Remarks by Vice President Biden in a Joint Statement with Prime Minister Fischer

Prime Minister's Office, Prague, Czech Republic

VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN: It's an honor to be with you, and an honor to be in this magnificent city of Prague. It's been a while since I've been here, and I'm delighted to be back, particularly on what is essentially a historic anniversary. It's been five years since the Czech Republic joined the European Union, 10 years since its association with NATO, and 20 years since the Velvet Revolution, which literally -- literally inspired the world.

As Prime Minister Fischer indicated -- and as we were walking down, I think he agrees we had a very good -- we had a very good meeting, and a very good discussion. And while we paid tribute to the past, we spent the bulk of our time talking about the present, and about the future.

One of the high points of my career as a United States Senator, where I served for over 36 years, was being the leader in the Senate on the expansion of NATO to include Central Europe, particularly the Czech Republic. I told the Prime Minister that the Czech Republic has validated every argument I was making back then. You've made me look very, very good in retrospect, Mr. Prime Minister, your country has. There were skeptics then. I know of none now. We see that every day in our relationships. We see that every day in Afghanistan, where our troops are serving side by side, where you are running a provincial reconstruction team in the Logar province, where you are training Afghani police, and where you will soon send back a special operations unit.

And as a parent of one who has served in Iraq and overseas for a year, let me say on behalf of the President of the United States, and me, personally -- to the parents, the husbands, the wives, the children of those deployed Czech forces -- we appreciate the sacrifice that you are making -- not just the troops, but the families. A famous Englishman once said, they who serve -- "also serve who stand and wait." So our appreciation goes out to the parents, the husbands, the wives, and the children of those deployed forces. We want you to know how grateful we are for the service and sacrifice of your troops -- your children, your husbands, your fathers -- and the burdens that that deployment places upon them.

I'm also pleased to return to the site where President Obama made his first trip to Europe, where he demonstrated again America's commitment to the transatlantic relationship and alliance and to a strong Europe, by attending the special summit with a -- with 27 E.U. leaders, and where he laid out America's vision for the world without nuclear weapons. The Prime Minister and I talked about NATO’s commitment to produce a new strategic concept, which will adapt our alliance to the threats of the 21st century, to the 21st century.

Ladies and gentlemen, I urged the Prime Minister to make sure that the final product has a distinctly Czech accent. I know it will, by the way, because one of our great former Secretaries of State, Madeleine Albright, is chairing the experts' committee that will advise NATO on this critical strategy, and she always speaks from her heart with a Czech accent.

One of the new threats to our common security comes from the spread of ballistic missiles, a growing number of which now can reach Europe. The Czech Republic stepped up and did their part in the previous missile defense plan, and today we discussed the potential role the Czech Republic could play in a new architecture, a better architecture -- an architecture that has the capacity to actually protect Europe and is not just focused on the United States of America.

And I'm very appreciative of the Prime Minister's statement to me that the Czech Republic is ready to be a part of that new architecture, and discuss the terms of this -- that this participation will take. He affirmed to me that this is a very important project for Europe, and we appreciate that, and are looking forward to working with him and the government.

A high-level defense team will come to Prague in early November to discuss this as well as defense cooperation in a range of areas. The new missile defense program is designed to meet existing threats in Europe with proven technology that will cover more of Europe, including the Czech Republic, more effectively than the previous system could have done. It also strengthens NATO's defenses against future, more advanced missile threats.

We also discussed energy security, where the Czech Republic has been a leader in Europe. And we appreciate Prague's efforts to promote greater interconnectivity for the E.U.'s gas and electric networks, greater diversification of supply and routes, including the pipeline -- the Nabucco pipeline project -- and we discussed the venture, the effort for you to diversify in the nuclear area as well.

I told the Prime Minister how much we appreciate -- and I mean it sincerely -- the Czech Republic’s leadership, which goes to the heart of our future security and our prosperity.

As you celebrate the 20th anniversary of the Velvet Revolution, Mr. Prime Minister, I think it's important for you to understand, because you were in the middle of it, all of you, and I don't think you can fully appreciate how much you inspired the world at the moment. And I hope you appreciate and understand that there are -- you are the model. You are the model as I travel through Eastern Europe -- as I travel to Ukraine and Georgia and other places, you are the model for democracy that they look to. And I am confident with your leadership you will help them on that journey as they make their journey toward a full democracy.

And I thank the Prime Minister for hosting our delegation, for the quality of our conversation, and for the great weather he arranged today. (Laughter.) I appreciate it very, very much.

So I genuinely appreciate it, Mr. Prime Minister, and I look forward to continue to work with you.

Thank you.

END

Remarks By Vice President Biden On America Central Europe And A Partnership for the 21st Century

Central University Library, Bucharest, Romania

VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN:  Thank you, Mr. Ambassador.  Director, Mr. Mayor, former Presidents who I've had the honor to meet in the past, it's good to be back in Romania.  And, Mr. Mayor, as we say in America, thank you for the passport to come into your city.  I appreciate it very much.

What a magnificent forum, what a magnificent forum.  And I say to all the students, thank you.  I'm honored that you are here.

Ladies and gentlemen, it's an honor to be back in Romania.  This is not my first trip, nor God-willing, will it be my last.  And it's great to be back in Central Europe to help mark an extraordinary season of change.  Twenty years ago, the world watched in awe and admiration as the men and women throughout this region broke the shackles of oppression and emerged a free people.

It's literally hard to imagine that this beautiful library was the scene of such heavy fighting in 1989.  I was reviewing pictures of what it looked like with tanks stationed outside.  Ladies and gentlemen, when the firing stopped and the smoke cleared, the façade of this building was scarred by shells and bullets.  Five hundred thousand books were burned, part of your history and your legacy.  And just blocks away, in University Square, some of freedom’s young defenders were struck down.  But their courage and conviction prevailed, and I hope and know set an example to all of you who followed.

When the Iron Curtain was lifted, the wall fell in Berlin, in their places grew democracy, a democracy that you've deserved for a long time.  Across Europe, a new sense of possibility took hold, galvanizing the region, uplifting a continent, and literally inspiring the world.  The story of freedom –- your story -- is one of the greatest achievements in modern history.  And it's important that we celebrate that remarkable -- that remarkable moment.  It's also important that we remember how far Central Europe has come in the last 20 years.

Early in my career as a United States Senator, a young senator then, I brought my two now grown sons, but then very young sons, to Central Europe as they reached their teenage years.  I took them immediately to Dachau, so they would begin to know what men and women are capable of at their worst, but also understand what men and women were capable of at their best.

I took them to the Berlin Wall.  I had them walk through Checkpoint Charlie, so that the rest of their lives, they'd remember, they'd understand that the freedom we sometimes take for granted was not a birthright for tens of millions of people on this continent.

And today, I come back to Central Europe and Romania, not only with an official delegation from the United States government, but with my 11-year-old granddaughter, Finnegan Biden.  Finnegan, stand up.  I want these people to see you.  (Applause.)  And my daughter, Kathleen Biden.  Would you stand up, Kathleen?  I'm going to embarrass you, I know.  (Applause.)    

I brought them along, because I want them to understand, particularly my granddaughter -- as my son learned -- I want them to see and understand first-hand the story of this region and of this continent.  My granddaughter is visiting museums and monuments that chronicle the turmoil of the 20th century in Poland, here and in the Czech Republic.

And she has seen with her own young eyes, she has seen in the people she meets and in the vibrancy of your cities and your streets the incredible, incredible possibilities of this 21st century.  She is a witness to a powerful fact: that the true validation of 1989, the real story of your country and this region lies less in what you tore down, and more in what you have built. 

Those of us who know about the bloodshed and the freedom fighters in Hungary in 1956; those who felt the chilling end to the warm Prague spring of 1968 in Wenceslas Square; those who shut down the shipyards in Gdansk in 1980; those here in Romania who endured the most ruthless totalitarian dictatorship in the latter half of the 21st [sic] century in Europe.  Each and every one was struggling not only against something, but for something -- for government, a government that responds to the needs of its people; for a more tolerant society, built on respect and dignity; for the freedom to think, to believe, and to pursue your dreams.

You have begun to realize those dreams that only the bold imagined 20 years ago -- a Europe whole and free, anchored in a European-Atlantic alliance institutions of NATO, and the European Union.

We Americans are incredibly proud to have been your partners in the peaceful reunification of Europe.  As President Obama said on the eve of NATO Summit last spring, and I quote him, "This shared history gives us hope –- but it must not give us rest.  This generation cannot stand still." 

We cannot stand still because we now face another season of change, another season of challenge -- an economic crisis that has hurt too many people and eroded their confidence, a war in Afghanistan now in its eighth year, and new forces shaping this young century.  Those new forces, among other things, include the spread of weapons of mass destruction and dangerous disease; the expanding chasm between the rich and poor; ethnic animosities and failed states; a rapidly warming planet and an uncertain supply of energy, food, water; the challenge to freedom and security posed by radical fundamentalism.

I come here today with a straightforward, simple message:  The United States and Europe, a Europe whole and united, will meet these challenges together, for that's the only way they can be met.  No amount of idle talk, no distortion of the facts, can chip away at this unassailable truth:  The United States of America remains committed to our alliance with Europe, which we Americans believe, and continue to believe, is the cornerstone of American foreign policy, as it has been, for the last 60 years.  We are all the more committed, because our European partners have grown broader and stronger.  We, the United States, cannot succeed without you.  And if you will forgive my presumption, I do not believe you can fully succeed without us.

I know that some in Central Europe look at the problems and responsibilities the United States has assumed around the world, and conclude that we have no longer focused -- we no longer are focused on this region of the world.  In fact, it's precisely because of our global responsibilities and your growing and capacity and willingness to meet them with us that we value our partnership with Central Europe and Europe now more than we ever had.  It's quite to the contrary. 

Together, we have responsibilities to shoulder, and we have promises to keep.  Those responsibilities are larger now, and the promises more significant.  We see Central Europeans rising to this moment, heeding the call to leadership of major regional and international institutions.  Twenty years ago, imagine the Presidency of the European Parliament, head of UNESCO, Chair of the Council in Europe, Justices on the European Court of Justice, Commissioners in the European Commission.  The time for Central Europe has come.  You have shown yourselves ready for our common challenges, willing to tackle them, and able to overcome them.  That's why in America, we no longer think in terms of what we can do for Central Europe, but rather in terms of what we can do with Central Europe.

First and foremost, we are bound together by shared values, and a common commitment to protect those values, whenever and wherever they are challenged.  NATO is the bedrock of that commitment.  One of the high points of my career was leading the effort as a United States Senator to expand NATO to Central Europe.  As a matter of fact, Mr. President, you'll remember, I suggested that Romania should be in the first tranche.  I was the one who fought until the very end to see it included in the first tranche.  Thank you for making me look so prescient, you've done so well.

As President Obama has said, there are no old members, there are no new members of NATO; there are just members.  Under Article 5, an attack on one is an attack against all.  Our countries are bound together by America’s dedication to European security –- and by Europe’s dedication to America’s security, which you demonstrated quickly and powerfully in the wake of 9/11, the first time Article 5 was invoked, without us asking. 

Today, we carry heavy responsibilities -- we, all of us.  Our sons and daughters, like my son, are serving side by side in Afghanistan, in Iraq, and in the Balkans.  For this -– for the courage of our friends and for their losses –- the American people are grateful. 

Our alliance was built around consultation and collaboration for collective defense.  That's what it is about.  But faced with new threats, we need a new vision on how to meet them, and new capabilities to succeed.

That's why the decision to develop what we call a new strategic concept for NATO is so very important -– and that's why it is so vital that Central European voices make themselves heard in this process. 

One powerful example of how this can work is our partnership on -- our new approach to missile defense.
 
In the 20th century, NATO successfully prepared to defend Allied territory against what was then a very real Soviet challenge on what we all used to call the "central front" that divided Europe.  Today, a new major threat is growing that could reach all of our European allies well before it reaches the United States.  It comes from ballistic missiles -- short-range and intermediate-range ballistic missiles -- a technology that has spread to many new countries, and less stable countries, since the end of the Cold War.  This technology, coupled with the spread of nuclear know-how, poses a great threat to all of us. 

And we are determined -- we are determined to ensure that our NATO allies have the protection they need when they need it, because that's our solemn obligation under Article 5.  Taking into account how the threat has evolved, and how our technology has improved significantly, the United States believes there is a better way to defend against ballistic missiles than the approach we had been pursuing up until several years ago. 

This phased adaptive approach the United States is proposing, it has adapted its design to meet the growing threat to Europe, with a proven technology that will cover more of Europe –- including Central Europe –- more effectively than the previous approach. 

It meets the missile threats of today, and allows us to improve our defenses against that threat well into the future.  Its flexibility will enable us to adapt if the threat changes.  Its very existence will deter those who might think about coercing or attacking our forces, or our allies in Europe –- and it will defend them, our friends in Europe, against that threat should deterrence fail.  Simply put, our missile defense plan means greater security for Europe, and greater security for America.

Some -- maybe even understandably -- jump to the conclusion that this new missile defense approach was meant to appease Russia at the expense of Central Europe.  Nothing could be further from the truth.  That is absolutely wrong.  Missile defense is not about Russia.  Our approach is driven by security requirements of the United States and our NATO allies, period.  Period.   

What is true is that we are working to strengthen our relationship with Russia.  We believe that a more constructive relationship with Russia will benefit all.  But we're not naïve.  The truth is we share some common interests:  cutting the arsenals of nuclear weapons; securing vulnerable nuclear materials; stabilizing Afghanistan; preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons.

And we also continue to have disagreements with Russia on matters of basic principle.  In February, in Munich, Germany, in the very first major foreign policy speech of our administration, I enunciated our administration's outline for foreign policy, and I made clear our core principles.  The United States stands against the 19th century notion of "spheres of influence."  We will not tolerate it, nor will we be co-opted by it.  

We stand for the right of sovereign democracies to make their own decisions, to choose their own alliances, without the right of any country to veto those decisions.  We will never make a deal about anything with anyone above your heads or behind your backs.  The maxim we live by is clear:  nothing about you without you, nothing about you without you.  And I would argue, look at our track record, look at our track record. 

We’ve all learned over the past two years that as the globe around us shrinks, the bonds between us grow.  We are partners in today’s global economy.  That’s why we worked with our European partners -- the IMF and the World Bank -- to make sure international support for your economies was there when you needed it most.

That’s why it's heartening to see how many of you have successfully braved this worldwide recession and put your nations on the road to recovery.  And working together, we can all learn lessons from this crisis that will help us lay the foundation for a renewed century of growth and to rebuild prosperity. 

One lesson we need to work together toward is a more secure energy future.  We need sustainable energy security that includes diversification of supplies and transit routes, smart investments to deal with climate change.  The connections between European countries should exist not just through European countries.  Here, in this region -- by history, geography and necessity -- the countries of Central Europe are well placed to lead all of Europe.

Ladies and gentlemen, finally, let me say a word about leadership in an area that Central Europeans are uniquely qualified to provide -- the advocacy of democracy.  Americans, I believe, are rightly proud that people around the world occasionally look to our example, and look for our leadership.  But the truth of the matter is you are the model for millions -- not us, you -- Romania and other Central European countries.  The example you set 20 years ago inspired the world.  The leadership you exert over the next 20 years can change that world, encouraging, supporting, and consolidating young democracies in Central and Eastern Europe. 

In Eastern Europe, countries still struggle to fulfill the promise of a strong democracy, or a vibrant market economy.  Who to look to better than you?  Who to look to better than Central European countries that 20 years ago acted with such courage and resolve, and over the last 20 years, have made such sustainable progress?  You can help guide Moldova, Georgia, Ukraine along the path of lasting stability and prosperity.  It's your time to lead.  Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus can benefit from your personal experiences.  The E.U. Eastern Partnership Initiative is a good example of how you can energize the effort.  And we will partner with you in working to fulfill the promise of 1989.  But your leadership needs to be bold and your voices loud. 

There’s an old Romanian proverb:  "The cheapest article is advice.  The most valuable is a good example."  You are the "good example."  Twenty years ago, the people of Central Europe took the world history that they inherited, and willed it in a new direction toward greater freedom, justice, and fairness.  The odds were stacked against you.  We know from history that destroying old oppressive regimes is a great deal easier than building new flourishing democracies.  But you've delivered on the promise of your revolution.  You are now in the position to help others do the same.

Speaking to our Congress 20 winters ago, Vaclav Havel pointed to a special sense of empathy and imagination the people of Central Europe share.  Years of subjugation, he said, "have given us, however unintentionally, something positive:  a special capacity to look somewhat further than someone who has not undergone this bitter experience."  He went on to say: "A person who cannot move and live a normal life because he is pinned under a boulder has more time to think about hopes than someone who is not trapped in this way."  He was right.

Now you have the freedom to act on those hopes, and you are.  And I believe together we can turn that hope that we shared into a history we can be proud of.  This is the moment.  You students, if we are smart, brave, and lucky will be able to tell your grandchildren you were present at the creation of a new Europe, a new security, a new era of peace, because you were bold enough to seize that moment.  Be like those in '89.  Be bold.  Exercise your leadership.  You have a history, and you have a tradition.  You can make a gigantic difference.  And we'll stand with you.

Ladies and gentlemen, thank you for listening.  And may God bless America and all of our allies.  And may God protect all of our troops who are in harm's way.  Thank you very, very much.  It's been an honor to be here.  (Applause.)

END                                       

Remarks By Vice President Biden in a Joint Statement with President Kaczynski

Presidential Palace, Warsaw, Poland

VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN:  Mr. President, thank you for your hospitality.  And I apologize to your colleagues, when two old friends get together, they tend to talk.  You know how diplomats always walk out and say, we had a frank and thorough discussion?  Well, we had a discussion friends have, we talked about everything.  And had we the time, and were we not cognizant of people's schedules, we probably would have talked for another two hours. 

But, Mr. President, I am proud to stand here with you, and I think our meeting was productive.  I know of no problem of consequence we have with Poland.  I know of no consequential problem.  I know of no problem that is not able to be resolved as they emerge.  Poland has a decided disadvantage in the relationship -- they own a part of our heart, and that is a disadvantage, Mr. President, we have.

My daughter-in-law comes from the second largest Polish city in the world, Chicago.  But all kidding aside, it was a great discussion, and we discussed a broad range of mutual interests.  I think if I could add on to what the President said, we both see the relationship as being rooted in security, but much beyond that, it's much beyond that.  Poland, in 20 years, has moved from a country that in fact we looked at in terms of what we could do for, to a country as to what we can do jointly with, how we can jointly address the problems and opportunities that we face as genuine partners.

So there's a broad range of mutual interests, and our joint commitment to the NATO effort, to Afghanistan on.  By the way, I expressed my deep appreciation -- I, like the President, have visited the troops on more than one occasion in Afghanistan.  The Polish soldiers in Afghanistan are not just soldiers, they are warriors.  They are warriors.  They are doing an incredibly difficult job, and I wish every Pole could see just how brave and steadfast they are.  You would be incredibly proud, incredibly proud, as I was, to have the opportunity to know and see where they were.

As a matter of fact -- it is just part of my DNA, as they say -- but I'm going to go from here to meet with men and women of the Polish armed forces later today, to let them know how much I truly appreciate -- and I mean this sincerely, this is not a diplomatic nicety.  The President and I truly appreciate -- truly appreciate the sacrifices that the Polish military is making.  And I'm going to meet with decorated Polish war veterans who have served in Afghanistan.

I understand, like all parents -- my son just got back from a year in Iraq.  I understand the anxiety of every Polish mother and father, husband and wife, son and daughter.  And I just want you to know it may not be a big deal, but it's a big deal to me.  It's a big deal that you all know that we generally appreciate and recognize the sacrifice not only the soldiers in the field are making, but the families who are left at home.

There's a famous expression attributable to another man, not me.  It says that, "they also serve who stand and wait.  They also serve who stand and wait."  So we owe a debt of obligation to the mothers and fathers, husbands and wives, and children of those brave Polish soldiers. 

We also reaffirmed -- I reaffirmed -- President Obama's absolute determination to secure and ensure NATO's success in the 21st century is matched by the -- matches the success of the 20th century.  I briefed the President on Secretary Clinton's -- we talked in depth about Russia.  And we talked in depth about the -- our mutual desire to see better relations with Russia.  We also talked about my recent trip to Ukraine and to Georgia, and our similar views and concerns that we have relative to both countries.

The President and I discussed the leading role that Poland can play if it chooses to play -- and I believe it will, but that's a decision made by Poland -- on national missile defense within NATO -- within NATO.  And I welcome the President's support for the missile defense, and for Poland's offer to host a standard missile, this so-called SM-3s, in a third stage. 

President Obama has a phased adaptive approach to missile defense that I believe -- I don't believe, I know -- strengthens missile defense for Europe unlike its ever existed, reinforces Article 5, and it will bolster the alliance's deterrent capability overall.  Simply put, it's better for NATO, it's better for Poland, it's better for Europe, it's better for the United States.  It's a more adaptable, rational, and workable system. 

And I want to thank the President, and the Polish people, for the hospitality they’ve shown during my visit to Warsaw.  I was reminiscing with some of my colleagues prior to arriving -- and I mentioned this at a previous meeting -- that how far Poland has come, the incredible sacrifices the Polish people have made over the past century and a half longer, but in modern history, and the distance they have traveled in the last 20 years.  It's absolutely remarkable. 

And I was discussing this with my national security advisor in the way over, in the car.  As I rode through Warsaw in the last -- the first -- well, the most recent time I was here, was when we were deciding -- we, me and others -- pushing for the admission of Poland into NATO in the mid-'90s.  And the discussion then was if Poland would be a partner in NATO -- Poland clearly wanted to be -- if it would be.  We were pushing with all of our allies for the admission of Poland into NATO.  And I look now, and here we are, not just talking about whether or not Poland is a part of NATO, but the vital role Poland is playing within NATO. 

And I assured -- in conclusion, I assured the President that no one should misunderstand our commitment -- NATO's commitment and the United States' commit -- to the security of Poland is unalterable.  It will not change.  It has not changed.  The only thing that's changed is the admission of Poland into NATO, making NATO stronger than it was.

So, Mr. President, I thank you very much for your hospitality.  And I apologize to all of you, because we got to talking, and we ended up spending two hours together in a private meeting.  But it was -- I benefited greatly from the discussion, Mr. President.  Thank you for your hospitality, and I'll see you all.  Thank you. 

END

Readout of Vice President Biden's Meeting with Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al Maliki

In his meeting with Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki earlier today, Vice President Biden noted that the October 20-21 U.S.-Iraq Business and Investment Conference is an important part of our efforts to promote cooperation under the U.S.-Iraq Strategic Framework Agreement.  The Vice President also encouraged the Iraqi Council of Representatives to act expeditiously on an election law that will set the terms for transparent political participation in the upcoming Iraqi national elections.