emergency situation here.  We have a bipartisan bill in the Senate that can and should be voted on with a majority of support.  And we hope Congress will take action right away.
 
     As Gene said, that would give immediate relief to these families and remove the fear that I think now many of them face not knowing if and when they’ll ever get those benefits back, and would allow for time for further discussions about how to move forward for the rest of 2014.
 
     Q    As we await some developments on Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor temporarily blocking the mandate that all employers of religious affiliation provide contraceptive coverage through their health insurance, are you concerned that that move undercuts the mandate considering this is a justice that President Obama appointed?
 
     MR. CARNEY:  Well, I don't comment on pending litigation matters.  But we remain confident that our final rule strikes -- rules, rather, strike the balance of providing women with free contraceptive coverage while preventing nonprofit religious employers with religious objections to contraceptive coverage from having to contract, arrange, pay, or refer for such coverage.
 
     Now, our aim is to balance the goal of providing women with coverage for recommended preventive care, including contraceptive services, with no cost sharing and the goal of respecting the concerns of nonprofit religious employers that object to contraceptive coverage. 
 
But on ongoing litigation, I would have to refer you to the Department of Justice.
 
     Q    I’m not talking about underlying litigation.
 
     MR. CARNEY:  But you’re asking about -- you’re reading into a decision made about what it means and the context, and I’m saying that this is an ongoing matter that the Department of Justice would comment on both at the low level and the high level in terms of its broader meaning.  I think we’ll wait and see what action is taken further beyond what we’ve seen already.
 
     Jon.
 
     Q    Jay, we learned that 2.1 million people have enrolled through the marketplaces.  Can you tell us how many of those people are young people, how many are in that 18-34 demographic?
 
     MR. CARNEY:  What I can tell you is the demographic data isn’t available yet, but I know that CMS plans to make data available as soon as possible.  Several states who are running their own marketplaces are reporting that a good mix of people is signing up, and that’s important when we talk about what the overall goals here are for March 31st, the end of open enrollment -- the mix is really a key element of this.  And when we have demographic data to provide -- we being the administration, CMS in particular -- we will provide it.  But we don’t have it at this point.
 
     Q    Why don’t you have it?  I mean, the states are able to give us this --
 
     MR. CARNEY:  I think some states, several states -- there are 50 of them -- several states have been able to do this and provided some data.  We will and I think I just noted that CMS plans to make it available as soon as possible.
 
     I think, Jon, that if you look at how we’ve dealt with data as it’s become available over the past several months, both good data and bad data, we’ve done our best to provide it to you when we are confident about the accuracy of it.  And I’m confident CMS will do that.  We don’t dispute the notion if the question is why aren’t you providing data because there’s something about it that we don’t like -- that just wrong, because we don’t have the data to provide.
 
     Q    You don’t have it yourselves?  You don’t even --
 
     MR. CARNEY:  We don’t.  I certainly don’t.  And I know that it’s not -- we don’t have data that’s ready to be released.  What I can tell you is we don’t dispute the notion that the mix is important, that whatever the total figure is of people who enroll by March 31st, the aggregate number, the total number is not as important as the overall makeup that you see in that population.
 
     Q    Some of the outside experts -- Kaiser has said 40 percent need to be in that age group.  Is that the benchmark you’re looking at?
 
     MR. CARNEY:  I don’t know the answer to that question in terms of what our percentage is.  I know that obviously a good mix is important, and that includes young Americans.  As we’ve talked about, there are obviously campaigns underway to reach as many people as possible about the wisdom of taking advantage of these opportunities to sign up for health insurance.  And we’re going to be, as we have all along, engaged in an effort to provide a product that is clearly very much in demand to all the Americans who want to avail themselves of it.
 
     Q    And when you say “soon” for this data --
 
     MR. CARNEY:  I don’t have anything more specific than that.
 
     Q    And just one last thing.  The President over the break enrolled in a “bronze” plan, correct -- individual plan?  Why did he do that?  I mean, he’s not actually going to use this health coverage, obviously.
 
     MR. CARNEY:  I think, as we said when it occurred, this is largely a symbolic move to demonstrate obviously his commitment, which I don’t think could be any clearer, to the Affordable Care Act.  So it’s correct that like all Presidents he gets his military care from the military -- I mean, his health care from the military.  But he enrolled for that reason -- because he said he would and because he believes that, as so many millions of Americans have demonstrated over the past several months, that it is very much a product that is worth having.
 
     Q    But he didn’t enroll himself, right?  Staff went and did it for him.  Did he directly engage in this?
 
     MR. CARNEY:  I think we answered these questions several weeks ago, Jon.  His assistant did the physical --
 
     Q    This is the first time I’ve had a chance to talk to you since.
 
     MR. CARNEY:  Sure.  But he did not physically enroll.  I don’t think anybody would doubt how busy the President is or anyone would doubt that this President is highly computer-literate.  But his assistant did the enrolling for him.
 
     Q    You just said that the aggregate number at the end of March is less important than the demographic mix.  Why is the administration backing away from the 7 million person enrollment figure that Kathleen Sebelius, Marilyn Tavenner, and various other incarnations said was the goal and a legitimate goal and a reachable goal?
 
     MR. CARNEY:  What I would say, Major, is that the 7 million estimate was a CBO figure from earlier this year on how many people they thought would come in during the first enrollment period.  Some estimates were lower and some were higher.  This is the first time this has been done obviously, so it’s hard to predict what that number would be.  It’s important to understand that there’s not some magic number -- 6,999,999 -- and the system collapses, one more than that and it functions perfectly.  The issue, obviously, is there has to be some buy-in -- some estimates have been as low as 2 million -- but what that makeup looks like both demographically and geographically.
 
     So all of these issues are important.  We’re not backing away from a number that we didn’t put out originally.  I think that others noted that 7 million is a fine target but that that will not determine whether the marketplaces function effectively. The issue is --
 
     Q    But, I mean, Secretary Sebelius said on September 30th -- this is a direct quote -- “I think success looks like at least 7 million people having signed up by the end of March, 2014.” That sounds like she’s embracing that not just conceptually but she says that’s what success looks like.
 
     MR. CARNEY:  Well, I think success looks like having many millions of people sign up.  What is important -- because I think the conflation here is an estimate, one of which, by CBO, was 7 million, of a total number of enrollees and what that means.  Obviously, the more enrollees there are, that’s a measure of success.  But in terms of how effective the marketplaces function, the makeup, the mix of the population that enrolls is more important than the total number.  And that’s why so many efforts are underway to reach different populations with the message of the options available to people for quality, affordable health insurance.
 
     Q    So that’s a redefinition of success, the mix --
 
     MR. CARNEY:  Major, I think, again, as I’ve just said, neither the Secretary of Health and Human Services, nor anyone else involved in this effort, or any expert in the field would argue that success alone depends on the total aggregate number of enrollees.  That would not pass academic or intellectual scrutiny.  Obviously, the mix is important, that getting a substantial number of enrollees -- and I think everyone here has reported on and would agree with an assessment that the numbers of enrollees has been increasing significantly in December over the previous two months, and we expect that number to continue to go up across the country.
 
     Let me move up and back --
 
     Q    On the question of Iraq, there’s sort of an analysis in the foreign policy community that from Iraq to Syria to Lebanon, there is an ascendency of al Qaeda affiliated or sympathizing groups, and that American interests are in jeopardy in ways that they simply weren’t six or 12 months ago.  Does the administration share that anxiety and does it see in these three places now a spike in violence but an unsettling spike in violence, and how does it plan to respond?
 
     MR. CARNEY:  Well, there’s no question that the violence in Syria continues to be a problem, and as we have said all along, that the more that civil war continues and is not resolved through the political process that is required to resolve it, the more possibility that that conflict would spread beyond the borders of Syria.  And we’ve seen some of that take place already.
 
     There is no question that there are conflicts that have to be resolved within these countries, and that political -- whether it’s Iraq, Syria, Lebanon -- that the only resolution to these conflicts is through a political process.  And we are working very closely with our partners and directly with those who support political reconciliation to help bring that about.  And that includes the Geneva II conference with regards to Syria; it includes the efforts we’re undertaking with the government of Iraq, and obviously with our support for Lebanese security forces and for the Lebanese government’s stated policy of disassociation from the conflict in Syria.
 
     But broadly -- because the context of some of the stories you’re mentioning is that somehow a greater American presence, troops on the ground, would result in a different dynamic.  And obviously it’s hard to prove a negative, but as I said earlier, there was a great deal of sectarian conflict in Iraq when tens of thousands, more than a hundred thousand U.S. troops were on the ground.  So I think that demonstrates that --
 
     Q    But some might argue --
 
MR. CARNEY:  -- 10,000 troops --
 
Q    -- beaten back then by the surge, and then that the absence of American forces has created a vacuum.
 
     MR. CARNEY:  Well, again, the fact of the matter is when there were 150,000 U.S. troops on the ground there was a great deal of sectarian violence in Iraq.  When there was a decision made by groups within Iraq to pursue political reconciliation -- and in the case of Iraq, the Sunni Awakening, for example -- to choose a path that is supported by the broad majority of Iraqis regardless of their religious or regional affiliation to reject al Qaeda, for example, reject extremism, that that produced positive results in terms of reduction in violence.  And that is what we are working with the government of Iraq to pursue again during this current stage of conflict.
 
     Q    Could I follow on that?
 
     MR. CARNEY:  Let me just move around a little bit, Connie.  Jon-Christopher.  Then Margaret.
 
     Q    It’s the first press briefing of the New Year, Jay.  Have you discussed or have any insight as to the President’s New Year’s resolutions, especially in dealing with Congress?
 
     MR. CARNEY:  Look, the President -- I have not had that conversation with him in the context of New Year’s resolutions.  I know that the President begins this year committed to working with Congress cooperatively and in a spirit of compromise to get things done that help the American people, that help the middle class, that help our economy grow.
 
     He was heartened, as were many of us, all of us here, by the progress demonstrated in the budget resolution, the budget bill that passed that was negotiated by Senator Murray and Chairman Ryan.  And while that was modest and we acknowledged it at the time, it was a break from past practice, at least the immediate past.  And it was a positive sign. 
 
So we are hopeful that that might foreshadow more opportunities for cooperation in areas where there is agreement about how to invest in our economy, how to, as I think Gene mentioned on one of the shows yesterday, how to embrace, for example, our commitment to reduce the corporate tax rate and eliminate a lot of tax loopholes, and to, as part of that deal, to invest heavily in infrastructure in this country so that we can create jobs today and a stronger economic foundation for the future.  Comprehensive immigration reform is another ripe opportunity for bipartisan cooperation given the broad bipartisan support around the country and in Congress for taking that action and moving forward with it.
 
     So you will see from the start an effort by this President, by this White House to find where we can work together with and compromise with Republicans in Congress, get things done on behalf of the American people.  And you will find continued commitment by this President to not take congressional intransigence as the end of the story, by moving where he can administratively and through his executive authority to advance an agenda that helps the economy grow and helps the middle class feel more secure.
 
     Q    Thank you, Jay.  On a personal note, have you?
 
     MR. CARNEY:  I don’t share my New Year’s resolutions -- except to look more like Evan -- but, yes.  (Laughter.)
 
     Q    Thanks.  I wanted to check in with you on South Sudan as well as another question.  The peace talks are underway.  Can you give us a sense of how the President is following this and how the U.S. will engage in this?  And then on Iraq, I just wanted to ask you how what’s happening there is affecting the U.S. calculus on Iran as well as Afghanistan?
 
         MR. CARNEY:  On South Sudan, the President is regularly updated on the situation there and we remain deeply concerned by the conflict in South Sudan and are working on multiple fronts to bring about an end to the violence.  The President’s Special Envoy, Donald Booth, is in Ethiopia in support of talks between the parties.  He is pressing them to reach a cease-fire and ensure humanitarian access.  As Secretary Kerry said on Sunday, these negotiations need to be serious and both sides need to listen to the region and to the international community.  The dispute cannot be resolved through violence.  The parties must work to find a peaceful, democratic way forward. 
 
If I could, I’d like to add that to be meaningful and productive, senior SPLM members currently detained in Juba need to be present for discussions on political issues--- to help the talks move forward.  We urge the Government of South Sudan to uphold its commitments and release political detainees immediately. 
 
I think I've got time for one more.
 
Q    But what about the --
 
MR. CARNEY:  What was the other one?  Sorry. 
 
Q    It was to say we've been talking a lot about Iraq -- how is the situation there affecting U.S. calculus on the Iran negotiations and on the Afghanistan withdrawal?  Or maybe the question is better asked vice versa -- how are the talks in Iran and how does the situation with troops in Afghanistan have the potential to impact al Qaeda's ability?
 
MR. CARNEY:  I'm not sure how to answer that except to treat the issues specifically in terms of what actions we're taking.  I've talked about our view of the need for Kabul to sign -- the Afghan government to sign the bilateral security agreement.  The time is coming when we have to make, with our NATO allies, preparations for a post-2014 mission, and absent a BSA that action cannot include a troop presence. 
 
On Iran, work is still being done by technical teams on the interim agreement, but we expect action on that relatively -- fairly soon.  And then with regards to Iraq, I think I would just repeat what I said before, which is that we are committed to provide assistance to the government of Iraq in its efforts to work with tribal and regional leaders to expel al Qaeda-affiliated groups from those areas because it's in the interests of the Iraqi people.  So we're going to continue to do that.
 
We're going to continue to speed up the assistance, as I mentioned earlier, that we believe can help them achieve that goal, and continue to discuss at a political level, as I think Deputy National Security Advisor Antony Blinken did the other day with an Iraqi leader, the need to pursue conversations in a spirit of reconciliation so that the common interests in reducing violence and rejecting al Qaeda is achieved.  So we'll continue to work on that.
 
Q    Jay, the First Lady stayed behind in Hawaii and the White House said that that was an early birthday present from the President.  Does that mean he's paying for the flight back, or are the taxpayers paying?
 
MR. CARNEY:  As with all personal travel, the First Family will appropriately fund personal expenses, Ed.  And in line with travel of past Presidents and First Ladies, the First Lady will travel via government aircraft.  But you're accurate in your description that this was her decision to remain at actually the President's suggestion in Hawaii to spend time with friends ahead of her upcoming very big birthday.  And if you have kids, you know that telling your spouse that they can go spend a week away from home is actually a big present.  Not that we don’t love our kids.  (Laughter.) 
 
Q    You might get in trouble calling it a "big birthday."  (Laughter.) 
 
MR. CARNEY:  I think she's acknowledged which birthday it is. 
 
Q    Jay do you have a week ahead yet?
 
MR. CARNEY:  I don’t think we do, but we'll see what we can come up with.  I've got to run to a meeting.
 
Q    Do you have an update on the President's address that you said would be prior to the State of the Union on national security surveillance?
 
MR. CARNEY:  On the disclosures issues?  The President will speak about those issues prior to the State of the Union.  The State of the Union address is on January 28, so sometime between now and then he'll address those issues. 
 
Great to see you all.  Thanks a lot.
 
END          
2:01 P.M. EST

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Presidential Nominations Sent to the Senate

NOMINATIONS SENT TO THE SENATE:

Jill A. Pryor, of Georgia, to be United States Circuit Judge for the Eleventh Circuit, vice Stanley F. Birch, Jr., retired.

Carolyn B. McHugh, of Utah, to be United States Circuit Judge for the Tenth Circuit, vice Michael R. Murphy, retired.

Michelle T. Friedland, of California, to be United States Circuit Judge for the Ninth Circuit, vice Raymond C. Fisher, retired.

Nancy L. Moritz, of Kansas, to be United States Circuit Judge for the Tenth Circuit, vice Deanell Reece Tacha, retired.

John B. Owens, of California, to be United States Circuit Judge for the Ninth Circuit, vice Stephen S. Trott, retired.

David Jeremiah Barron, of Massachusetts, to be United States Circuit Judge for the First Circuit, vice Michael Boudin, retired.

Robin S. Rosenbaum, of Florida, to be United States Circuit Judge for the Eleventh Circuit, vice Rosemary Barkett, resigned.

Julie E. Carnes, of Georgia, to be United States Circuit Judge for the Eleventh Circuit, vice James Larry Edmondson, retired.

Gregg Jeffrey Costa, of Texas, to be United States Circuit Judge for the Fifth Circuit, vice Fortunato P. Benavides, retired.

Rosemary Márquez, of Arizona, to be United States District Judge for the District of Arizona, vice Frank R. Zapata, retired.

Pamela L. Reeves, of Tennessee, to be United States District Judge for the Eastern District of Tennessee, vice Thomas W. Phillips, retiring.

Timothy L. Brooks, of Arkansas, to be United States District Judge for the Western District of Arkansas, vice Jimm Larry Hendren, retired.

Jeffrey Alker Meyer, of Connecticut, to be United States District Judge for the District of Connecticut, vice Mark R. Kravitz, deceased.

James Donato, of California, to be United States District Judge for the Northern District of California, vice James Ware, retired.

Beth Labson Freeman, of California, to be United States District Judge for the Northern District of California, vice an additional position in accordance with 28 USC 133(b)(1).

Jennifer Prescod May-Parker, of North Carolina, to be United States District Judge for the Eastern District of North Carolina, vice Malcolm J. Howard, retired.

Pedro A. Delgado Hernández, of Puerto Rico, to be United States District Judge for the District of Puerto Rico, vice Daniel R. Dominguez, retired.

Bruce Howe Hendricks, of South Carolina, to be United States District Judge for the District of South Carolina, vice Margaret B. Seymour, retired.

Alison Renee Lee, of South Carolina, to be United States District Judge for the District of South Carolina, vice Cameron M. Currie, retiring.

Vince Girdhari Chhabria, of California, to be United States District Judge for the Northern District of California, vice Susan Y. Illston, retired.

Matthew Frederick Leitman, of Michigan, to be United States District Judge for the Eastern District of Michigan, vice Marianne O. Battani, retired.

Judith Ellen Levy, of Michigan, to be United States District Judge for the Eastern District of Michigan, vice Nancy G. Edmunds, retired.

Laurie J. Michelson, of Michigan, to be United States District Judge for the Eastern District of Michigan, vice George Caram Steeh III, retired.

James Maxwell Moody Jr., of Arkansas, to be United States District Judge for the Eastern District of Arkansas, vice Susan Webber Wright, retiring.

Linda Vivienne Parker, of Michigan, to be United States District Judge for the Eastern District of Michigan, vice Robert H. Cleland, retired.

Christopher Reid Cooper, of the District of Columbia, to be United States District Judge for the District of Columbia, vice Royce C. Lamberth, retired.

Daniel D. Crabtree, of Kansas, to be United States District Judge for the District of Kansas, vice John W. Lungstrum, retired.

M. Douglas Harpool, of Missouri, to be United States District Judge for the Western District of Missouri, vice Richard E. Dorr, deceased.

Sheryl H. Lipman, of Tennessee, to be United States District Judge for the Western District of Tennessee, vice Jon P. McCalla, retired.

Gerald Austin McHugh, Jr., of Pennsylvania, to be United States District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, vice Harvey Bartle, III, retired.

Edward G. Smith, of Pennsylvania, to be United States District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, vice Berle M. Schiller, retired.

Cynthia Ann Bashant, of California, to be United States District Judge for the Southern District of California, vice Irma E. Gonzalez, retired.

Stanley Allen Bastian, of Washington, to be United States District Judge for the Eastern District of Washington, vice Edward F. Shea, retired.

Diane J. Humetewa, of Arizona, to be United States District Judge for the District of Arizona, vice Mary H. Murguia, elevated.

Jon David Levy, of Maine, to be United States District Judge for the District of Maine, vice George Z. Singal, retired.

Steven Paul Logan, of Arizona, to be United States District Judge for the District of Arizona, vice James A. Teilborg, retired.

Douglas L. Rayes, of Arizona, to be United States District Judge for the District of Arizona, vice Frederick J. Martone, retired.

Manish S. Shah, of Illinois, to be United States District Judge for the Northern District of Illinois, vice Joan Humphrey Lefkow, retired.

John Joseph Tuchi, of Arizona, to be United States District Judge for the District of Arizona, vice Roslyn Moore-Silver, retired.

Mark G. Mastroianni, of Massachusetts, to be United States District Judge for the District of Massachusetts, vice Michael A. Ponsor, retired.

Indira Talwani, of Massachusetts, to be United States District Judge for the District of Massachusetts, vice Mark L. Wolf, retired.

Theodore David Chuang, of Maryland, to be United States District Judge for the District of Maryland, vice Roger W. Titus, retiring.

George Jarrod Hazel, of Maryland, to be United States District Judge for the District of Maryland, vice Alexander Williams, Jr., retired.

James D. Peterson, of Wisconsin, to be United Stated District Judge for the Western District of Wisconsin, vice John C. Shabaz, retired.

Nancy J. Rosenstengel, of Illinois, to be United States District Judge for the Southern District of Illinois, vice G. Patrick Murphy, retiring.

Ronnie L. White, of Missouri, to be United States District Judge for the Eastern District of Missouri, vice Jean C. Hamilton, retired.

Michael P. Boggs, of Georgia, to be United States District Judge for the Northern District of Georgia, vice Julie E. Carnes.

Tanya S. Chutkan, of the District of Columbia, to be United States District Judge for the District of Columbia, vice an additional position in accordance with 28 U.S.C. 133(b)(1).

Mark Howard Cohen, of Georgia, to be United States District Judge for the Northern District of Georgia, vice Clarence Cooper, retired.

M. Hannah Lauck, of Virginia, to be United States District Judge for the Eastern District of Virginia, vice James R. Spencer, retiring.

Leigh Martin May, of Georgia, to be United States District Judge for the Northern District of Georgia, vice Beverly B. Martin, elevated.

Eleanor Louise Ross, of Georgia, to be United States District Judge for the Northern District of Georgia, vice Charles A. Pannell, Jr., retired.

Leo T. Sorokin, of Massachusetts, to be United States District Judge for the District of Massachusetts, vice Joseph L. Tauro, retired.

James Alan Soto, of Arizona, to be United States District Judge for the District of Arizona, vice David C. Bury, retired.

Gary Blankinship, of Texas, to be United States Marshal for the Southern District of Texas for the term of four years, vice Ruben Monzon, resigned.

Robert L. Hobbs, of Texas, to be United States Marshal for the Eastern District of Texas for the term of four years, vice John Lee Moore, term expired.

Amos Rojas, Jr., of Florida, to be United States Marshal for the Southern District of Florida for the term of four years, vice Christina Pharo, term expired.

Peter C. Tobin, of Ohio, to be United States Marshal for the Southern District of Ohio for a term of four years, vice Cathy Jo Jones, resigned.

Damon Paul Martinez, of New Mexico, to be United States Attorney for the District of New Mexico for the term of four years, vice Kenneth J. Gonzales, resigned.

Andrew Mark Luger, of Minnesota, to be United States Attorney for the District of Minnesota for the term of four years, vice B. Todd Jones, term expired.

Kevin W. Techau, of Iowa, to be United States Attorney for the Northern District of Iowa for the term of four years, vice Stephanie M. Rose, resigned.

William Ward Nooter, of the District of Columbia, to be an Associate Judge of the Superior Court of the District of Columbia for the term of fifteen years, vice A. Franklin Burgess, retired.

Sherry Moore Trafford, of the District of Columbia, to be an Associate Judge of the Superior Court of the District of Columbia for the term of fifteen years, vice Natalia Combs Greene, retired.

Steven M. Wellner, of the District of Columbia, to be an Associate Judge of the Superior Court of the District of Columbia for the term of fifteen years, vice Kaye K. Christian, retired.