Remarks by Vice President Joe Biden on European Energy Security to the Atlantic Council Energy and Economic Summit

Grand Tarabya Hotel
Istanbul, Turkey

10:58 A.M. (Local)

THE VICE PRESIDENT: Well, ladies and gentlemen, it’s an honor to be here. I would tell you, I say to my good friend, Jim Jones, former National Security Advisor, General. General, I have a new attitude toward birthdays. And there was a famous American athlete, a professional baseball player who did not get to play in what we call the Major Leagues until he was 45 years old. His name was Satchel Paige. He was a pitcher. And on his 47th birthday, the oldest pitcher pitching, he won a game. And the press went into the locker room after the game and said -- they referred to him as Satch. They said, Satch, how does it feel being 47 and pitching in the big leagues and winning a game?

He looked at them. He said, fellahs, that's not how I look at it. He said, let me tell you how I view age. I think of it this way: How old would you be if you didn’t know how old you are? (Laughter.) I am 42 years old. (Laughter.) And that's the way I think of it, and I’m standing by it, Jim.

It’s great to be speaking once again before the Atlantic Council. I’m pleased to be here in Istanbul, a perfect place to talk about the issues before us, and with my good friend and he is my good friend. I was kidding the Prime Minister last time we -- we’ve known each other a long time, and he used to be the Foreign Minister. And now he’s the Prime Minister. And I’m still the Vice President. (Laughter.) But he still likes me, and I still like him. (Laughter.)

But this is the perfect place to have this discussion sitting at the crossroads of Europe and Asia, a vital part of the Mediterranean and the Middle East. And I’ve just come from Ukraine, where the United States and our European partners are working shoulder-to-shoulder within the country’s democratically elected leadership to support Ukraine’s democratic development and its European aspirations.

Quite frankly, Russian aggression in Ukraine and its illegal occupation of Crimea remind us that we still have a good deal more work to do to guarantee the strategic vision of a Europe whole, free and at peace.

As I said when I spoke at a similar gathering at the Atlantic Alliance [sic] in Washington this May, this vision of Europe whole and free and at peace is the right vision. But we need to redouble our efforts to achieve it. At Wales, NATO renewed its determination to protect and defend every inch of NATO territory; to increase defense spending to 2 percent for all our NATO allies; to strengthen NATO’s readiness to deploy quickly whenever and wherever they are needed.

But as the story of Ukraine shows, there are multiple dimensions to European security. And the Prime Minister and I spoke of many of them last night for some time, as he was kind enough to host me for dinner. Obviously, one of the dimensions is hard military power. But we're also facing new weapons being used, and used by Russia and others.

First is a new development, the use of corruption and oligarchy-kleptocracy as a tool of international coercion. Second, is use of energy as a weapon, undermining the security of nations. Global energy security is a vital part of America’s national security. In East Asia, President Obama and President Xi just signed a historic agreement to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. In Sub-Saharan Africa, the United States has launched an initiative to double the access to electric power. We call is Power Africa. And in the Caribbean and Central America, our administration has launched a new, regional energy strategy to help boost sustainable economic growth and diversity of energy sources.

But here in Europe, energy is -- energy security is an especially vital regional security interest because of Russia’s track record in using the supply of energy as a foreign policy weapon against its neighbors in violation of basic commercial and international norms.

This is a huge strategic problem for many countries that rely on Russia for their energy supply. But the truth is this is also a unique moment for Europe. Europe has a real opportunity to change their circumstances. We believe -- the President and I -- we believe that energy security is the next chapter in the European project of integration and market expansion that began decades ago with European coal and steel.

As a matter of economic and national security, that means we need governments and the European Commission to work hand-in-hand with the private sector to ensure diversity in sources of fuel from hydrocarbons to renewables; diversity in countries of origin, from North Africa, to the Eastern Mediterranean, to the United States; more interconnections, that supply routes that are more reliable -- everything from new pipelines to LNG facilities.

We have been aware that this single source of energy has been a problem for a long time in Europe. But now, now, now is the time to act. What’s happening in Ukraine only underscores the urgency. And my message here is not that Europe can or should do away with Russian imports. That's not the case at all. I have no doubt that Russia will and should remain a major source of energy supplies for Europe and the world.

This is about energy security. To achieve it, Europe needs to ensure it diversifies its resources, its routes and its suppliers.

Russia can and should be a player, but it has to play by the rules of the game. It shouldn’t be able to use its energy policy to play with the game.

True energy security in Europe is going to require some tough decisions, but there’s been progress. As you know, Europe experienced three energy crises in ’06, ’09 and again in 2014 when Russia shut off its supplies to Ukraine and other parts of Europe. Countries have stepped up to the plate; and with each successive crisis, we’ve made some progress.

For example, in 2008 [sic], when gas from Ukraine was cut off, Slovaks were shocked to find themselves suffering in the cold winter for two weeks, something they thought would never happen because their country lay on the route to Western Europe.

But then Slovakia adapted, and quickly built interconnections with its neighbors, enabling it to receive supplies from the Czech Republic within 24 hours in case of another such emergency. This time, this winter, there wasn’t even a threat. That’s progress.

At the same time, the U.S. and EU launched an aggressive energy diplomacy shortly after the 2009 cutoff to ensure that reserve flows -- reverse flows of gas could even be available to Ukraine from its neighbors during future crises.

The fruits of that diplomacy paid off this year, when Russia cut off the gas to Ukraine in June, and Poland, Hungary, and Slovakia quickly moved in to help.

Ukraine risked another crisis this winter. But through skillful European mediation and active U.S. engagement, Russia and Ukraine reached an agreement that will keep the gas flowing this winter. That, too, is progress.

We saw other key milestones a few weeks ago when Lithuania inaugurated its liquefied natural gas terminal, appropriately named “The Independence.” I met with the Lithuanian Prime Minister in Washington in October, shortly before the launch.

In combination of this new facility, an emerging LNG deal between Finland and Estonia; and action by Baltic states to interconnect their electricity and gas supplies, both to one another and to Europe and Scandinavia as a whole; together, these things have the potential to make the Baltic “energy island” a thing of the past.

The region that was once almost entirely dependent on Russia has seized the initiative and now is on track to achieve greater energy securityand not incidentally greater freedom. All this marks a genuine advancement in our agenda. But we can’t rest on our laurels. You all know better than I we have to go much further. We have to finish the job.

That’s one of the reasons why I recently went to Cyprus -- the highest-ranking U.S. official to visit Cyprus in five decades -- because I wanted to encourage the Cypriots to develop their energy resources in cooperation with all -- all -- their neighbors; and to make clear that everyone benefits if the entire Eastern Mediterranean can work together to become a hub for natural gas markets.

Promoting energy security was also a major reason why I recently visited Romania. Romania can be a linchpin in delivering gas to its neighbors and even become an energy exporter for its neighbors across Central and Eastern Europe. Croatia is another country with potential to become a regional energy hub if it makes smart investments now, with EU support, and works collaboratively with its neighbors.

When President Obama visited Poland in June and Estonia in September, he called on leaders across Europe to do far more to expand and diversify their energy supplies and to work closely with one another.

We are hopeful the new E.U. Commission’s focus on Energy Union will be a step in that direction. So what do we need to do now? What actually needs to happen?

Well, in our view, to start, we need to identify critical infrastructure projects, increase the interconnectedness between European countries -- from pipelines, to electric grids, to integration of renewables, to energy efficiency standards.

Last year the EU created a mechanism to identify and help fund the most important energy infrastructure projects. But more needs to be done to make the hard decisions to prioritize projects, to focus support, to integrate Central and Eastern Europe.

I know a major obstacle is building the infrastructure. Some of the projects I just mentioned -- the LNG terminal in Lithuania, for example; the reverse-flow interconnectors -- they require long term certainty to be commercially viable on their own.

And I know that current economic conditions make it hard for governments to support infrastructure that, strictly speaking, may not be requiredto meet the narrow definition of energy demand. But that’s what leadership is about. That's what this moment is about -- having the vision and making the choices today to ensure a better and more secure European future.

Leadership also requires nations to work togetheron common policy and investment strategy. If each state operates on its own, all will wind up in a weaker position. In this regard, I was glad to see the EU carry out region-wide energy stress tests, underscoring the importance of coordination.

Another part of improving energy security is to make way for the fuel mix of the future. What the EU has done to integrate renewable energy into its fuel mix is remarkable. The ambitious targets that the EU has set for renewables, for energy efficiency, to cut emissions set a strong example for the rest of the world. And we in the United States are partners in this effort, working toward the same goals.

We also need to help develop new opportunities to bring new sources of supply to Europe. Years ago when I was Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations in the United States Senate, I worked with then President Clinton to launch what was called the Contract of the Century. This was the BTC Pipeline, which would bring Caspian oil to Europe and to the global markets. If you’ll remember -- not any of you women are old enough to remember this -- but if you remember, most believed it would never happen. But with U.S. leadership and the commitments of Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey, it became a reality. Twenty years later, the BTC’s counterpart, the Southern Corridor is close to becoming a reality and should -- must -- become a reality.

With U.S. support, Turkish leadership, Azeri leadership, this ambitious project is traversing Azerbaijan through Georgia, Turkey, Greece, Albania and Italy -- will bring gas for the first time from the Caspian to Europe, a game changer for energy security in Europe.

Today, the energy potential of the Eastern Mediterranean can also play significant strategic and economic dividends for the region itself and Europe as a whole.

For the region, it holds the promise of enhancing stability and prosperity by bringing together Israel, Turkey, Egypt, Greece, Cyprus and hopefully one day Lebanon. It also has the potential to bring new supplies into Europe, to increase its energy security by diversifying energy resources.

This was a big part my message when I was in Cyprus in May, that energy can and should serve as the tool for cooperation, for stability, for security and prosperity. And I’ve asked the State Department’s Energy Envoy, Amos Hochstein, to continue this work. We have a chance to connect the promising developments in the Mediterranean with resources as distant as Azerbaijan and Iraq to ensure greater energy security and national security for all involved.

If we get it right, and it will be difficult, but if we get it right, all will benefit from greater stability, economic growth, jobs and prosperity; from functioning marketplaces for energy -- European energy -- with all the strategic benefits that that brings.

This is also a great moment for energy in Turkey, which has already been playing a role as the energy hub for oil and is poised to play a much bigger role in gas.

That's why I was encouraged to see the recent interim agreement between Baghdad and Erbil on managing exports and revenue sharing. And we continue to support the development of a strategic pipeline from Basra to Jehan. As the regional global energy picture evolves, Turkey’s strategic location is a major, major asset. Turkey will host the G20 next year. And we welcome Turkey’s leadership in carrying forward the important work of the G20 on energy efficiency and climate change.

Turkey’s domestic market potential is also significant. In fact, Turkey is only one of Europe -- is one of Europe’s largest gas markets. It’s the only one expected to grow in the next decade. So the United States stands ready to help Turkey realize its energy potential in any way they think we can be helpful.

This will require the development of competitive gas markets to attract private investment, improve infrastructure and strengthen Turkey’s ability to become a gas hub. And as Secretary Moniz, who was here last week, told our Turkish counterparts, we're already working on renewables together, Turkey and the United States.

As leaders in the formulation of energy policy around the world, it’s within your power to help make energy insecurity in Europe and many other places a thing of the past. That should be one of our goals. We have to keep our eye on the horizon, keep moving past old ways of doing business, keep making energy a tool of cooperation, not a tool of division.

If we can do that, we can achieve a Europe not just whole, free and at peace, but prosperous and secure, a leader in shaping the world’s energy future. That would be good for all of us. So let’s make it happen. Now is the time to act. Let’s not wait any longer.

Thank you for your hospitality and thank you for listening. (Applause.)

END
11:18 A.M. (Local)

Background Briefing by Senior Administration Officials on the Trip of Vice President Joe Biden to Morocco, Ukraine and Turkey

Aboard Air Force Two
En Route Istanbul, Turkey

Q Where do we stand on safe zones?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: I think that things like no-fly zones, buffer zones, safe zones -- there’s a lot of terminology here -- but they're all means. In other words, I think what is -- a more productive conversation is to have less of a focus on the means and more of a focus on the objectives, right? And then you can have a discussion about how you best secure those objectives.

So I think where we and the Turks agree is on the need to do more to combat ISIL in both Iraq and Syria. And we also agree that we need to do more to stand up and facilitate the moderate Syrian opposition, which is opposed to both ISIL and the regime. So we agree on those objectives. And then the question is, what is the best mechanism to make that happen?

And part of it, obviously, is cooperation with the Turks on the train-and-equip mission. Part of it is a conversation with them about partnering with Turkey out of Turkish facilities to do more against ISIL. But I think it’s been our view that we should start with our common baseline of what we're trying to achieve and then continue to have a pretty rigorous dialogue of how best to achieve it.

Q But there’s not agreement about that at this point, is there? Yes, everybody agrees Assad must go. They don't agree on the sort of balance of -- and our saying Iraq comes first, Iraq is the priority, then we’ll worry about that.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: First of all, we agree with the Turks that there needs to be a political transition away from Assad as part of the endgame here, all right? So we don't disagree with them on that. But you're right that at the moment our highest priority in Iraq and Syria is degrading and eventually defeating ISIL. We’ve stated that explicitly. We have ISIL-first, Iraq-first strategy. But not an ISIL-only, Iraq-only strategy.

As the President has said a number of times and other senior officials have said, because we're focusing on ISIL first and Iraq first, the campaign plan such that it is, is further ahead in Iraq than it is in Syria. And part of that is that the train-and-equip mission in Syria is going to take a while to get up to speed.

So that's why we're having conversations with the Turks about what we can do more now while we're ramping up the train-and-equip mission.

Q But the train-and-equip mission, as General Allen has said, and General Dempsey has said, is not -- they are expected to act in a defensive manner against ISIL and other groups, but that's not their primary mission. Their primary mission is to protect their own homes and livelihoods against ISIL.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Well, I think their primary mission is to defend their communities. And my sense is if you were able to stand up a robust opposition in the north of the country, then they would be able to clear safe zones from which to operate. Do you see what I mean? That's a different model than declaring -- having the international community declare this area is a safe zone. We will police it through X, Y and Z measures. What I’m saying is if the objective is to allow opposition groups to effectively clear, hold and build in their areas up in the north and thereby create safe zones that families can return to and that create a buffer between the conflict in Syria and Turkey, then the train-and-equip mission is actually relevant to that goal as well because you need to have viable partners on the ground to hold terrain.

Q Would they be expected to clear and hold it themselves?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: As opposed to?

Q Us helping them, somebody helping them.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Well, we are helping them by training and equipping them.

Q Right, but do you think you can train and equip them to the point where they can actually hold and defend land as a buffer zone?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Well, I think -- we don't know. I think what we're seeing in Iraq is the degree to which we are able to provide some advice on what to do, actually make a meaningful difference on rolling back ISIL. And one of the reasons why it would be useful to have more access to Turkish facilities is that it would potentially open up our ability to do more in support of opposition forces, who are combating ISIL.

You see an example of this in Kobani already where you have a force that is dedicated and committed to fighting ISIL. ISIL has poured an enormous amount of resources into that fight, and they're getting hammered in the air from it. So you can imagine a scenario in which you have a more robust opposition on the ground that was more capable of clearing and holding terrain and also provided opportunities for us to do more to assist them. Does that make --

Q So basically you're going -- having discussions with the Turks trying to find a balance that sort of suits both of your needs?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Look, we’ll see how the Turks-- I’m just saying I don't know how that conversation will go.

Q You both have to --

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: I’m just saying that the most useful place to start is what are we trying to accomplish, and then figure out what’s the best means to accomplish that; as opposed to starting with the means, and then working down from there.

Q But again to go back to where we were before, assuming the priorities of your -- your objectives may be the same, but priorities and when you achieve them may be somewhat different. So the idea is you maybe give a little to them, they maybe give a little to you?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: I don't want to get out ahead of -- so let me -- we’re having a pretty robust dialogue back and forth. And it’s happening at all levels. It’s happening at our professional military level. It’s happening at the John Allen level. And in the next two days -- well, tonight and tomorrow, it will happen at the highest levels of our respective governments. I don't want to get out ahead of where things may or may not end up. But all of those things will be -- everything will be on the table when things are being discussed.

Q Do you expect to reach any kind of conclusions on this visit? Do you want -- would that be ideal? Do you expect this just to be part of the continuing dialogue? At what point does the dialogue reach some fruition?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Well, I think to some degree the dialogue -- no, no, no, it’s going to be ongoing. I’ll give you an example. We are very far along in executing our strategy in Iraq, but it doesn’t mean that we're not constantly engaged with Iraqi leadership about making adjustments in all sorts of ways. And it’s the same with our interactions with the Turkish government.

I think that there have been a lot of interactions at all different levels. They understand more about what we need. We understand more about what they need than was true a month ago. And so we’ll have a more developed conversation at a very high level than last time simply because we're further along in the conversation. But I don't expect that there will be any finality because the conversation will continue.

Q Just give us an overview of the Ukrainian trip? And what was the result? As I understand, Poroshenko didn’t ask to participate in any kind of dialogue or new discussions with Russians. He did not want United States to be part of it, part of this dialogue that he talked the day before. Did they ask about weapons?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Well, first of all I would say that a major focus of the discussion is what you actually saw the President -- President Poroshenko and the Vice President talk about in public, which was the urgency of moving from this national coalition agreement, which they arrived at early this morning actually to getting a government. And I think something the Vice President said, and you saw President Poroshenko nodding his head during this, is there’s actually a big difference between it taking six days versus six weeks or six months; that right now actors as diverse at the U.S. Congress, the Europeans, and the IMF are all looking at the Ukrainian government to see that there is one that is committed to reform and will partner with the international community to move forward. And frankly, it’s difficult to move forward on things like a large financial aid package; or additional sanctions et cetera in that (inaudible) -- so that was a major part of focus. And that was all out in the open.

Q (Inaudible.)

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Well, what Ukrainians we’re talking a lot was a kind of catalogue of pretty blatant Russian violations of the Minsk agreement. So there was a lot of that. And there was a lot of conversation about what was necessary to send Russia a clear signal that what they were doing was unacceptable.

I think there was a clear sense that you don't want to start over from scratch; that you wouldn’t want to scrap the Minsk agreement and start over. We already have an agreement that lays out the basic parameters that the Ukrainian side continues to believe are the right parameters and the Russians agreed to. They just haven’t enforced.

So I think everybody is in agreement that at the right time there needs to be dialogue again.

Q When is the right time?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: But where I don't think we have finality yet is the timing and the modality for that. That is -- which party is what mechanism. So there were no decisions on that score. There was a lot of conversation back and forth about the need to put pressure on Russia to more live up to its Minsk agreements.

Q Did the Ukrainians actually say what they really want you to do? Do you have a clear understanding what you have to do? What kind of signal else you can send them because it’s not clear?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: In general what the Ukrainians hope we do is what we hope to do, as well, which is find a way to mobilize the world to provide substantial economic assistance; mobilize European countries and others to put more pressure on the Russians; and to get a government in Ukraine that lives up to its reform agenda.

Q Are you planning to do any --

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: None of those things -- the reforms are Ukraine -- but in terms of mobilizing the international community --

Q No, absolutely.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Or any of those other things, that's very much about the United States.

Q My question is are you -- you and other Europeans maybe thinking about some kind of major plan for reconstruction for Ukraine, or for the east? Is there any discussion about that? Because I know what Ukrainians are saying. They want Marshall Plan. They want this kind so is there any --

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Terms like the Marshall Plan get thrown around a lot in a lot of different contexts. Let me put it this way, if by Marshall Plan you mean the need for an influx of a significant amount of macroeconomic assistance, there is complete agreement that that is required, right?

In other words, even though there’s a gas deal to get us through the winter, that Ukraine is going to face significant challenges as it relates to their reserves, as it relates to their energy, and that they're going to need a lot of help from the international community. We’ve signaled to them that we're willing to mobilize the international community -- to do our best to mobilize the international community, both the Europeans, the international financial institutions, et cetera to provide that assistance, but this is what I told you yesterday, it’s help us help you -- which is why this is all tied back to the government formation and reform agenda. These things are interdependent. And by the way, it’s not us telling the Ukrainian leaders this. They know this. From both the President and Prime Minister Yatsenyuk, we received no pushback on that. They get it. They know.

Q Do you see any reason to believe that the Russians are getting the message at all? If anything, they seem to be going in the other direction.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: So I think that there is a sense that Putin may have been a little surprised for how shunned and isolated he was at the G20. Has that kind of sense of isolation resulted in a new openness to compromise? I don't think we’ve seen it yet. Does it mean it won’t? We don't know. But certainly we haven’t seen it yet. But I do think there’s a little bit in the body language that they understand that they're the odd man out.

Q Don't you think that we project a little bit too much and we would act if people said things like that about us? Because they don't seem to respond. They don't seem to respond.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: You can ask the Russians whether they care or not.

Q Okay, thanks.

END

Statements to the Press by Vice President Biden and Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko

Presidential Administration Building
Kyiv, Ukraine

3:10 P.M. (Local)

PRESIDENT POROSHENKO: (As interpreted) Dear colleagues, dear friends, first of all, I would like to greet everyone on the Day of Freedom and Dignity that Ukraine marks today for the first time, the first anniversary of our revolution of dignity, and the 10th anniversary of the beginning of the Orange Revolution.

I think that both of these events played a significant role in forming the modern Ukrainian state, not a lesser role than the 24th of October -- August when Ukraine gained its independence. And now that we are fighting a patriotic war, Ukraine requires, as never before, wisdom and consolidation.

I believe it is very symbolic that today we are having the visit of our -- the dear friend of Ukraine, the Vice President of the United States of America, our great friend Joe Biden.

The subject of our negotiations is very broad. It is assistance and coordination by the United States here in Ukraine. In these very difficult times, it is very important. I like the phrase that Mr. Vice President spoke that these six days, the six weeks and six months will probably be of the biggest importance for Ukraine.

And, in fact, within the six days, we have to finish forming the coalition government to find all the compromises, all the factions that participate in the coalition process. And I congratulate everyone that today the factions have signed, in fact, the coalition agreement that paves the way for the quickest possible formation of the government. I completely agree with this estimation. And I absolutely support the necessity of its quickest formation.

Of course, the priority of our negotiations today with the Vice President of the United States was two things. Firstly, the security and defense. And secondly, I would like to say that we agreed that the most agreeable format for the peace process is the format of the Minsk negotiations; a third partite -- three-partite contact group where we have to provide for several key elements of the Minsk peace plan. Those are the immediate cease-fire; creation of a buffer zone; the immediate withdrawal to the separation zone and the withdrawal of armed units and armed machinery; and immediate beginning of negotiations through local elections under Ukrainian active legislation in the temporarily occupied territory in Donetsk and Luhansk regions.

The peace plan is needed as never before. Ukraine has been adhering to its obligations that it took upon itself when the Minsk protocol and the Minsk memorandum were signed. And we are now reaching common opinion that these are the basic framework that all the sides have to adhere to. And we have to make everything possible to provide for this. We are very thankful that we are continuing our cooperation in the United States in the defense field. And I am convinced that this is all great assistance to us in implementing the position of protecting the independence and security of our nation.

We have discussed our cooperation in the energy sphere and many other points from atomic energy, to crisis response -- especially for the situation when gas supplies will be put under question. And of course, we have made a great contribution that relevant documents were signed in Brussels. And this is what the energy security of Europe and Ukraine are depending on. And we are providing for that.

And the third point is our cooperation towards reforms. We presented today the main directions of reforms. Most of them were included in the coalition agreement, and the big part were reflected in the 2020 strategy.

Today our representatives, I hope they can make a road show to present our reform program in Europe and the whole world. And we have agreed about a very profound assistance that the United States and our European partners will be able to provide financially and otherwise towards the reforms. This is what Ukraine needs the most today.

We have also agreed on the financial assistance in coordination with the International Monetary Fund. And we expect that right after the government has been formed these processes will soon be completed.

And as for the upcoming days and weeks, coordination and cooperation in the fields of security and reforms -- economics and finance and energy are very effective. Thank you very much for this effective cooperation.

I would like to thank our dear friend of Ukraine, Vice President of the United States, Joe Biden.

THE VICE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much. Thank you for welcoming me once again. This is my third trip in the last seven months. You must be getting tired of seeing me as often as you do. And counting your trip to Washington, this is the fourth time we’ve met in person. And if anyone measures importance by the effort America is putting into this relationship on making sure that the Ukrainian government, it’s democratically elected leaders, making sure that you have international support. This is a pretty good place to start.

Mr. President, you’ve shown tremendous leadership under extraordinarily difficult conditions. And today, on this day of dignity and remembrance, I want to congratulate all Ukrainians on last month’s successful parliamentary elections -- which were overwhelmingly endorsed by Ukrainians as well as the entire international community as being fair and free. And I want to congratulate you again, Mr. President.

This is an important moment -- a chance to make good on the promise of 25 years ago when the Iron Curtain came down; the sacrifices that brave Ukrainians who are even now defending against Russian aggression in the east -- to make good on the efforts of thousands of unsung heroes, civil society activists, ordinary citizens who are trying to preserve a normal life in Donbas, preventing -- preserving their freedom in cities like Mariupol; and of course the promise of those long nights on the Maidan, freezing and facing down sniper fire. You are a remarkable people, the Ukrainian people. You’re a brave people. And you’ve demonstrated that once again to the whole world. And through your courage and your sacrifice, Ukrainians have won -- you’ve won for yourselves a chance to fundamentally alter the history of your country for the better -- much better.

So I want to urge all Ukrainians to seize this moment, take advantage of the momentum of this day, and keep building the democracy that you so desperately and richly deserve to keep moving your country forward.

Today, the President and I discussed all the work that's ahead. We spoke about the threat to Ukrainian sovereignty and territorial integrity posed by Russian aggression. It’s simply unacceptable in the 21st century for countries to attempt to redraw borders by force in Europe, or anywhere for that matter; or to intervene militarily because they don’t like a decision their neighbor has made.

In fact, Russian behavior represents a flagrant violation of the bedrock principles of our international system. Which is why the international community has responded with one voice --amplifying your voice, Mr. President, the voice of all Ukrainians, helping Ukrainians defend their sovereignty and their security and the security of your nation. The international community condemning Russian actions, expanding security assistance to Ukraine, imposing greater and greater costs on Russia for its illegal actions, and refusing to accept the so-called elections held by separatists on November the 2nd.

These weren’t democratic elections. They were a Kremlin-orchestrated farce. And let me say as clearly and categorically as I can, America does not and will not recognize Russian occupation and attempted annexation of Crimea. We do not, will not, and insist others do not accept this illegal annexation.

Now, there’s a different path for Russia and her proxies, a different path they can take. In fact, it’s a path that has already been signed on into paper via the Minsk agreement that the President spoke of; a series of concrete commitments: adhere to the ceasefire, which they are not; restore Ukrainian control over its own borders, with permanent monitoring at the border; remove now illegal military formations, military equipment and militants; and facilitate the release of all hostages. That's what was agreed to by Mr. Putin. None of that has occurred.

If Russia were to fulfill these commitments, and respect Ukrainian sovereignty and territorial integrity, we can begin a rational discussion about sanctions. But that's not what has happened. Instead, we’ve seen more provocative actions, more blatant disregard for the agreement that was signed not long ago by Russia. And so long as that continues, Russia will face rising costs and greater isolation. It’s quite straightforward and simple. There’s a way to change all that. Do what you agreed to do, Mr. Putin.

But as President Poroshenko and I have discussed, even if the guns in the east fell silent tomorrow, Ukraine would still face a struggle for its democratic and economic future here in Kyiv. There’s a lot of work to do in Kyiv. It begins with forming a new government -- in days, not weeks. Form a new government as quickly as possible. It should be done in days not weeks.

Push forward the reform agenda that has been agreed upon and the Ukrainian people -- an agenda that the Ukrainian people have so resoundingly endorsed: stronger democratic institutions; a more accountable government; greater integration with Europe; a more prosperous economy; and resolute efforts to root out the cancer of corruption that has hobbled Ukraine for a long time.

It will face no more consequential mission than confronting corruption. President Poroshenko has shown a seriousness of purpose, and the Rada has passed important anti-corruption legislation. Now the real challenge is seeing it through.

Later today, I’ll be meeting with members of the parliament and civil society to talk about how we, the United States, can work with you -- can work with them, can work together to maintain the momentum in this all-important fight.

The President and I also discussed Ukraine’s economic situation. President Poroshenko and Prime Minister Yatsenyuk have worked very hard to develop a reform program with the IMF. The President and I have met with the IMF, as well, regarding Ukraine. And let me assure you, as Ukraine continues on this course, international partners will step up and help, starting with the United States.

We’re working closely with international institutions to make sure Ukraine has the financial resources and support that it needs. And as we do, we are looking for opportunities to improve Ukraine’s business climate and increase trade and investment. But it all depends on following through on the reforms, which have begun.

And finally I want to make clear America’s commitment to Ukraine is not just about business and governments, it’s personal. It’s grounded in the friendship between our people. And in the next few months, American Peace Corps volunteers will be returning to Ukraine to continue the work they have done for more for than 20 years.

Building a democracy is difficult. Building a democracy takes patience. Building a democracy requires follow-through on the rhetoric that sounds so good when it’s asserted. Hard work, ironclad determination -- these are what is needed. And even then there is no absolute guarantee of success. It’s hard work.

What I can guarantee is that, so long as, Mr. President, you and your colleagues keep faith with your commitment to build a more democratic and prosperous life, you will never be alone. The United States will be at your side -- your partner and your friend.

So, Mr. President, may God bless you and your colleagues and the people of Ukraine, on this important day of dignity. And may God bless the United States of America in being able to continue to help you in your efforts.

Thank you, Mr. President.

END
3:28 P.M. (Local)

Remarks by Vice President Joe Biden to the Global Entrepreneurship Summit

Global Entrepreneurship Summit Plenary Tent
Marrakech, Morocco

10:35 A.M. (Local)

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  What a delight to be here.  (Laughter.)

AUDIENCE MEMBER:  Happy birthday.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  (Applause.)  It’s nice of His Majesty to assemble this crowd for my birthday.  (Laughter.)  I appreciate it.  (Applause.)  I am getting to the age where I don’t look forward to birthdays.

AUDIENCE:  (Sings “Happy Birthday”.)  (Applause.)

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  I was telling the President of Gabon that I have a new attitude as to how to compute one’s age.  There was a famous American baseball player named Satchel Paige.  And he was a great pitcher in American baseball.  And he was pitching in the Major Leagues well beyond his years.  And on his 47th birthday, the sportswriters went into the locker room and said, Satchel, what’s it feel like to be so old and still be pitching?  (Laughter.)  And he looked at them and said, gentlemen, that’s not how I look at it.  Here’s how I look at age.  How old would you be if you didn’t know how old you are?  (Laughter.)  I am 42.  (Laughter and applause.)

Thank you very much.  To all the Excellencies, and to all the nearly 3,000-plus investors and inventors, businesspeople, government officials, leaders from over 50 countries, it’s good to be back at this summit.  I had the opportunity on the third summit to address it in Turkey.  And it’s a delight to be back here today, and I feel even more enthusiasm in the room today than I did then.  And it was full of enthusiasm then.  (Applause.)

Morocco -- and it’s particularly good to be here in Marrakech in Morocco.  What most people don’t realize is Morocco holds a special place in the heart of Americans.  Morocco is the first nation -- (applause) -- Morocco was the first nation in the world to recognize the United States of America 237 years ago in December 1777.  So I’ve come here to say thank you.  (Laughter and applause.)

I’ve also come here to an ancient Muslim nation at the crossroads of Africa, the Arab world and Europe to talk about what it takes for all nations to succeed in the 21st century, what is required to create thriving, innovative societies worthy of the talents of their young people.

You talk to people in this region and many of you and us are concerned about terrorism.  But outside the conflict zone, what they're really concerned about -- and we are as well -- is how our children, how their children find jobs. 

People everywhere in the world are hungry for economic opportunity.  And it’s about a lot more than being able to make money.  My father used to have an expression.  He’d say, Joey, a job is about a lot more than a paycheck.  It’s about your dignity.  It’s about respect.  It’s about your place in your community.  And to be frank, the challenges ahead for all of us are immense, especially in regions with developing economies and rapidly growing populations.

Many of the countries represented here today have well over 60 percent of their population under the age of 30, some under the age of 25.  In the Middle East and Africa, for example, in a race to create tens of millions of jobs, just to break even, as the democratic wave -- demographic wave of young people enters the labor force, it doesn’t matter where you live if people cannot get educated; or they get educated and they can’t get a job; or they get a job and can’t earn a decent living; or they can earn a living, but it gets siphoned off or stolen by corruption; or if half the population -- women -- cannot contribute to prosperity; those countries caught in that vortex are not positioned to succeed in the 21st century because real and lasting stability depends on governments and citizens of this region finding a way to work together to expand opportunity and unlock the enormous talents of your people.

The challenge is formidable, but there are also incredible opportunities.  When I travel the region and the entire developing world, I see young people with limitless promise to make not only their countries but the whole world better.  That is not hyperbole.  That is not stated to appeal to the audience.  That is the reality.  That’s the world we live in.  And the opportunities out there for entrepreneurship have never been greater than they are right now.

To those of you who are older, think back 20 years ago.  Could you in your wildest dreams have envisioned half of the incredible breakthroughs that young entrepreneurs have created in those past 20 years?  And imagine -- just imagine -- what will happen in the next 20 as we unlock everything, including the dimensions of the human brain.  And we see people in the Middle East and Africa, and every region of the world using tools of technology undreamed of just a short time ago; and expanding possibilities beyond their wildest imaginations.

People like the young man from Lebanon, who after his father died of a heart attack, invented a 24/7 GPS-enabled heart-rate monitor to provide early warning for others, saving thousands of lives.  He raised a small amount of capital to get started.  He now employs 70 people.  Or the young Kenyan who founded a company to let children who couldn’t afford to buy textbooks read them one page at a time on their phones.

So how do we help?  How do we help these brilliant young minds?  How do we help entrepreneurship take even deeper root?

America’s experience, like many others, teaches us that fostering entrepreneurship is not just about crafting the right economic policy, or developing the best educated curricula.  It’s about creating an entire climate in which innovation and ideas flourish.

No two countries do it exactly the same way.  But there’s a common thread through all those that have succeeded.  Just like the basic rules of physics, there are certain basic rules that comprise the path to prosperity in the 21st century.  And societies and governments can choose for themselves whether or not to follow this path.

I’m not here to tell anyone else what’s in their interest.  I’m here on behalf of the President to state what we think best leads to that path.  In today’s fast-paced world, those that don’t follow the path are already being left behind.  So what is required to prosper in the 21st century?  What does it take?

It takes an education system, but one that is universal, open to all, including girls and women, that trains people to be skeptical.  I was meeting with a man many of you know, a wise man from Singapore named Lee Kuan Yew.  He was asking me why did I think America was able to reinvent itself so often.  I said, because stamped into the DNA of every naturalized American, as well as native born, is an inherent skepticism for orthodoxy.  You cannot fundamentally change the world without breaking the old.  It takes a value system that gives people the freedom to try and to fail, or as they say in the fabled Silicon Valley, fail forward, without being criticized.

To divert for just a moment, I spoke at a conference in the western part of my county, in Colorado a month ago.  And there were hundreds of brilliant young entrepreneurs and not-so-young very brilliant, very wealthy entrepreneurs from Silicon Valley.  And I sat next to a young woman who was in her 30s, who was already a billionaire and has come up with a way to test blood at about 25 times cheaper than the present way.  And she’s now working on cures for Ebola.

And I found out -- I said, where did you go to school?  She said, I dropped out of Stanford.  (Laughter.)  It seems to me the road to success is getting into Stanford and dropping out.  (Laughter.)  But to be very serious, it’s about challenging orthodoxy.

It takes a legal system that’s fair, where you know the contractual agreement you’ve made will be upheld and protected, a system where judges are not corrupt, where you can risk starting a business; and failure and bankruptcy doesn’t land you in prison; and maybe most importantly, one  that justly rewards and protects intellectual property.  You’d expect an American official to say that.  But for many societies, for any society that fails to protect intellectual property, I guarantee you that society will stifle entrepreneurship and economic innovation in their own society.  They may be able to steal, but they will always be behind the curve.

It takes a society that empowers women because entrepreneurship thrives when a society engages all the talents.  In the words of that Chinese proverb, women hold up half the sky.  Women hold up half the sky.  (Applause.)  And I might add they have at least half the grey matter.

It’s true.  It takes a political system founded on the rule of law that protects basic liberties, including the freedom of speech, the freedom of religion, one that roots out the cancer of corruption, the worst enemy of entrepreneurship.

In the 21st century where some countries seek to use oligarchic and kleptocracy as tools of international coercion, corruption is a threat not only to economic growth, but to security and sovereignty.  Fighting corruption is not just good governance.  It’s self-defense.  It’s patriotism.  Lots of nations are struggling to decide whether they are confident enough to trust their people to follow that path.  To the extent they do, they have prospered.  To the extent they don’t, they haven’t.  All those factors I’ve mentioned create the context in our view for entrepreneurship to take root.

Where they're absent, the same human talent remains, but too often it is squandered.  Many of the best and brightest leave -- simply leave their homes.  And many of them come to America.

Ladies and gentlemen, in 2017, the United States for the first time, Caucasians of European descent like me will be in an absolute minority in the United States of America.  The secret that people don’t know is our diversity is the reason for our incredible strength because the brightest, the most innovative, the most adventuresome, the greatest risk takers, they’re the ones who leave when they cannot flourish and seek other places.  (Applause.)

We in America are proud to welcome them.  From Einstein, who fled Nazi Germany, to Sergey Brin who fled the prejudice and tyranny of Soviet Russia to found Google in America, and so many others.  But we also seek a world, it’s in our naked self-interest to want a world where everyone everywhere can reach their full potential in their own society.  It is in our self-interest to see societies succeed.  Because when they succeed, stability follows, less unrest, less violence, less extremism, more capacity to partner and trade and solving problems. 

Each of us has a role to play in helping us seize the potential inherent in our age.  Aspiring entrepreneurs must do what comes naturally to them:  Dream, take chances.  And in the phrase, the memorable phrase of Steve Jobs when a young man in Stanford said, Mr. Jobs, how can I be more like you?  He had two words.  He said, think different.  Think different.  (Applause.)

You cannot think different where you cannot breathe free.  You cannot think different where you cannot challenge orthodoxy.  You cannot think different where you cannot speak your mind.  (Applause.)  And for those who think the same do not hold promise for progress because the only way change comes it thinking different.

Established entrepreneurs and chambers of commerce must mentor the next generation.  That’s what President Obama had in mind in setting up this conference.  They have an obligation to share the wisdom they gained by their success and equally as much by their failures.  Universities must work through research and internships to nurture and develop entrepreneurial skills of students before they graduate.

Every one of you women and men here who have been successful -- and you have been -- I’ll bet you can look back to some time in your youth where you were exposed to someone doing something you’d never seen before.  And you’ve realized I can do that.  I can do that.

The single most valuable resource on this planet I think we could all agree on in this room is not what’s in the ground, but what’s in the mind.  It’s the single least explored part of the world, the mind.  The things that are going to happen in the next two, five, 10, 15 years are breathtaking.  Investors, they have to be willing to expand the horizon and invest in early stage entrepreneurs -- not only in Silicon Valley -- but in Nairobi and Dakar, everywhere, everywhere where there’s talent. 

Governments have to unlock the marketplace of ideas by allowing people to express their views openly about what they're thinking and what they're trying.

They must unlock the commercial marketplace by eliminating barriers to access to capital; ensuring that rules are fair and predictable, removing excessive cumbersome regulations. 

The government can’t grow the economy by itself.  As a matter of fact, it’s not the major reason.  It’s a catalyst for growth -- no matter how big the megaproject.  To prosper in the 21st century, you also need to grow from the bottom up, allowing your people to unlock their talents through private enterprise and political and economic freedom and action.

Events like this one help re-create and regenerate the culture of entrepreneurship.  We have an expression in my country when you’re saying something that probably the whole audience agrees with, you say it’s like preaching to the choir.  Well, there’s a very strong choir out there of some of the brilliant, brilliant young entrepreneurs that are in this facility.

As one Moroccan tweeted, “I remember the time when entrepreneurship in Morocco was synonymous with being in a precarious state.”  He went on to say, “But today entrepreneurship is celebrated at GES in Marrakech.”  (Applause.)

But I need not tell any of you.  There’s much more to do, more young people to invest in, more to remove excessively cumbersome bureaucracies, more to embrace private enterprise.  And as governments work to create conditions for entrepreneurship to thrive, they’ll find a ready partner in other nations with thriving entrepreneurial cultures, including my own.

The U.S. -- and I have with me one of the brightest people in our administration, a woman who has run a billion-dollar business, our Secretary of Commerce, who is with me today.  She understands that we, the United States, are anxious to participate.  Secretary Pritzker understands it’s part of her DNA what we have to do. 

The U.S. Millennium Challenge Corporation has invested almost $700 million in Morocco.  And I’m pleased to announce that the MCC and Morocco are developing plans together as part of a broader investment to finance at least $50 million in public-private partnership to provide vocational and technical training to equip young Moroccans with the skills they need to compete globally.  (Applause.)

The United States is partnering with Volvo to establish a training academy here in Morocco with 150 students each year from Morocco, Cote d’Ivoire and Senegal, focusing on the maintenance of industrial and commercial equipment, putting them in a position to work for multinational companies or to start their own businesses.

In partnership with Spain, the United States will also provide a credit guarantee to help financing cutting-edge, cold storage facilities in the Tangier Med Port in Morocco, helping fill a critical gap in Morocco’s agricultural exports.

The most important steps are those that countries take themselves, though, to create the conditions where entrepreneurship and innovation are possible.  But where our help is wanted, we’re ready to partner. 

Let me tell you how. 

First, in some cases, we’re helping provide access to capital, the seed money required to start a business.  Our Overseas Private Investment Corporation through that the United States government’s financial institution has committed $3.2 billion under our administration to support micro-, small and medium-size entrepreneurs and enterprises in the developing world. 

In just the last quarter of 2013, the USAID, the Agency for International Development in Egypt issued nearly 13,000 loans to low-income entrepreneurs; two-thirds of whom were women.  But that’s not the most exciting part.  Over 85 percent of those loans have already been paid back by these women.  (Applause.) 

Through a program called Partnering to Accelerate Entrepreneurship, we’re bringing together incubators, investors, financial firms, worldwide financial and institutions to accelerate growth of startups.  They’ve already reached 200 startups and are mobilizing $80 million in private capital in their first year, 10 times the amount of government put into the program.

Second, in other cases, we’re providing training because many people have great ideas, but need advice on how to translate them into action.  At least year’s summit, the U.S. signed a partnership with the organization called UP Global, with a goal of holding what we call Startup Weekends in 1,000 cities around the world by 2016, events to equip aspiring entrepreneurs with the knowledge and resources.  In one year, UP Global thus far has held over 700 Startup Weekends in 700 cities, well beyond the course of the goal. 

Coursera, the online educational platform that’s breaking down barriers to higher education with over 800 courses, serving 10 million people.  Coursera has announced it will host high-quality, university-level entrepreneurship online courses available for free of charge. 

It won’t surprise you, we’re especially focused on women.  My wife yesterday spoke to a remarkably large group of talented women and entrepreneurs.  The promise is amazing.  And we, like other countries want to help.  We have trained over 200 women entrepreneurs each in Libya and in Tunisia.  Under the African Women’s Enterprise Program, we’re bringing together business women from across the sub-Saharan Africa for training and advocacy, and the chance to meet leaders in America like Secretary Pritzker and many other businesswomen and civil society.

Without empowering women, everything else we hope to achieve is exponentially harder.

Third, we’re using America’s global diplomatic and economic presence to convene, connect and champion entrepreneurs.  That includes conferences like this one, where people can share lessons, hear about what works elsewhere, network, pitch ideas.  Even the best ideas need the right outlets.  Lots of transformative ideas never see the light of day.  We want to change that.

And around the world, we’ll work to connect entrepreneurs with the right American companies.  For example, we have helped Palestinian software development house build partnerships with tech companies like Cisco, Microsoft, Intel, HP and Oracle.  We’ve named a Presidential Adviser for Global Entrepreneurship, well known and respected U.S. entrepreneurs and deployed them around the world to speak about what they do, how they do it, and why it matters.

And fourthly, most important of all, around the world, we’re helping create the conditions where entrepreneurship can thrive.  That includes fighting corruption, promoting transparency, helping countries create functioning capital markets, updating the regulations to favor entrepreneurship.

To give just one small example, in four Egyptian cities, the United States worked with the local chambers of commerce to create one-stop shops for business services that reduced the time it took to formally start a small business from 24 hours to one hour; seems inconsequential. 

But combined, all of these things, we talk about these different initiatives, they all make a difference.  But their collective impact is significant.

Today, we challenge the United States government’s top programs in entrepreneurship to spark a billion-dollar new investment [sic] in business and social entrepreneurship by 2018.  Half of it generated by women and young entrepreneurs.  We want others to join the effort.  We’re grateful that the Kauffman Foundation in the United States announced today it will contribute $100 million to the Global Enterprise Network and will be our first partner in getting to the billion-dollar goal.

All of our work to promote entrepreneurship aims to help people everywhere unlock their potential.  But for the United States, this effort is about finding common ground.

One person who understood the quest for common ground as well as any American was a Californian named Chris Stevens.  As a young man he volunteered to join the Peace Corps where he taught English from 1983 to 1985 in a small town in Atlas Mountains right here in Morocco.  He fell in love with your country, Mr. Leader.  He fell in love with the place and its Berber and Arab culture -- (applause) -- and made many, many friends here.

Morocco was the gateway to a life spent as a brave and intrepid diplomat for the United States.  Chris Stevens rose to become the U.S. Ambassador to Libya, and he gave his life in the line of duty, killed by violent extremists in 2012.  In celebration of Chris Stevens’ life, I’m proud to announce the J. Christopher Stevens Virtual Exchange Initiative.  The Stevens Initiative is multilateral.  (Applause.) 

It’s a multilateral, public-private endeavor designed in collaboration with the Stevens family.  It will seek to use the tools of technology to strengthen personal engagement between young people in the United States, North Africa and the Middle East and the rest of the world. 

It’s like a traditional exchange program, except it’s virtual.  Using communications technology that young people, who might otherwise never encounter -- where young people might otherwise never encounter one another will be able to do so virtually to better understand each other’s in a sustained and meaningful way.

The United States, Morocco, the governments of Algeria, Qatar, United Arab Emirates -- together have committed over $31 million over the next five years.  The initiative also involves the participation of a number of private-sector partners and foundations.  And we look forward to expanding these partnerships as this initiative grows.  The initiative will be formally kicked off with a pilot project early next year here in Morocco. 

And I want to conclude by one, thanking you for your patience, but also thanking you for your passion, your immense talent, your self-confidence, and your unbelievable hard work to realize your dreams.

I’m more optimistic today after serving a long in high public office than I have ever been.  I’m more optimistic today about the prospects of the world than I got elected as a 29-year-old kid to the United States Senate.  And a big part for that optimism are all of you assembled here in this room.  You have a chance, like no other generation in human history, to leave a more prosperous, more open, more dynamic and more just world than you found.

I’d like to quote a poem, if you’ll forgive me, from an Irish poet.  My colleagues always kid me back home saying I’m always quoting Irish poets because I’m Irish.  That’s not the reason.  I quote them because they’re the best poets in the world.  That’s why.  (Laughter and applause.)

But all kidding aside, one of my favorite poets who died recently was a man named Seamus Heaney.  And he wrote in a poem called “The Cure at Troy” the following stanza that I believe better describes the world that we are encountering right now than it did his Ireland in 1917 when he wrote the poem. And the stanza goes like this:

History teaches us not to hope on this side of the grave.  But then once in a lifetime, the tidal wave of justice rises up and hope and history rhyme.

We may not make it, but we collectively have a chance to make hope and history rhyme like it hasn’t in a thousand years.  The potential is immense.  The intellect is available.  And the technology accommodates it.

So I wish all you young entrepreneurs Godspeed; Godspeed because it’s more than what you’ll be able do for yourself.  It’s more what you’ll do for all of us.

God bless you all and may God protect our troops. (Applause.)

END 
11:02 A.M. (Local)