The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Presidential Proclamation -- National Charter Schools Week, 2014

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

A PROCLAMATION

At the heart of who we are as Americans is the simple but profound idea that no matter who you are, what you look like, or where you come from, if you work hard and meet your responsibilities, you can succeed. Our Nation can only realize this idea through the guarantee of a world-class education for every child. During National Charter Schools Week, we pay tribute to the role our Nation's public charter schools play in advancing opportunity, and we salute the parents, educators, community leaders, policymakers, and philanthropists who gave rise to the charter school sector.

As independent public schools, charter schools have the ability to try innovative approaches to teaching and learning in the classroom. This flexibility comes with high standards and accountability; charter schools must demonstrate that all their students are progressing toward academic excellence. Those that do not measure up can be shut down. And those that are successful can provide effective approaches for the broader public education system. They can show what is possible -- schools that give every student the chance to prepare for college and career and to develop a love of learning that lasts a lifetime.

Americans pursue individual success, but we also understand that we have a stake in each other. If we make an investment in every child, then all our children will enjoy a stronger Nation and a brighter world. This week, let us do our part to ensure our young people can go as far as their passions and hard work will take them, and recommit to restoring the American dream for generations to come.

NOW, THEREFORE, I, BARACK OBAMA, President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the laws of the United States, do hereby proclaim May 4 through May 10, 2014, as National Charter Schools Week. I commend our Nation's charter schools, teachers, and administrators, and I call on States and communities to support high quality public schools, including charter schools and the students they serve. IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this second day of May, in the year of our Lord two thousand fourteen, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and thirty-eighth.

BARACK OBAMA

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Readout of the President’s Meeting with AAPI Business and Faith Leaders on Commonsense Immigration Reform

This afternoon, President Obama met with Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) business and faith leaders in the Roosevelt Room to discuss the importance of taking action to pass commonsense immigration reform. The meeting coincides with the start of AAPI Heritage Month, an opportunity to reflect upon and celebrate the many contributions that AAPIs have made to this great nation.  Those present at the meeting represent the success of the AAPI community and the promise of the American dream – a dream that remains out of reach for many new immigrants because of our broken immigration system.

The President repeated his strong desire for the House of Representatives to follow the bipartisan example of the Senate and pass commonsense immigration reform.  He urged the leaders at the table to continue to press the House Leadership to move forward on this important issue.   Both the President and the leaders agreed that commonsense immigration reform would benefit the AAPI community by supporting business leaders and entrepreneurs and keeping families together.

The President also expressed deep concern about the pain too many families feel from the separation that comes from our broken immigration system. He noted that the Secretary of Homeland Security is reviewing its current practices to see how it can conduct enforcement more humanely within the confines of the law.  Earlier this week, Secretary Johnson met with the Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus to discuss immigration reform and current policies.  The President emphasized that while his Administration may be able to take steps to better enforce and administer immigration laws, nothing can replace the certainty of legislative reform and this permanent solution can only be achieved by Congress.  He encouraged the leaders to continue their hard work on this effort.

A list of participants from today’s meeting follows:

  • Congresswoman Judy Chu, Chair, Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus
  • Congressman Mike Honda, Chair Emeritus, Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus
  • Billy Dec, CEO and Founder, Rockit Ranch Productions
  • Toa Do, President, Business Development Assistance Group
  • Hyepin Im, President and CEO, Korean Churches for Community Development
  • Rev. Abhi Janamanchi, Senior Minister, Cedar Lane Unitarian Universalist Church
  • Daphne Kwok, Chair, President’s Advisory Commission on AAPIs
  • Rev. Eun-sang Lee, Pastor, First United Methodist Church
  • Shekar Narasimhan, Managing Partner, Beekman Advisors
  • Rebecca Yemin Shi, Executive Director, Illinois Business Immigration Coalition
  • Rich Stolz, Executive Director, OneAmerica
  • Sach Takayasu, President and CEO, Asian/Pacific Islander American Chamber of Commerce and Entrepreneurship

To read more about the benefits of commonsense immigration reform for Asian American immigrant and refugee communities, click here.  For more on the economic costs of inaction on commonsense immigration reform, click here.

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by President Obama and German Chancellor Merkel in Joint Press Conference

Rose Garden

12:07 P.M. EDT

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, good morning, everybody.  It is always a great pleasure to welcome my friend Chancellor Merkel to the White House.  Germany is one of our strongest allies, and Angela is one of my closest partners.  And with her indulgence, I want to start by making two brief comments.

First, as President, my top priority is doing everything that we can to create more jobs and opportunity for hardworking families -- for our economic strength is a source of strength in the world.  And this morning, we learned that our businesses created 273,000 new jobs last month.  All told, our businesses have now created 9.2 million new jobs over 50 consecutive months of job growth.

The grit and determination of the American people are moving us forward, but we have to keep a relentless focus on job creation and creating more opportunities for working families.  There’s plenty more that Congress should be doing, from raising the minimum wage to creating good construction jobs rebuilding America.  And I want to work with them wherever I can, but I keep acting on my own whenever I must to make sure every American who works hard has the chance to get ahead.

Second point -- I also want to say on behalf of the American people that our thoughts are with the people of Afghanistan, who have experienced an awful tragedy.  We are seeing reports of a devastating landslide, on top of recent floods.  Many people are reported missing; rescue efforts are underway.  Just as the United States has stood with the people of Afghanistan through a difficult decade, we stand ready to help our Afghan partners as they respond to this disaster.  For even as our war there comes to an end this year, our commitment to Afghanistan and its people will endure. 

Now, Angela, I’m still grateful for the hospitality that you and the German people extended to me, Michelle and our daughters last year in Berlin.  It was an honor to speak at the Brandenburg Gate.  You promised me a warm welcome and delivered an unbelievable 90-degree day in Berlin. 

This morning, our work touched on the range of issues where the United States and Germany are vital partners.  We agreed to continue the close security cooperation -- including law enforcement, cyber, and intelligence -- that keeps our citizens safe.  We reaffirmed our strong commitment to completing the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership -- T-TIP -- which is critical to supporting jobs and boosting exports in both the United States and in Europe.

We discussed energy security, including the importance of Europe diversifying its energy sources.  The United States has already approved licenses for natural gas exports, which will increase global supply and benefit partners like Europe.  And T-TIP would make it even easier to get licenses to export gas to Europe.

At our working lunch, we’ll review our negotiations with Iran and our shared determination to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon.  We’ll discuss Syria, where we continue to support the moderate opposition and provide humanitarian relief to the Syrian people.  I look forward to briefing Angela on my trip to Asia, a region where both our nations can help ensure that all countries in the Asia Pacific adhere to international law and international norms.

Of course, most of our time was spent on the situation in Ukraine.  Angela, I want to thank you for being such a strong partner on this issue.  You’ve spoken out forcefully against Russia’s illegal actions in Ukraine.  And you’ve been a leader in the European Union, as well as an indispensable partner in the G7.  And your presence here today is a reminder that our nations stand united.

We are united in our determination to impose costs on Russia for its actions, including through coordinated sanctions.  We’re united in our unwavering Article 5 commitment to the security of our NATO allies, including German aircraft joining NATO patrols over the Baltics.  We’re united in our support for Ukraine, including the very important IMF program approved this week to help Ukraine stabilize and reform its economy.  And as Ukrainian forces move to restore order in eastern Ukraine, it is obvious to the world that these Russian-backed groups are not peaceful protestors.  They are heavily armed militants who are receiving significant support from Russia.  The Ukrainian government has the right and responsibility to uphold law and order within its territory, and Russia needs to use its influence over these paramilitary groups so they disarm and stop provoking violence. 

Let me say that we’re also united in our outrage over the appalling treatment of the OSCE observers who have been detained in eastern Ukraine.  Pro-Russian militants are still holding seven observers, including four Germans, as well as their Ukrainian escorts.  They’ve been paraded in front of the media and forced to make statements at the barrel of a gun.  It is disgraceful and it’s inexcusable.  Russia needs to work to secure their immediate release, and the international community is not going to be satisfied until Colonel Schneider and his fellow captives come home.

Finally, as both Angela and I have repeatedly said, we want to see a diplomatic resolution to the situation in Ukraine.  But we’ve also been clear that if the Russian leadership does not change course, it will face increasing costs as well as growing isolation -- diplomatic and economic.  Already, the ruble has fallen to near all-time lows, Russian stocks this year have dropped sharply, and Russia has slipped into recession.  Investors are fleeing, and it’s estimated that $100 billion in investment will exit Russia this year.  Russian companies are finding it harder to access the capital they need, and Russia’s credit rating has been downgraded to just above “junk” status.  In short, Russia’s actions in Ukraine are making an already weak Russian economy even weaker.

Moreover, if Russia continues on its current course, we have a range of tools at our disposal, including sanctions that would target certain sectors of the Russian economy.  And we’ve been consulting closely with our European and G7 partners, and we’re stepping up our planning.  Angela and I continued these consultations today.  The Russian leadership must know that if it continues to destabilize eastern Ukraine and disrupt this month’s presidential election, we will move quickly on additional steps, including further sanctions that will impose greater costs.  But that is a choice facing the Russian leadership. 

Our preference is a diplomatic resolution to this issue.  And the Ukrainian government has already shown itself more than willing to work through some of the issues that would ensure that the rights of all Ukrainians are respected, that you have a representative government.  They’ve shown themselves willing to discuss amendments to their constitution that devolve power to a local level.  They have gone through with their commitment to potentially provide amnesty for those who lay down arms and who are willing to abandon the buildings that they’ve occupied.  The Ukrainian government in Kyiv has followed through on the commitments that it made in Geneva.  We need Russians to do the same.   

So, Angela, I want to thank you again for being here and, as always, for your friendship and partnership.  These are challenging times.  Russia’s actions in Ukraine pose a direct challenge to the goal that brought Europe and the United States together for decades -- and that is a Europe that is whole, free and at peace.  Just as our predecessors stood united in pursuit of that vision, so will we. 

Chancellor Merkel.  

CHANCELLOR MERKEL:  (As interpreted.)  Well, thank you very much, Barack, for this gracious hospitality and this very warm welcome that you accorded to me.  And I’m very glad to be able to be back in Washington to have an opportunity to address all of these different issues with you. 

I think priority really is on the current issue of Ukraine and that looms very large on our agenda.  It showed how important the transatlantic partnership is also in today’s times.  And I think it’s a very good thing that all of those steps that we’ve taken so far, we’ve taken together.  And today, in our talk, we yet again underlined that we fully intend to go ahead as we did in the past.  What happened on Ukraine, what happened on the Crimean Peninsula?  Well, the post-war order has been put into question that rests on the acceptance of territorial integrity by all, and this is why it was so important for us to react in concord.

And what is at stake here is that people in Ukraine can act on the basis of self-determination and can determine themselves which road they wish to embark on into the future.  The 25th of May is a very crucial date in order to ensure that, and we will see to it that elections can take place.  The OSCE will play a central role in all of this.  We talked about this.  And together with the OSCE, we shall do everything we can in order to bring Russia -- that is, after all, a member of the OSCE -- to do the necessary steps so as the 25th of May bringing about some progress in stabilizing Ukraine. 
   
The 25th of May is not all that far away.  Should that not be possible to stabilize the situation, further sanctions will be unavoidable.  This is something that we don’t want.  We have made a diplomatic offer, an offer for a diplomatic solution.  So it’s very much up to the Russians which road we will embark on, but we are firmly resolved to continue to travel down that road.

Now, secondly, we addressed issues that have a bearing on the work of the intelligence services here.  Let me underline yet again for the German side -- we have always enjoyed a very close cooperation with our American partner on this front.  And anyone in political responsibility is more than aware, looking at the challenges of the modern world today, that obviously in fighting terrorism, the work of the intelligence services is not only important, it is indeed indispensable. 

I am firmly convinced that our cooperation in this area is a very helpful one, yet there are differences of opinion on what sort of balance to strike between the intensity of surveillance, of trying to protect the citizens against threats, and on the other hand, protecting individual privacy and individual freedom, and rights of personality.  And that will require further discussion between our two countries in order to overcome these differences of opinion. 

We have these discussions incidentally also on the European front.  We are talking about Safe Harbor agreement, for example, about a privacy protection agreement.  And I take back the message home that the U.S. is ready to do that, is ready to discuss this, although we may have differences of opinion on certain issues.

Thirdly, T-TIP, I think particularly in the overall context of further intensifying our trade relations, of global growth, but also in the context of diversification of our energy supply -- this is a very important issue.  It will be very important for us to bring the negotiations very quickly to a close on T-TIP.  We are firmly convinced that for the European Union, for Germany and for the United States, this offers a lot of opportunities for the future.  And it’s so important for us to bring this agreement to a successful conclusion.  There are a number of discussions, I know; a number of skeptical remarks.  People have doubts.  But these doubts, this skepticism can be overcome and it needs to be overcome.  Just look at the many partners all over the world that have bilateral trade agreements.  I mean, it’s simply necessary.  Looking at the intensity of a transatlantic partnership and the closeness of our partnership, for us to have this agreement, this transatlantic trade agreement, and we are fully at one on this one.

So we had very intensive talks and we are going to build on this over lunch.  Thank you very much, Barack, for giving me this opportunity and also thank you for your gracious hospitality.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I think we’re going to take two questions from the U.S. press and two questions from the German press.  We’ll start with Lesley Clark.

Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  With violence today in Ukraine, you’ve said today that Germany and the United States are united in efforts to deescalate.  But have you been able to reach any common ground with the Chancellor on sectoral sanctions, particularly the energy -- the Russian energy section -- sector?  What’s next if you’re unable to? 

And to Chancellor Merkel, reports in the U.S. press have suggested that you’ve said that you believed President Putin may not be in touch with reality.  Is that what you’ve said, is that what you believe?  And could you give us -- you talked to him earlier this week -- could you give us a little more insight into what he might be thinking?  And do you believe that he is a threat to Europe?  Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Obviously, every day we’re watching the events in eastern Ukraine and southern Ukraine with deep concern.  And I think that what you’ve seen over the course of the last several months in the midst of this crisis is remarkable unity between the United States and the European Union in the response. 

We have at the same time offered a diplomatic approach that could resolve this issue.  We have been unified in supporting the Ukrainian government in Kyiv -- both economically, diplomatically, and politically.  And we have said that we would apply costs and consequences to the Russians if they continued with their actions.  And that’s exactly what we’ve done.  And you saw just over the course of the last week additional sanctions applied both by the Europeans and the U.S.

The next step is going to be a broader-based sectoral sanctions regime.  And what we have said is, is that we want to continue to keep open the possibility of resolving the issue diplomatically.  But as Angela Merkel said, if, in fact, we see the disruptions and the destabilization continuing so severely that it impedes elections on May 25th, we will not have a choice but to move forward with additional, more severe sanctions.  And the consultations have been taking place over the course of the last several weeks about what exactly those would look like, and would apply to a range of sectors.  The goal is not to punish Russia; the goal is to give them an incentive to choose the better course, and that is to resolve these issues diplomatically.  And I think we are united on that front. 

Within Europe, within the EU, I'm sure there has to be extensive consultations.  You’ve got 28 countries and some are more vulnerable than others to potential Russian retaliation, and we have to take those into account.  Not every country is going to be in exactly the same place.  But what has been remarkable is the degree to which all countries agree that Russia has violated international law, violated territorial integrity and sovereignty of a country in Europe.  And I think there’s unanimity that there has to be consequences for that. 

How we structure these sectoral sanctions the experts have been working on, and we anticipate that if we have to use them, we can.  Our preference would be not to have to use them.  And I thank Chancellor Merkel’s leadership on this front.  She has been extraordinarily helpful not only in facilitating European unity, but she’s also been very important in helping to shape a possible diplomatic resolution and reaching out to the Russians to encourage them to take that door while it's still open.

Q    Do you feel confident you have German support on sectoral sanctions, particularly the energy sector?

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  You’ve got to keep in mind that when it comes to sectoral sanctions we're looking at a whole range of issues.  Energy flows from Russia to Europe -- those continued even in the midst of the Cold War, at the height of the Cold War.  So the idea that you're going to turn off the tap on all Russian oil or natural gas exports I think is unrealistic.  But there are a range of approaches that can be taken not only in the energy sector, but in the arms sector, the finance sector, in terms of lines of credit for trade -- all that have a significant impact on Russia.

I don't think it's appropriate for us to delve into the details at this stage because our hope is that we don't have to deploy them.  But what I can say is, is that our experts at the highest level, and not just bilaterally, but multilaterally through the European Commission and our diplomatic teams, have been working through all the possibilities, and we're confident that we will have a package that will further impact Russia’s growth and economy.  But again, our hope is that we shouldn’t have to use them.  We're not interested in punishing the Russian people.  We do think that Mr. Putin and his leadership circle are taking bad decisions and unnecessary decisions and he needs to be dissuaded from his current course.

CHANCELLOR MERKEL:  (As interpreted.)  It is, I think, obvious to all that there are very different assessments on what happens in Ukraine.  On the one hand, you have the United States and Europe -- we've always taken our decisions together -- and on the other hand, the Russian appreciation and appraisal of the situation.  I hope that Russia will live up better in the future to its responsibilities.  But we need to see deeds matching up their words. 

We don't have any release of the hostages of the OSCE, among them also four German hostages.  This is a very crucial step that needs to happen first.  We have not yet seen any implementation of the Geneva agreement by the Russian side.  The Ukrainian side has taken some steps in the right direction.  And the OSCE, too, is an organization to which we wish to accord a greater role so that they can prepare and pave the way for elections. 

And one word on sanctions.  I agree with the American President; they are not an end in itself, but combined with the offer that we want diplomatic solutions, it is a very necessary second component to show that we're serious -- we're serious about our principles.  And there is a broad base, a broad range of possibilities that are being prepared for in the European Union.  In Europe, we have taken a decision that should further destabilization happen, we will move to a third stage of sanctions. 

I would like to underline this is not necessarily what we want, but we are ready and prepared to go to such a step.  My main aim would be, first and foremost, to improve stabilization and to see to it that the elections can happen there.  We will work on this in the next few days, but we are also prepared to take further steps. 

What we are talking about here will be sectoral measures in the context of certain branches of industry.  The American President and I can only agree to this and said what is necessary as regards the dependency on gas, which is very strong in Europe, but we can also look ahead in the medium term what we can do in order to promote an energy union in the European Union, which we’re doing.  Looking at our dependencies in the next 10 to 15 years on Russian gas supplies, there are six countries right now in the EU that depend 100 percent on gas supplies.  We need to improve the reverse flow, as we call it.  We need to improve our grade of pipelines.  All of the countries need to share supplies.  And those are measures that we’re currently discussing in Europe.

We’re talking about short-term but also medium-term and long-term measures.  And then the free trade agreement, T-TIP, is also gaining more prominence in this respect.

Q    (As interpreted.)  Madam Chancellor, you said that time is of the essence and that it’s getting shorter, leading up to the 25th.  When would be the time when you would say a third phase -- moving to a third phase of sanctions is what you would promote?  And is a more energy-intensive initiative by the EU necessary, for example, on heads of state and government level?

And, President, can you understand the fact that also Mr. Putin needs to play a role in the solution, which is the position of the European Union, that also his arguments have to be weighed?  And after the Chancellor having made those several phone calls with Mr. Putin, do you think that the Chancellor also stands a chance to sort of work on this?

CHANCELLOR MERKEL:  Well, to answer the question, what about the next few days to come -- I think the meeting of foreign ministers of the EU on the 12th of May is going to play a very important role.  In this respect, one can sound out the possibilities there are in various directions.  We, from the German side, as we have agreed with our American friends, will do everything we can in order bring the OSCE into a situation, supported politically that is, to do what is necessary in order to bring matters forward in Ukraine. 

On the one hand, you have OSCE monitors for the elections, but also questions as regards a change of the constitution; reform towards further devolution or decentralization.  All of the different parts of the country obviously have to be at the same level as regards information on this, and the OSCE wants to do that.  We want to give them the necessary political backing.

When a certain point in time is there, it’s very difficult to predict.  I can only say that, for me, the elections on the 25th of May are crucial.  And should there be further attempts at destabilization, this will be getting more and more difficult.  But for now, I am working for elections to take place on that very date, and the heads of state and government are ready at any time should they be proved necessary to meet.

We’ve approved that over the past in other areas -- for example, the euro crisis.  And we will demonstrate this resolve yet again.  I am firmly convinced that the United States of America and the European Union need to act in concert here, and they have done so in the past and they are going to continue to do so.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I’ve said from the start that Russia has legitimate interests in terms of what happens next door in Ukraine.  Obviously there is a deep and complicated history between Russia and Ukraine, and so, of course, Mr. Putin’s views should be taken into account.  What can’t be taken into account is Mr. Putin’s suggestion, both through words and actions, that he has the right to violate the sovereignty of another country, to violate its territorial integrity, to dictate the economic policies or foreign policy of a sovereign country.  That’s not acceptable. 

Our view from the start has been that the Ukrainians should be able to make their own decisions.  And I’m very confident that if the Ukrainians are allowed to make their own decisions, then they will choose to have a good relationship with Russia as well as a good relationship with Europe; that they’ll want to trade with Russia and they’ll want to trade with Europe.  But what they cannot accept, understandably, is the notion that they are simply an appendage, an extension of Russia, and that the Kremlin has veto power over decisions made by a duly elected government in Kyiv. 

So if, in fact, Mr. Putin’s goal is to allow Ukrainians to make their own decisions, then he is free to offer up his opinions about what he would like the relationship to be between Ukraine and Russia.  And I suspect that there will be a whole lot of Ukrainian leaders who will take those views into consideration.  But it can’t be done at the barrel of a gun.  It can’t be done by sending masked gunmen to occupy buildings or to intimidate journalists. 

And one of the biggest concerns that we’ve seen is the Russian propaganda that has been blasted out nonstop suggesting somehow that the Ukrainian government is responsible for the problems in eastern Ukraine.  The Ukrainian government has shown remarkable restraint throughout this process.  The notion that this is some spontaneous uprising in eastern Ukraine is belied by all the evidence of well-organized, trained, armed militias with the capacity to shoot down helicopters.  Generally, local protestors don’t possess that capacity of surface-to-air missiles or whatever weapons were used to shoot down helicopters, tragically.

We’ve seen the attempts of OSCE monitors -- who were approved not just by Europe or the United States, but also by Russia -- being detained.  And somehow Russia is suggesting that Kyiv is responsible for that?  We’ve heard Mr. Putin say, well, Kyiv has to do a better job of reaching out to Eastern Europe -- or eastern Ukraine.  You’ve seen attempts by Kyiv in a very serious way to propose decentralization of power and to provide for local elections, and for them to offer amnesty to those who have already taken over these buildings.  None of that has been acknowledged by Mr. Putin or the various Russian mouthpieces that are out there. 

You’ve also seen suggestions or implications that somehow Americans are responsible for meddling inside Ukraine.  I have to say that our only interest is for Ukraine to be able to make its own decisions.  And the last thing we want is disorder and chaos in the center of Europe. 

So for the German audience who perhaps is tuning into Russian TV, I would just advise to stay focused on the facts and what’s happened on the ground.  A few weeks ago, Mr. Putin was still denying that the Russian military was even involved in Crimea.  Then, a few weeks later, he acknowledged, yeah, I guess that was our guys.  And so there just has not been the kind of honesty and credibility about the situation there, and a willingness to engage seriously in resolving these diplomatic issues. 

And our hope is, is that, in fact, Mr. Putin recognizes there’s a way for him to have good relations with Ukraine, good relations with Europe, good relations with the United States.  But it cannot be done through the kinds of intimidation and coercion that we’re seeing take place right now in eastern Europe [Ukraine].

Tangi.

Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  Earlier this week, an inmate died in Oklahoma in what critics have called an inhumane manner because of a seemingly botched execution.  Human rights groups put the United States in the devious company of China, Iran and Saudi Arabia when it comes to the prevalence of executions.  Some European countries have expressed their concerns as well.  What are your thoughts on this?  And does this raise moral questions about U.S. justice and global reputation?

And to Chancellor Merkel, after Edward Snowden’s revelations on U.S. surveillance of your own cell phone, you said that friends shouldn’t spy on friends.  Are you satisfied that the steps taken by the U.S. on NSA surveillance are now consistent with a healthy alliance?  Has the personal trust been rebuilt?  And I was wondering if you could elaborate a little bit on this no-spy agreement that apparently couldn’t be reached.  Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  What happened in Oklahoma is deeply troubling.  The individual who was subject to the death penalty had committed heinous crimes, terrible crimes.  And I’ve said in the past that there are certain circumstances in which a crime is so terrible that the application of the death penalty may be appropriate -- mass killings, the killings of children.  But I’ve also said that in the application of the death penalty in this country, we have seen significant problems -- racial bias, uneven application of the death penalty, situations in which there were individuals on death row who later on were discovered to have been innocent because of exculpatory evidence.  And all these I think do raise significant questions about how the death penalty is being applied.  And this situation in Oklahoma I think just highlights some of the significant problems there. 

So I’ll be discussing with Eric Holder and others to get me an analysis of what steps have been taken not just in this particular instance but more broadly in this area.  I think we do have to, as a society, ask ourselves some difficult and profound questions around these issues.

If you don’t mind, I’m going to also go ahead and maybe say something about NSA just because I know it’s of great interest in the German press as well.  Germany is one of our closest allies and our closest friends, and that’s true across the spectrum of issues -- security, intelligence, economic, diplomatic.  And Angela Merkel is one of my closest friends on the world stage, and somebody whose partnership I deeply value.  And so it has pained me to see the degree to which the Snowden disclosures have created strains in the relationship.

But more broadly, I’ve also been convinced for a very long time that it is important for our legal structures and our policy structures to catch up with rapidly advancing technologies.  And as a consequence, through a series of steps, what we’ve tried to do is reform what we do and have taken these issues very seriously.  Domestically, we’ve tried to provide additional assurances to the American people that their privacy is protected.  But what I’ve also done is taken the unprecedented step of ordering our intelligence communities to take the privacy interests of non-U.S. persons into account in everything that they do -- something that has not been done before and most other countries in the world do not do.  What I’ve said is, is that the privacy interests of non-U.S. citizens are deeply relevant and have to be taken into account, and we have to have policies and procedures to protect them, not just U.S. persons.  And we are in the process of implementing a whole series of those steps. 

We have shared with the Germans the things that we are doing.  I will repeat what I’ve said before -- that ordinary Germans are not subject to continual surveillance, are not subject to a whole range of bulk data gathering.  I know that the perceptions I think among the public sometimes are that the United States has capacities similar to what you see on movies and in television.  The truth of the matter is, is that our focus is principally and primarily on how do we make sure that terrorists, those who want to proliferate weapons, transnational criminals are not able to engage in the activities that they’re engaging in.  And in that, we can only be successful if we’re partnering with friends like Germany.  We won’t succeed if we’re doing that on our own. 

So what I’ve pledged to Chancellor Merkel has been in addition to the reforms that we’ve already taken, in addition to saying that we are going to apply privacy standards to how we deal with non-U.S. persons as well as U.S. persons, in addition to the work that we’re doing to constrain the potential use of bulk data, we are committed to a U.S.-German cyber dialogue to close further the gaps that may exist in terms of how we operate, how German intelligence operates, to make sure that there is transparency and clarity about what we’re doing and what our goals and our intentions are. 

These are complicated issues and we’re not perfectly aligned yet, but we share the same values and we share the same concerns.  And this is something that is deeply important to me and I’m absolutely committed that by the time I leave this office, we’re going to have a stronger legal footing and international framework for how we are doing business in the intelligence sphere. 

I will say, though, that I don’t think that there is an inevitable contradiction between our security and safety and our privacy.  And the one thing that I’ve tried to share with Chancellor Merkel is that the United States historically has been concerned about privacy.  It’s embedded in our Constitution, and as the world’s oldest continuous constitutional democracy, I think we know a little bit about trying to protect people’s privacy. 

And we have a technology that is moving rapidly and we have a very challenging world that we have to deal with, and we’ve got to adjust our legal frameworks.  But she should not doubt, and the German people should not doubt, how seriously we take these issues.  And I believe that we’re going to be able to get them resolved to the satisfaction not just of our two countries but of people around the world. 

CHANCELLOR MERKEL:  (As interpreted.)  Under the present conditions, we have, after all, possibilities as regards differences of opinion to overcome those differences in the medium term and in the long term.  One possibility is to enter into such a cyber dialogue, which is very important because that gives us a forum to have somewhat longer discussions as to where we stand individually, what the technical possibilities but also ramifications of technological advances are.

Secondly, there are two strands of negotiations with the European Union -- on the one hand, the Safe Harbor agreement and then the data protection -- privacy protection accord.  And in the course of the negotiations, it will come out very clearly what differences of opinion there are, what different perspectives there are.  And I think it’s of prime importance for us to bring these negotiations forward, the process, but also bring it to a successful conclusion. 

And something else comes into play.  I heard this, this morning when I had a breakfast meeting with people who are very closely in contact with the parliaments.  They suggested to me that our parliaments, too, ought to have closer contacts on this.  And that’s very important not only for the governments to talk about these things, but also for the broader public.  And these could be three possibilities as to how to address this further and also understand each other’s motivations and arguments better.
 
Q    Mr. President, could you explain to us from your point of view why it’s not possible to agree on a no-spy agreement, which was, as we understood, proposed by the U.S. government last summit?  What kind of assurances could you give Chancellor Merkel with regard not only to ordinary German citizens, but to government members -- some of them sitting here -- that they are not under U.S. surveillance anymore?

(As interpreted.)  And, Chancellor, the question addressed to you -- when the French President was here a couple of weeks ago, after his talk with President Obama, he said that trust as regards to the NSA discussion has been rebuilt.  Can you say the same thing?

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  It’s not quite accurate to say that the U.S. government offered a no-spy agreement and then withdrew it.  I think that what is accurate to say is, is that we do not have a blanket no-spy agreement with any country, with any of our closest partners.  What we do have are a series of partnerships and procedures and processes that are built up between the various intelligence agencies. 

And what we are doing with the Germans -- as we’re doing with the French, as we do with the British, or the Canadians, or anybody -- is to work through what exactly the rules are governing the relationship between each country and make sure that there are no misunderstandings.  And I think that we have gone a long way in closing some of the gaps, but as Chancellor Merkel said, there are still some gaps that need to be worked through.

But I think what we can be confident about is that the basic approach that we take with Germany is similar to the approach that we take with all our allies and all our friends, and that during the course of the last several years as technology advanced, I think there was a danger in which traditional expectations tipped over because of new technologies.  And what we’ve tried to do is make sure that our policies now reflect increased capabilities and, as a consequence, increased dangers of intrusions in privacy. 

But let me put it this way:  Our interest in working effectively with the Germans and to making sure that German governments as well as the German people feel confident about what we do is as important to us as any other country.  Germany is at the top of our list in terms of friends and allies and colleagues, and so we’re not holding back from doing something with Germany that we somehow do with somebody else.

CHANCELLOR MERKEL:  (As interpreted.)  I think the whole debate has shown that the situation is such that we have a few difficulties yet to overcome.  So this is why there’s going to be this cyber dialogue between our two countries, and this is also why there needs to be and will have to be more than just business as usual.  I mean, looking at the discussion not only in the German parliament but also among members of the German government and also in the German public, we need to do that. 

But it’s very good that we have taken these first steps, and what’s still dividing us -- issues, for example, of proportionality and the like -- will be addressed.  We will work on this, and it’s going to be on the agenda for the next few weeks to come.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you very much, everybody.

END   
12:50 P.M. EDT

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

FACT SHEET: The United States and Germany – Leading Together

The United States and Germany are long-standing allies and friends, and our countries continue to deepen cooperation across a wide range of issues, enhancing a partnership that is instrumental to meeting the challenges and opportunities of the 21st century.  Bilaterally and through multilateral mechanisms including NATO, the United Nations, the G-7, and the G-20, the United States and Germany work together to advance a shared agenda of peace, prosperity, and freedom. 

Working Together to Boost our Economies

The United States and Germany have one of the world’s strongest economic relationships, and our countries are committed to policies that will support the global recovery.  We support efforts that will boost demand, create new jobs, and promote strong, sustainable, and balanced growth.  President Obama and Chancellor Merkel are devoted to further strengthening this relationship through the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (T-TIP) agreement, currently being negotiated by the United States and the European Union.  A comprehensive and ambitious T-TIP agreement that eliminates duties on bilateral goods trade; reduces regulatory and other non-tariff barriers while maintaining high standards for environmental, labor, and consumer protection; and charts joint approaches to global trade challenges of common concern will boost growth and support good jobs on both sides of the Atlantic.  T-TIP also will generate savings for consumers and open up new opportunities for U.S. and German entrepreneurs and companies, particularly small and medium-sized businesses.

The United States and Germany are leaders in promoting education and training as a key factor for strengthening economic and social growth.  Since 2012, we have been cooperating through the Skills Initiative, launched by the German Embassy to the United States and actively supported by the U.S. Department of Commerce.  This important initiative brings together leading German companies with U.S. state and local officials, representatives of community colleges and other educational institutions, and labor experts to share information and best practices for developing a skilled workforce.  The Administration will continue to look for ways to intensify and further develop our cooperation with Germany in the area of workforce education and training. 

Germany is the largest economy in Europe, the world’s fourth largest economy, and our top trading partner in the European Union.  In 2012, our two-way trade in goods and services totaled $210 billion.  Furthermore, the U.S.-German trade relationship is driven by mutual investment.  The value of German direct investment in the United States in 2012 was almost $200 billion, while U.S. direct investment in Germany was $121.2 billion. 

Cooperating on Global Challenges

The United States and Germany are NATO allies.  Our countries have worked together for decades on our shared goal of a Europe whole, free, and at peace, and we have stood together to oppose Russia’s violation of Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, its illegal occupation and annexation of Crimea, and its other efforts to destabilize Ukraine.  We are working together to help Ukraine as it pursues urgently needed reforms to stabilize its economy, reform its constitution, combat corruption, strengthen its energy security, and hold free and fair elections on May 25. 

For generations, the German people have been gracious hosts to U.S. forces in Europe, with more than 45,000 military personnel and dependents currently based in Germany.  Our troops have stood shoulder-to-shoulder in Afghanistan for more than a decade.  Together, the United States and Germany coordinate closely on the full range of security issues, including counterterrorism, defense capabilities, and sanctions implementation.  We also work together on multilateral concerns including Afghanistan, Syria, Iran, the Middle East, and the Balkans.  Our two countries continue to lead international efforts to address climate change, both in the development of a new global climate agreement for 2015 as well as through complementary initiatives to reduce emissions through concrete actions.

We are pleased that on June 26, Germany will host the second annual U.S.-Germany Cyber Bilateral meeting.  The United States and Germany have been cooperating on many key cyber issues over the course of the last decade, and this whole-of-government dialogue seeks to identify additional areas for awareness and alignment.  The following day, June 27, we will hold a German-American Cyber Dialogue, a multi-stakeholder dialogue in which participants will discuss the relationship between Big Data, security, and privacy, as well as international cyber cooperation.

Linking Two Continents

Connections among citizens of the United States and Germany are strong, benefitting from long and varied academic, professional, and cultural exchange programs.  From the first German settlement in America in 1683, Germans have made their mark on America and some 50 million or more Americans can claim German heritage. 

Today, millions of Germans visit the United States each year for tourism or business, and each year, more than 1.5 million U.S. citizens visit Germany.  More than 20,000 exchange visitors came to the United States from Germany in 2012, with the secondary school student program attracting the greatest number of participants.  The United States is the top destination for German high school students studying abroad, while Germany is the top host country for American high school students studying abroad.  More than 40,000 Americans and Germans – students, teachers, researchers and professors – have been awarded grants through the German-American Fulbright Program. 

Looking Toward the Future

The enduring partnership between our nations and the deep friendship between our peoples are rooted in our shared values and common commitment to democracy, the respect for human rights, and the rule of law.  We have done much work together, and our ties will only grow stronger as we continue addressing critical transatlantic and global issues in pursuit of our common goals.

West Wing Week 05/02/14 or, "Old Seoul"

May 01, 2014 | 4:57 | Public Domain

This week the President wrapped up a four country trip to Asia before honoring the Teachers of the Year and speaking on the minimum wage, and the VP announced a series of actions to help address sexual assault.

Download mp4 (194MB)

West Wing Week 05/02/14 or, "Old Seoul"

This week the President wrapped up a four country trip to Asia before honoring the Teachers of the Year and speaking on the minimum wage, and the VP announced a series of actions to help address sexual assault.

The Employment Situation in April

Employment growth was solid in April, as businesses added jobs for the 50th consecutive month, and the unemployment rate fell. The employment data can fluctuate from month-to-month, and while this month’s report happens to be above expectations, it is still broadly consistent with the recent trends we have been seeing in the labor market. The President continues to emphasize that more can and should be done to support the recovery, including acting on his own executive authority to expand economic opportunity, as well as pushing Congress for additional investments in infrastructure, education and research, an increase in the minimum wage, and a reinstatement of extended unemployment insurance benefits. In fact, CEA estimates that because of the failure to continue extended benefits into 2014, the economy has already incurred the loss of 80,000 jobs so far this year. Failure to reinstate extended unemployment insurance benefits is expected to cost another 160,000 jobs over the balance of the year.

FIVE KEY POINTS IN TODAY’S REPORT FROM THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS

1. The private sector has added 9.2 million jobs over 50 straight months of job growth. Today we learned that total nonfarm payroll employment rose by 288,000 in April, driven by a 273,000 increase in private employment. Job growth in February and March was revised up, so that that over the past twelve months, private employment has risen by 2.4 million, or an average of 198,000 a month. This is slightly faster than the pace of job gains over the preceding twelve-month period (182,000 a month).

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Press Briefing by Press Secretary Jay Carney, 5/1/2014

James S. Brady Press Briefing Room

11:47 A.M. EDT

MR. CARNEY:  Hey, everybody.  No announcements.  I’ll go to your questions.  Jon, are you ready?  (Laughter.)  But I’ll start with Nedra.  Go ahead.

Q    Thanks, Jay.  The Pentagon is releasing a report today showing a 50 percent increase in military sexual assaults.  How does the Commander-in-Chief view that?  Does he think it’s because of increased encouragement for reporting, or is the problem getting worse?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, first of all, let me say that the President has made clear that sexual assault is a crime and has no place in the military.  I think you probably remember when he said very forcefully that as Commander-in-Chief the victims of sexual assault in the military should know that he has their backs. 

Secretary Hagel shares his perspective and has made eliminating sexual assault within the military a top priority.  He meets weekly with his senior military and civilian leaders to ensure that the Department of Defense is reaching their goal of reducing the prevalence of this heinous crime and increasing reports of sexual assault.  Because of this leadership, DOD’s response to sexual assault is fundamentally different than it was just two years ago.  The Department continues to implement critical reforms, including 28 initiatives directed by Secretary Hagel, and is working with victim advocates and prevention experts across the country to identify best practices.

Now, to go to your specific question, because these crimes are underreported, DOD has focused its efforts on creating an environment in which victims feel comfortable reporting, and that’s what they are seeing.  An increased trust in the system has increased reporting.  The report that is being issued today shows that overall there is both an increase in reporting of sexual assault and an increase in DOD taking disciplinary action in cases where it has jurisdiction. 

This all shows that the Department of Defense is starting to see some progress.  It also shows that much more work needs to be done.  And we are continually working with them to identify ways to strengthen their prevention and response efforts.  I know that the Department of Defense is having a briefing I think this afternoon, and I’d refer you to them for more details.  I can tell you that there was a 50 percent increase in sexual assault reporting up just from last year.  Historically, reports of sexual assault have increased about 5 percent per year since 2006. 

So we believe that this increase in reporting, this sort of dramatic increase is consistent with growing confidence in DOD’s response system.  Furthermore, I should say that in Fiscal Year ’13, 2013, the Department had taken -- or took disciplinary action on 73 percent of subjects in cases over which it had jurisdiction, which is an increase from a year before from 66 percent.  So again, an increase in reporting; increase in disciplinary action taken by the Department in cases where it has jurisdiction.

Q    So to be clear, though, you don’t think -- the White House doesn’t think that this means the problem is getting worse?

MR. CARNEY:  Obviously, there’s a lot of analysis that needs to be done.  What has certainly been the case -- that sexual assault has been significantly underreported because of a lack of confidence, or at least in part because of a lack of confidence in the system.  And what we have seen is that as -- and what we believe to be the case, that this sharp increase in reporting is related to an increase in trust in the system, which is a result of the significant changes that have been put in place just in the last two years.  That by no means suggests that more work doesn’t need to be done -- it does. 

A single case of sexual assault in the military, as far as the President is concerned, is one too many.  It’s unacceptable and needs to be dealt with aggressively.  And that’s what the President has directed the leadership, beginning with Secretary Hagel at the Department of Defense, to do.  And as you know, there’s a process in place where the DOD will report back to the President at the end of the year in response to his order that they show progress by the end of this year.  So this is an annual report that is getting more attention this year because of what’s happened and the efforts underway.  At the end of the year there will be a progress report made to the President.

Q    On another topic -- the House Republicans put out a report yesterday that says one-third of the people who signed up for health insurance through the federal exchanges have not paid their premiums.  Does the White House dispute that data?

MR. CARNEY:  Yes.  And here’s why:  It should not surprise you that Republicans on a committee, who uniformly have voted -- I don’t know how many times now -- to repeal the Affordable Care Act, have put out a report that isn’t on the level, that doesn’t tell the full story. 

I mean, let’s begin with the fact that the committee says they looked at who paid by April 15th.  But as you know, because we all -- or you reported on it, we talked a lot about it -- there was a tremendous surge in enrollments at the end of the process, including those who were in line come midnight on March 31st, who were then able to complete their enrollments by April 15th.  So a lot of those folks haven’t even gotten notices yet or bills yet to pay their premiums.  And they certainly, if their premiums weren’t due for a month, would not be part of that population that is covered in this report.

It doesn’t match with public comments by insurance company executives, most of which have indicated that they’re seeing 80 to 90 percent of their enrollees pay their premiums.  And contrary to what the report says, there are over 300 insurance companies -- they surveyed what they said was the population of insurance companies selling plans through the FFMs, and they said it was 160 firms who sell in the federally facilitated marketplaces, and, in fact, there are over 300 insurance companies.

So what you have here is partial information packaged in a way to try to undermine what must be the pressing reality to those who want to repeal the Affordable Care Act -- which is that millions of Americans enrolled, exceeding even our most optimistic projections and despite the enormous obstacles that were put in the way of the American people who wanted the products available through healthcare.gov by the fact that the website barely functioned for two months.  I know that’s frustrating, but it’s a fact.

And what we are seeing, again, from executives of insurance companies is that high percentages of those who have enrolled are paying their premiums.  And when we have complete data available, CMS will be providing that data as opposed to half-baked, partially -- half-baked reports based on partial data meant to make a political point that the companies themselves have refuted.

Q    But you’re not disputing the data.

MR. CARNEY:  Chuck, where were you for the last three minutes of brilliance?  (Laughter.)

Q    No, no, but you didn’t dispute it.  But it didn’t sound like you disputed the data.  You’re just saying it’s incomplete, but you’re not disputing -- they didn’t put out false numbers.  Did they put out false numbers?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, in the sense that if they took -- they surveyed 160 of the companies and said that they represented all the people who enrolled, and of the 8 million who enrolled only 67 percent paid.

Q    But how many companies did they not?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, over 300 insurance companies are selling plans in the FFM, so that’s barely more than half, right?  They did surveys up to April 15th of people who had paid.  But as you know, because of the enormous surge in people who enrolled at the end of March and then continuing into April during the period when those who were already in line were able to complete their application process -- that’s not even --

Q    How many do you think are going to be missing out of that?  You’re assuming a million people being missed in that?

MR. CARNEY:  Again, I would have to -- you’d have to ask CMS about how many people came in between, say, March 15th and April 15th.  I mean, people who wouldn’t have a premium due -- if their premiums weren’t due until May 1st, the people who signed up at the end of March or in early April because they were already in line might not even have gotten a bill yet.

Q    But do you believe these numbers?

MR. CARNEY:  We don’t have hard, concrete numbers, but we dispute them --

Q    You don’t have any numbers to push back on with their numbers.

MR. CARNEY:  No, but we will, because we’re going to wait until all the data is complete.

Q    When do we see that?

MR. CARNEY:  When CMS has it ready.  Remember, as we’ve talked about, these are private contracts between individuals and private insurance companies, again disputing the whole canard that this is government insurance.  These are private companies; profit-making organizations, most of them, or many of them. 

And so this is not data that is shared traditionally through the government.  But we are assembling it, working with issuers.  I point you to what issuers themselves, including major issuers like WellPoint, just yesterday saying, according to the CEO, “The rate of people who select a WellPoint plan and then pay the premium to begin coverage is hitting about 90 percent.”  Right?  So think about what WellPoint has at stake in this process versus what Republicans on a committee in the House have at stake, and then decide for yourselves who you’re going to believe.

Q    Do you have a sense of where this going to come out?

MR. CARNEY:  I don’t.  I’m not a numbers cruncher or data.  What I can say is that we have seen from the anecdotal reports from issuers that the percentages of those paying the premiums are in the 80 to 90 percent range.  But we will wait until we have an accurate picture of it and provide that data when we have it.

What I can tell you is that just based on what we know to be true, which is they surveyed only a portion of the issuers and said it was representative of the whole, they surveyed those who had paid by April 15th, when, in fact, if your policy didn’t begin until May 1st and you didn’t sign up until April 10th, you might not even have gotten a bill, and a huge chunk of the 8 million came in at the very end.  So look at those facts and tell me that 67 percent is a credible statistic.

Q    Well, I guess what I'm curious about is, taking what you said about March and April, but I would assume HHS have some data up until then about what the general ratio was of people who enrolled and then paid premiums earlier in the process.  I'm just wondering if you can give us anything that you have gleaned from that that might inform --

MR. CARNEY:  What I'm saying is I don't have anything --

Q    -- what you ultimately expect to have.

MR. CARNEY:  I don't have a partial figure for you.  We're not going to put out partial information.  We're not going to put out information that we don't think is reliable until we have it.  And this is different from how many people enrolled because, again, once you enroll you establish a contract with a private insurance company.  You commit yourself to pay the premium.  They send you a bill and you pay the premium or you don't.  What we have seen from those issuers, the major ones who have spoken on this, including Covered California has said that “85 percent of all enrollees have paid their first month’s premium.”  Cigna says it’s in the low 80s.  Aetna says 80 percent. 

We'll see what the final figure for all of them is, but it's not likely to be what the Republicans are trying to say it is.  And again, they’re gnashing their teeth over the fact that despite their hopes and expectations because of the fact that healthcare.gov got off to such a terrible start that the Affordable Care Act would somehow fail -- they’re upset that those predictions didn’t come true.  They’re upset that their predictions about health care inflation have been blown to smithereens; the opposite has happened.  Health care inflation is at its lowest level in the year since the Affordable Care Act was signed into law since than it's been in half a century or more.  So they keep looking for other things.  But --

Q    So why don't you guys put out some partial data if you’ve got data to dispute what they’re doing?  Or it sounds like you don’t have it.

MR. CARNEY:  Every time we get this stuff, we put out --

Q    I'm mean, I guess why not put it --

MR. CARNEY:  We wait until we have all the information and we put it out.  And every time it -- or almost every time, it ends up being far better than what Republicans claim it will be. And if I'm wrong when this data is compiled and all the issuers have been surveyed and we see a final figure, then we can talk about that.  What I'm saying is it's not going to be 67 percent.

Q    You're confident it's going to be over 80 percent?

MR. CARNEY:  I'm confident it's not going to be 67 percent. I don't know what it's going to be.  I know what issuers are saying about -- these are major issuers who have sold a lot of health insurance plans, and I think that reflects that the percentage of those who are paying is consistent with what you have seen traditionally in these marketplaces and reflects the fact that people want the insurance that they signed up for.

Leslie.

Q    Thank you, Jay.  German Chancellor Merkel is coming tomorrow, and I was wondering -- for her visit.  And I was wondering if the President believes that Germany could be doing more to impose tougher sanctions on Russia and sort of lead the rest of the EU, and whether or not the President will be addressing that with the Chancellor.

MR. CARNEY:  There’s no question that the situation in Ukraine, the continued failure by Russia to abide by its commitments in the Geneva agreement, will be a focus of the conversation between President Obama and Chancellor Merkel.  They have, of course, other items on the agenda between them.  This is a very important friendship and relationship, and, as you know, the President and Chancellor Merkel have been working together for a long time.  The alliance between the United States and Germany is indispensable to meeting the challenges and seizing the opportunities of the 21st century.  One of those challenges now when it comes to Europe is the assault on the sovereignty and territorial integrity that Russia has been waging against Ukraine.  So I'm sure that will be an issue.

We have worked very closely with Chancellor Merkel and other members of the EU and G7 in our approach toward imposing costs on Russia for what they have done and are doing in Ukraine, and we'll continue to do that.

Q    Does he think, though, that they could be a little bit stronger on it?  And also, does the sort of the German uncomfortableness with the NSA spying, does that complicate matters in any way?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, that's an issue that obviously has been a point of discussion between the two leaders and between our two governments and, again, may be brought up again in the conversation between the two leaders tomorrow.  I don't think that it's related -- in fact, I'm confident that it's not related to our shared approach to dealing with the situation in Ukraine.  There has been a great deal of collaboration and cooperation in that effort between the United States and the EU, as well as all the members of the G7.

So we expect that effort to continue, and we expect to continue a path that sees an international coalition escalating the costs that Russia will have to endure and pay if Russia refuses to keep its commitments and instead either through the means that it's been using thus far continues to destabilize the situation in eastern Ukraine and southern Ukraine or even goes further and uses its forces to cross the border, the Ukrainian border.

There was a rather remarkable statement by a senior Russian government official who said that -- who called on Ukraine to remove its forces from its country, which is preposterous, if you think about it.

Q    Follow?

MR. CARNEY:  Who said that?

Q    I did.

MR. CARNEY:  Yes, Jessica.

Q    On that issue, I know earlier, on Monday, senior administration officials on the call talked about making allowances for countries that would be disproportionately affected by further sanctions such as sectoral sanctions.  Is Germany a good candidate for that because of its reliance on Russian natural gas and oil?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, I think that what is true is that each nation within the EU, and obviously the United States and other nations, have a different level of -- a different kind of economic relationship with Russia, and so sanctions will affect different nations differently.  And that's something that I think we all take into account as we move forward with sanctions.  And that's, as we discussed yesterday, something that the United States takes into account, the economic impact of ratcheting up sanctions on individuals and entities and ultimately, if we have to get to that point, on sectors of the economy.

As the President said at the very beginning of this process, there’s no question that imposing sectoral sanctions on the Russian economy would have a negative impact on the global economy and therefore negative impact on the United States’ economy and on economies in Europe and elsewhere -- an impact nowhere near as severe as they would have, those sanctions would have on the Russian economy.  But these are something -- these are issues that we obviously take into consideration and we study as we craft sanctions and work with our partners.

Ultimately, as leaders in Europe have said publicly, when it comes to the fundamental necessity of upholding              international law and respecting sovereignty and the territorial integrity of sovereign nations, there is a requirement essentially that in order to make clear that these transgressions are unacceptable that everyone opposing them has to bear some of the burden of taking action.  And we’ve seen that already, and that will continue to be the case as we move forward, if we have to move forward with more sanctions.

April.

Q    Jay, I want to kind of ask something on Russia, but not this.  We hear a lot about Russia, and we haven’t talked about Edward Snowden recently.  What are the talks, what’s going on with the talks about Edward Snowden?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, I would refer you to the Justice Department for the case against Mr. Snowden.  Our position on him and the fact that he should be returned to the United States where he will enjoy all the rights of defendants in this country has not changed.  And our position on the fact that as senior national security officials have made clear, including intelligence officials have made clear, on the fact that those leaks were damaging to our national security remains unchanged. So I don't have an update beyond that.  The case against him is what it is.  I’d refer you to the Justice Department for more details.

Q    And on something domestically, the President talked about the economy when it comes to increasing the minimum wage yesterday.  He also talked about the Republican budget.  Well, meanwhile, yesterday, the Congressional Black Caucus had a meeting with Paul Ryan about the GOP 2015 budget.  Sources out of that meeting said that it went as expected, and we did not agree on much.  What are your thoughts?

MR. CARNEY:  We don't agree on a lot with -- or much with Paul Ryan’s budget either.  This is a budget that's built on a foundation of extending and increasing tax cuts and benefits to wealthy individuals and corporations at the expense of middle-class families, at the expense of investments in our economy, at the expense of investments in education and scientific research and the like.

I mean, I could dive deep on all the problems created by a budget that essentially voucherizes Medicare and uses the savings from those kinds of approaches and slashing programs, again, to sustain or increase tax benefits for those at the very top.  We just have a fundamentally different view.  And it certainly doesn't surprise me that a group of Democrats within the House caucus similarly disagree with the approach represented by the House Republican budget and the chairman who wrote it.

Q    And what did you think of the interview with Snowden  that he had with Putin -- President Putin rather?

MR. CARNEY:  The one from a while back?  It seems like so long ago.  Which one, sorry?

Q    The one where Snowden interviewed Putin.  You didn't answer.  We want to know what the President thought about that.

MR. CARNEY:  I didn't discuss that with President Obama.  I just think it’s not useful for me to comment on that given that there’s a legal case against Mr. Snowden.  I think I would make the observation, as somebody who lived and knows it, as we all know it here, that Russia is not a place that’s very friendly to press freedom or privacy rights.

Jim.

Q    Jay, getting back to the Ben Rhodes/Susan Rice prep call email, the House Oversight Committee hearing on this this morning, and the Chairman Darrell Issa said, “It’s disturbing, and perhaps criminal, that these documents -- that documents like these -- were hidden by the Obama administration.”  What’s your response?

MR. CARNEY:  I think we should review the history here.  What happened in Benghazi was a tragedy.  Four Americans were killed, including the U.S. Ambassador to Libya.  This administration’s focus since that event has been on pursuing those who did harm to Americans, who killed Americans, and bringing them to justice, and taking action to ensure that the failures in security that helped cause this or lead to this event were addressed and changed.

What we have seen since hours after the attack, beginning with a statement by the Republican nominee for President, is an attempt by Republicans to politicize a tragedy -- and that continues today and yesterday.  How much time has been spent focused on talking points that could have been spent on moving forward to help create jobs in this country and move the economy -- grow the economy.  How much time also has been spent obviously on show votes to repeal the Affordable Care Act -- something that a majority of Americans have said clearly they don’t want to happen.

Q    But, Jay, in November of 2012, the President said, “I think it’s important to find out what happened in Benghazi, and I’m happy to cooperate in any ways that Congress wants.  We have provided every bit of information that we have.” 

MR. CARNEY:  Right.

Q    That email was not provided.

MR. CARNEY:  Have you read the email, Jim?

Q    I have it right in front of me.

MR. CARNEY:  Okay, so here’s the thing -- back a year ago now, roughly, when Republicans on Capitol Hill were feeding information to reporters about what was in a bunch of emails that had been given to congressional investigators, feeding false information about what was in those emails and in those talking points that were produced by the CIA, we voluntarily released all the information regarding those talking points, causing news organizations to have to correct what they had reported because it turned out to be false because they were lied to by folks on Capitol Hill about what was contained within them.

You’ve seen the deputy director of the CIA testify repeatedly, including I believe last week, that he produced those -- the CIA produced those talking points, he made the decisions about what ultimately would go in those talking points, and that he felt no political influence from the White House or anywhere else about what should go in the talking points that were such a focus of conversation -- the talking points that were provided to members of Congress of both parties and by this administration to our representative who was going out on the Sunday shows to talk about Benghazi and everything else that was happening in the Muslim world at the time, which included huge protests outside of numerous diplomatic facilities, violent protests that included scaling of walls, taking down the American flag, Molotov cocktails and the like, right?

The talking points that Ambassador Rice used -- again, produced by the intelligence community for members of Congress and in the interest of having everybody use the same information used by the administration and Ambassador Rice on those Sunday shows -- were divulged.  And like so many of the conspiracy theories that have been promulgated by Republicans from the beginning of this, this one turned out to be bogus, right?  The documents released through a FOIA request by the State Department, that included the email that you’re talking about, are explicitly about the broader areas, separate from the attack on Benghazi --

Q    But they go to talking points.  It talks about the goal being to underscore that these protests are rooted in an Internet video, and not a broader --

MR. CARNEY:  I’m sorry, did you say protests?  You said protests, right?  So that is -- read the talking -- they are about -- it’s a Q&A about the protests happening in Tunis, in Khartoum, in Cairo, everywhere. 

Q    But at that time that was this administration’s explanation as to what happened.

MR. CARNEY:  No, no, no.  Let’s just get to the facts here.  So in the CIA talking points it said --

Q    This has nothing to do with talking points?

MR. CARNEY:  Wait, you just said it did.  “The currently available information suggests that the demonstrations in Benghazi were spontaneously inspired by the protests at the U.S. Embassy in Cairo, and evolved into a direct assault against the U.S. Consulate and subsequently its annex.”  That language comes from the CIA-produced talking points that have been the focus of discussion now for some time that produced another dry hole in the effort to prove a conspiracy by Republicans.

As Mike Morrell, Deputy CIA Director at the time, and so many others have testified, this was based on what was, as it says here, “the currently available information suggests.”  The fact that some of it -- I mean, that a lot of it was murky then, that some of it turned out to be different from what an analyst thought was the case at the time is something that we’ve discussed repeatedly, right?

The fact of the matter is -- and I would encourage you to go back and look at what was happening and what was being reported during that entire week -- is that there were potentially dangerous and violent and even fatal protests happening at facilities everywhere, and so there was these basic top-lines about that.  But on the specific issue of the Benghazi attack, our representative, the administration’s representative who went out on the Sunday shows, the U.N. ambassador, relied on points provided to the Congress and to the administration that were produced by the intelligence committee -- I mean, the intelligence community. 

And I feel like we’ve been through that.  I mean, is there nothing -- and there’s nothing in the emails yesterday.  Look, if the email that you’re talking about had been -- if you had seen it earlier, what would you have said?  Well, it doesn’t really have a bearing on the CIA talking points that we released because Republicans were -- staffers on the Hill were feeding them to some reporters, falsely characterizing them, and we felt it was necessary to set the record straight, so voluntarily we provided them to you, and it turned out that the charges were bogus.  Well, you know what, that’s not the first charge that was bogus.  The one about the idea that there was a military stand-down order that got a lot of air time on some channels -- bogus.  Conspiracy theory that turned out not to be true.

Q    So all of this is politically motivated?

MR. CARNEY:  All of what?

Q    All of these questions, the fact that these question are -- at this point, does the --

MR. CARNEY:  When Darrell Issa gets up and says what he said today?  I don’t know, you guys be the judge.

Q    All right.  Let me ask you -- does the White House have a firm understanding of what happened to those Americans that night?

MR. CARNEY:  There is an active investigation to find the people responsible.  There’s an active investigation into the details.  The answer broadly is --

Q    It was 18 months ago and there’s still no firm grasp as to what happened?  I’m just asking.

MR. CARNEY:  Well, no, I think that, as I think many --

Q    Was it a video, was it a protest?  Was it a terrorist attack?

MR. CARNEY:  You should ask the intelligence community what their current assessment of what happened was.  What we know is that there was an attack, that there were extremists involved, and four Americans were killed.  We have been saying that from the beginning.  Again, if you look at the language provided at the time by the IC to members of Congress and the White House, that’s what Ambassador Rice stuck to.  And as I said and others, it was based on what we believed to be true at the time, and they were caveating all the time about the fact more information might become available, more details might become available, and as they did there would be more information to provide.

What hasn’t changed has been the effort by Republicans to claim a conspiracy when they haven’t been able to find one.  And what we have done is provide 25,000 pages of documents.  We have provided officials who have testified on Capitol Hill.  We’ve spent a lot of time in this room and elsewhere talking about it.  And the focus should be on making sure that what happened outside of the diplomatic facilities in Benghazi doesn’t happen again.  And yet, in the President’s budget, he proposes investing $4.6 billion to secure overseas personnel and facilities, including sufficient funding to support embassy security construction funding of $2.2 billion, as recommended by the Accountability Review Board, chaired by Admiral Mullen and Ambassador Pickering.  But Congress hasn’t acted on that.  Instead, they’re holding hearings about talking points.  So you might want to ask them why they haven’t acted on this.

By the way, those are recommendations from an Accountability Review Board that at various times Republicans have tried to impugn, an Accountability Review Board led or co-chaired by the former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff appointed by President George W. Bush.  And again and again they come back to this, instead of focusing on what the issues here are, which is there were serious problems identified in a very critical report, an independent report produced by, again, former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and one of the most celebrated diplomats serving administrations of both parties that outline 29 recommendations that ought to be taken.  And the Secretary of State at the time immediately accepted all of them, despite the fact that it was a pretty critical report, and began implementing all of them.  That should be the focus.

Ed, it’s your turn.

Q    If the email was not about Benghazi, as you said yesterday and you say again today, why did the White House turn it over to a conservative group seeking information about Benghazi?

MR. CARNEY:  You would have to ask the State Department about how they respond to FOIA requests.  I would again point you to the fact that -- I mean, all you have to do is read it, Ed.  Top-line points, goals, that kind of stuff.  The only mention of Benghazi in the email is a question about what’s your response to a story about an independent newspaper in the UK that says we had intelligence 48 hours in advance of the attack that was ignored.  “…Not aware of any actionable intelligence” was the answer.  And then what does it do?  It cuts and pastes the same line from the CIA talking points that, again, was what Ambassador Rice used.

Q    So if it’s not about Benghazi, why turn it over in a Benghazi suit?  It seems --

MR. CARNEY:  You would have to ask the State Department about their process for responding to FOIA requests.  Again, you can just read it and then decide for yourself, as many people have now said and written, like this a conspiracy theory and --

Q    Right, so when a conservative group comes in and says we want Benghazi documents, the administration says, this is not a Benghazi document, so we’re not turning it over, right? 

MR. CARNEY:  Again, I don’t -- this is a State Department FOIA request -- response.

Q    The President’s State Department.

MR. CARNEY:  Yes, but again, whether it was released Monday or a week ago Monday or whatever, it doesn’t change the fundamental facts about the so-called talking points, which despite great efforts by your news organization and others have been proven not to be a conspiracy.  Mike Morrell, a deputy director of the CIA, served at the CIA for decades under administrations of both parties; said that he felt no political influence when he was directing the composition of those points, and it was based on what he believed was the best analysis of what happened at the time.

And in the very first sentence of those points, it said, “currently available information” -- in a situation which, by the way, was incredibly murky and chaotic; halfway around the world, not in a capital but in a regional city at a diplomatic facility.  So --

Q    Putting aside Republican Darrell Issa, retired Brigadier General Robert Lovell testified today he was at AFRICOM.  I have no idea if he’s a Democrat, a Republican, or an independent.  He testified under oath that by 3:15 a.m., after the 9/11/2012 attack, they dismissed the video and very quickly identified this as a terror attack -- by 3:15 a.m., he testifies under oath.

In light of that, why on 9/14, two and a half days later, was Ben Rhodes writing an email about the general state of affairs, as you say, highlighting the video and not highlighting terror?

MR. CARNEY:  Ed, the email was about the protests around the region.  If you want to tell me today that the protests --

Q    Benghazi was part of that, right?  Cairo, a lot of places.  But Benghazi was part of it, right?

MR. CARNEY:  Right.  And I would refer you to the CIA-produced talking points on that that referred at the time to currently available information suggesting that the protests -- there were protests outside of the facility in Benghazi inspired by demonstrations outside of Cairo.  What inspired those demonstrations outside of our embassy in Cairo, do you even remember?

Q    There was -- Cairo, I don't remember specifically.  There was a flag being burned. 

MR. CARNEY:  Does anybody remember, anybody able to recall in response?

Q    They were trying to get the Blind Sheikh out, Jay.  And then they’d get more people in, they started talking about a certain video.

MR. CARNEY:  Okay.  I think there was a lot of tumult in the region. 

Daily Caller has been heard from -- backing you up, Ed.  (Laughter.)

Q    That was your call.

MR. CARNEY:  But the -- I think it’s fair to say that most people remember that there were demonstrations around the region -- right, Scott -- that were in reaction to what people felt was an offensive video.  And there were demonstrations outside of U.S. facilities because the video was produced in the United States.  So again, that's what -- like, it’s pretty clear if you read it that that's what it’s about.

When it comes to the connection between the protests in Cairo and what happened in Benghazi, that's drawn directly from talking points produced by the intelligence community, as testified to by the deputy director of the CIA on multiple occasions.

Q    To your point earlier about you were working in the immediate aftermath of the terror attack with the current information that was available -- on 9/12, you were asked about Benghazi -- whether it was premeditated.  And you said, “It’s too early for us to make that judgment.  I think -- I know that this is being investigated.  We’re working with the Libyan government to investigate the incident.”  So you were being cautious, you were saying, there’s an investigation here.  That's 9/12.  Why then, on 9/14, is Ben Rhodes writing an email that is making judgments that this was inspired by a video?  Why is it not -- hey, we just don’t know; we're investigating it? 

MR. CARNEY:  Do you need a copy of the CIA talking points?  Because I can get them to you.

Q    I’ve seen them, and you can read them out all you want.  Go ahead.  

MR. CARNEY:  The only thing in that email that refers to Benghazi is a cut-and-paste from the talking points, which, much to your disappointment and your boss’s disappointment, turned out to be produced by the CIA.  Whatever information in there that turned out not to be accurate has been addressed multiple times by folks at the CIA and elsewhere. 

It's a human enterprise, intelligence-gathering and analysis.  Those men and women who serve in the intelligence community do so in service of their nation and they do the best job they can every day.  And what they produced was what they thought was what they thought they knew at the time in a very difficult and murky situation.  And, by the way, separate from the connection between the video and what happened at the attack in Benghazi, a lot of what those points said turned out to be true, right?  But it was based on currently available information.  And as you could imagine, in the days after an attack in a regional city in a faraway country, that information was not complete -- which is what we said repeatedly.

Mr. Knoller.

MR. CARNEY:  And yet you’ve got the House Majority Leader today going on Twitter saying it's time for the White House to come clean on Benghazi and urging his followers to retweet his Twitter. 

MR. CARNEY:  Well, as a representation of the superficiality of the partisan attack, I think you’ve made a good point.  But the fact of the matter is, again, voluntarily, in response to some bogus partisan claims made by Republicans to reporters about what had happened in the compilation of the original talking points around the Benghazi attack, we produced that material publicly, which showed that we were right and they were wrong, that they were mischaracterizing what those emails and those points said.  And so that is part of an effort that includes something like 25,000 pages of documents produced, hours and hours of testimony given, all in pursuit of a clearly partisan agenda because the conspiracy theories keep falling apart. 

They claimed the ARB report was a whitewash and didn’t look at senior State Department officials.  Well, Admiral Mullen knocked that down, right?  They claimed that there was a military stand-down order.  Some news organizations went hard with that.  Well, it turned out not to be true.  And they claimed that the White House directed the CIA talking points.  Well, the CIA says that's not true, and the traffic shows that wasn’t true, that the product was one that the CIA took responsibility for.  The deputy director said he didn’t feel any political influence when it came to producing them.  They were producing those points, by the way, not for us but for Congress, for members of both parties.

And in the interest of a novel idea, which is that in a time of crisis and tragedy, everybody in Washington -- Democrats and Republicans alike -- ought to be singing off the same song sheet or the basic facts based on what the independent intelligence community assesses, we used the same points.

Q    So you believe the White House has been as forthcoming and open as it can be on this issue?

MR. CARNEY:  I really don't know how to answer that except to say that we have provided an enormous amount of information; we have answered a ton of questions.  We have, again, in a rather unprecedented way, provided documents that normally White Houses and administrations have not or would not provide because they were being mischaracterized.  Obviously, they’ve been provided as part of our cooperation with congressional committees to Congress, and then reporters were called up and lied to about what was in them, so we felt we had to set the record straight.  That was the focus of attention, those talking points about the attack in Benghazi.  So we provided that.

This release through a FOIA request has revived this story, but it doesn’t mean that the facts have changed.  They haven't.

Q    By the way, is there a joint news conference tomorrow by Obama and Merkel?

MR. CARNEY:  Yes, you can expect that.

Major Garrett.

Q    Jay, do you wish this email had been given to Congress earlier?

MR. CARNEY:  Here’s what I can tell you.  We provided --

Q    I'm not asking anything about the broader -- just do you wish this had been included in the process of communicating --

MR. CARNEY:  I wish that --

Q    -- administration communication to the Congress that was requested?

MR. CARNEY:  I wish that rather than spending so much of their time -- and we all have limited time -- Republicans in Congress on this and on repealing the Affordable Care Act, Republicans actually got about the business of helping the economy grow and helping it create jobs, and making the necessary investments for the economy to grow in the future. 

Q    To fulfill your commitment of providing, as the President said, all relevant information, do you wish this had been included in that relevant information?  Can you imagine -- not being a partisan, not be a conspiracy theorist -- someone hearing that a conservative group sues the State Department or a FOIA application is requested, this comes back because their request is about Benghazi, and then you say, well, it's got nothing to do with Benghazi.  Can you imagine somebody being legitimately confused about that sequence of events?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, sure.  What I can say is --

Q    And so all I’m asking is why not include that in the --

MR. CARNEY:  And I know the focus --

Q    -- data dump to the Hill?

MR. CARNEY:  You’d have to ask the State Department about its FOIA release processes. 

Q    But just, does this White House wish it had been included?

MR. CARNEY:  Again, the focus was on the talking points around the attack on Benghazi.  Those documents in full were provided to Congress -- not to be publicly released because a lot of it was sensitive national security stuff, but provided to Congress in the interest of cooperation with Congress.  Staffers in Congress started calling reporters and mischaracterizing what was in those documents.  And then so, voluntarily, we provided to the public those documents, which were the focus of everyone’s attention and all the allegations and assertions. 

So this document changes --

Q    It just slipped through the cracks. 

MR. CARNEY:  But it doesn’t --

Q    I'm just asking.

MR. CARNEY:  It explicitly talks about the broader protests in the region, which you can't --

Q    Yet handed over in the context of a request about Benghazi, which is --

MR. CARNEY:  Ask the State Department about what the request was, how they respond to FOIAs.  What I can tell you is that in dealing with Congress on the so-called Benghazi talking points, they were provided a long time ago and they were made public a long time ago.  And the only reference in this email about Benghazi is a cut-and-paste from the talking points that you guys have had for more than a year, or roughly a year.  Right?

Q    Right.  My only question is, if it was okay to divulge those other documents why wasn’t this one included?  That's all I'm -- and do you wish it had been?  I'm just asking you the simple question.

MR. CARNEY:  What I wish is -- well, I won't even get into what I wish.  (Laughter.) 

Q    Ukraine.  Administration officials are asking, seeking, urging U.S. CEOs, presidents, top leaders of business not to attend the economic forum in St. Petersburg later this month.  I'm wondering what kind of cooperation you're getting from businesses.

MR. CARNEY:  I don't have a conversation-by-conversation readout, but obviously administration officials are having those conversations in keeping with our current approach to Russia and what Russia has been doing in Ukraine.  So I can confirm that those conversations are taking place, but I don't have anything more than a general sense that a lot of these conversations have to do with that specific trip but also about answering queries about what the sanctions that we've imposed mean, how they’ll be enforced and how they’re interpreted.  And we obviously have those conversations -- or not “we,” not me -- but others in the administration have those conversations to provide clarity and information to U.S. businesses.

Q    A lot of U.S. businesses have big stakes in Russia.  So suppose some of them do go -- is there any fallout or consequence?

MR. CARNEY:  I would simply say that --

Q    Won’t get invited to the next forum here at the White House?

MR. CARNEY:  I think these are just informational conversations and making clear that we don't think it's appropriate given the flagrant violations of a sovereign nation’s territorial integrity and its consistent efforts to further destabilize Ukraine, that it's the appropriate thing to do.  But I don't have further information on those conversations.

Jon Karl.

Q    One more question about the testimony of General Robert Lovell who was on duty the night of the attacks at AFRICOM headquarters.  He testified that there were discussions about what should be done there at AFRICOM in response to the attack and that they were “waiting for a request for assistance from the State Department” and in his view, we should have at least tried something.  I'm wondering your reaction to General Lovell’s testimony.

MR. CARNEY:  I thought I had it here, but I would encourage you to read Admiral Mullen’s testimony on this.  And he made abundantly clear that in his view -- again, an admiral, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff appointed by President George W. Bush -- that the military did everything that it could and acted appropriately in every way in response to this attack. I wish I had the language in front of me because it's quite powerful.

So I don't -- I'm not familiar specifically with the testimony you cite, but what I can tell you is the former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs who investigated this thoroughly and felt -- again, characterizing or paraphrasing his words -- felt particularly compelled, as the former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, to investigate this charge thoroughly, came to the very clear conclusion that the military did everything that it could.

Q    And, in fact, General Lovell doesn’t necessarily dispute that, but the point that he seems to be making in his testimony is we should have at least tried.  Is there any feeling here -- I mean, are you satisfied?

MR. CARNEY:  I'm not sure -- well, again, I would refer you to the -- thank you.  A trusty deputy.  (Laughter.)  Quote from Admiral Mullen:  “We looked at every single U.S. military asset that was there and what it possibly could have done, whether it could have moved or not, and it was in that interaction that I concluded after a detailed understanding of what had happened that night, that from outside Libya, we had done everything possible that we could.”

Now, again, I'm not familiar with this -- in detail with his testimony or the perspective that it offers, but I would point you to the words of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, appointed by President George W. Bush, who led a thorough investigation of this, and this particular point included, and he came to that conclusion.

Yes.

Q    Jay, away from the talking points and the memos for a moment, you’ve said a number of times -- the President has said a number of times that the perpetrators of the Benghazi attack, you're pursuing them, et cetera.  How is that possible, in a sense?  What is the status of that investigation?  I just had to look this up myself.  Libya is in a state of political and physical chaos.  How do you view the situation in Libya right now to try to bring these people to justice?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, it's a challenging case, to be sure.  I would refer you to the Justice Department and some of the statements that have been made about progress in that case.  But I can assure you that the President’s direction is that those who killed four Americans will be pursued by the United States until they are brought to justice.

And if anyone doubts that, they should ask, if there are any, friends and family members of Osama bin Laden.  It took a long time, but in this case the United States is going to find and bring to justice those who killed our ambassador and three other Americans in Benghazi that night.

Q    What’s the status of relations in a sense with Libya?

MR. CARNEY:  I don't have an update on the situation in Libya.  We’ve obviously worked with the Libyan government in dealing with the aftermath of the Qaddafi dictatorship and the challenges posed by the new era in Libya.  I can certainly get you more information on our current efforts there.  But as is the case in many countries in the region, there’s a difficult dynamic in place there that has been -- which is the result, a positive result in the sense that Qaddafi is gone, but you have a situation in these countries where a dictator held together a nation through intimidation and force, and attempts to move forward with a democratic government are challenging and are not often successful; at least every step is not forward.

Q    Is that broad failure of policy that the email is talking about the difficulty of having a government in Libya that would protect our people?  Or is there some other broad failure of policy that you’re talking about?

MR. CARNEY:  Neil, let me answer your question.  Again, I’m sure you won’t write it this way, but that email refers to protests in the region, talks about all the demonstrations around the region.  And the point was, as the protesters themselves in a variety of places, including Cairo and Tunis and elsewhere around our diplomatic facilities were making clear is that they were angered by a video produced in the United States that they found offensive. 

So the point was simply that that was our understanding of what was causing those protests.  And it wasn’t -- they weren’t protests directed at overall U.S. policy, but specific -- that the spark had been the video -- again, in the protests around Tunis and elsewhere.

Q    You just described a state of chaos in Libya after the President helped depose the government.  In that chaos, there’s no controlling the jihadis, and they attack our embassy.  Is that part of the background --

MR. CARNEY:  We don't have an embassy.  It was a -- our embassy is in Tripoli.

Q    -- a broad failure policy of the President’s policy that you guys wished to distract by talking about the video then and now?

MR. CARNEY:  You can wish it to be so.  What I can tell you, Neil, is that from the moment this happened there has been an effort underway, by this administration, to first bring to justice those responsible for the deaths of four Americans; and two, to take a very clear-eyed look at why four Americans died, why there was inadequate security, what could have been done and what needs to be done to ensure that something like that doesn't happen again.

The independent Accountability Review Board chaired, again, by Admiral Pickering -- I mean, Admiral Mullen and Ambassador Pickering and very unsparing in its critical assessment of some of the security challenges and failures, recommended 29 steps be taken.  All of them are being implemented.

Q    So there’s no broad failure of policy?

MR. CARNEY:  What would be nice is -- what would be nice is if Congress would focus on the critical need of protecting Americans who serve us often in dangerous places around the world by fully funding the President’s budgetary request for construction and other needs around diplomatic security.

Q    Allow me to write then there’s no failure of policy.

MR. CARNEY:  I would never tell you what to write.

Chuck.

Q    When you say the -- is the Libyan government being cooperative in this investigation?

MR. CARNEY:  I would refer you to the Justice Department.  I haven’t spoken to them.  It’s an investigation being led by the Justice Department.

Q    So this is investigated by Justice.  Is the intelligence community working on this?

MR. CARNEY:  I would refer you to Justice.  I just -- I don't have details on that.

Q    So no update on the investigation itself?

MR. CARNEY:  I’m sorry.  I don't have that, yes.

Q    Let me ask you about minimum wage.  Has the President talked with congressional leadership, Republican congressional leadership about a compromise piece of legislation to actually getting something passed?  When was the last time the White House worked with congressional leadership --

MR. CARNEY:  Well, we’ve been actively engaged in an effort to try to --

Q    He campaigned on it.  I understand.  You’ve been campaigning on minimum wage.

MR. CARNEY:  No, we --

Q    But is there a --

MR. CARNEY:  I said yesterday, somebody asked me about Senate Collins’s suggestion that somehow Republicans who have adamantly opposed any raise in the minimum wage would be convinced if we went from $10.10 to $9.99 or something, right? 

We disagree with the premise because when you look at Speaker Boehner’s statements and other statements, the logical  -- if you take the logic in those statements and their opposition to raising the minimum wage to $10.10 to the end, you realize that it represents a lack of support for any minimum wage.  Not that they would say that.

Q    The President would sign a $9 bill?  The bill that he called for in January 2013?

MR. CARNEY:  No, the bill on the -- what he has supported -- there isn’t a $9 bill.

Q    Yes, he called for one in January of 2013 in the State of the Union.

MR. CARNEY:  There isn’t one. 

Q    But if that was the compromise, would the President support something like that?

MR. CARNEY:  What does Speaker Boehner say?  If “ifs” and “buts” were candy and -- (laughter.)

Q    What is it that the White House -- is there active negotiations?

MR. CARNEY:  We support -- for a lot of --

Q    Is there active talks about actual legislation?

MR. CARNEY:  Have you seen any concrete interest by Republican leaders in --

Q    I’m asking what you guys are doing.  Are you having your own meetings?  Are you trying?

MR. CARNEY:  We’re pushing for Congress to pass an increase in the minimum wage. 

Q    How?

MR. CARNEY:  And we have been greatly encouraged --

Q    Beyond holding events -- what are you doing beyond holding events?

MR. CARNEY:  We talk with -- we are engaged with Congress all the time, including Republicans.  What we have been told is what they're telling you, which is that they adamantly oppose increasing the minimum wage, which is a problem because it’s the right thing to do.  It’s supported by a majority of the American people. 

They seem to think that the current minimum wage, which puts families in poverty, even when the head of the household is working full-time, is okay and adequate.

Q    But a lot of guys want a piece of legislation, and you want something -- and you try to get something passed, and you hear about different back-and-forths; you’re trying to do different negotiations.  That doesn't seem to be the case here.

MR. CARNEY:  I just disagree, Chuck.

Q    There doesn't seem to be any evidence that you guys are actively trying to work with -- whether it’s a list of Senate Republicans --

MR. CARNEY:  But if you tell me that there are Republicans who are interested in raising the minimum wage -- we can’t negotiate against ghosts who don’t --

Q    So we’re supposed to do the negotiation?  I mean, are you guys actively --

MR. CARNEY:  No, no, no.  No, Republicans are.

Q    Okay.

MR. CARNEY:  But they’ve come out and said they oppose raising the minimum wage.  We’ve said they’re wrong; we want them to change their minds.

Q    I understand in the campaign back-and-forth that you’ve done this.

MR. CARNEY:  It’s a piece of legislation.

Q    But what meetings have you had up there with Republicans to try to figure out a compromise?

MR. CARNEY:  Believe me, when we talk to Republicans, when representatives of the White House talk to Republicans, we make the case for the minimum wage.  We don’t hear back from Republican leaders, “well, I can’t do $10.10 -- I could do $9.50.”  Right?  That’s not what they tell you and it’s not what they tell us.  They say they’re opposed to raising the minimum wage.  That’s the wrong approach.  It’s not good for America, it’s not good for the economy, it’s not right for those families.

Scott.

Q    Let me try to ask Neil’s question in a slightly different way.  The policy failure that Ben refers to -- so in 2011, at a time when the President is trying to get out of Iraq, getting out of Afghanistan, beginning the glide path out of Afghanistan, he helps lead an international coalition to use military force in a new country.  Qaddafi is opposed.  A year later, the city where -- that he invoked to justify the intervention, to protect the people of Benghazi, his ambassador and three others are murdered.

In the aftermath of the initial strike, right, he said this is a new model, this is a new way we can use force -- we’ll do what we can do and we’ll leave a lot of it for the rest.  Is that part of the policy that Ben is referring to?  Or is it broader Muslim outreach that --

MR. CARNEY:  Let me read the sentence:  “To underscore that these protests are rooted in an Internet video” -- again, this is a series of questions and answers about protests about a video.  And the only point that that was trying to make is that the protestors were not around the region, around the Muslim world in places far away from Libya, not just in Libya. 

Q    But what policy did Ben think was going to be on trial in the Sunday shows?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, I think as is the case when we prepare for appearances on television or briefings like this, you try to anticipate questions and criticisms or charges.  And I think that the general thing is that the world is -- the Muslim world is in protest over U.S. policy.  What this point makes is that these protests outside of our embassy in Cairo, in Tunis, in Khartoum, and elsewhere, were about fury over an Internet video.  That was what your news organizations were reporting, that was what we understood to be true.  And that was simply the point that was being made by Mr. Rhodes.

Q    I’m asking in part because the lesson -- have you drawn the lesson from this episode that these sorts of interventions are not worthwhile and it should not be applied in the future, for example, in a place like Syria?  Which I know has different dynamics.

MR. CARNEY:  You anticipated my -- no, I think that the --

Q    But are you gun-shy, effectively, as a result -- excuse the poor pun -- to intervene in places like Syria because of what happened in Libya?

MR. CARNEY:  I think the President, as he said at his most recent press conference, evaluates the question of using military force with an eye to its effectiveness and whether or not it advances U.S. national security interests.  And I think if you look at the example of his approach to Libya and the coalition that was assembled and the burden-sharing that was brought to bear there, the support of international organizations, including the Arab League behind that effort, you have a very unique circumstance in where the application of force could be effectively used to save many, many lives and to advance through that U.S. national security interests.

There was not a belief that doing so would suddenly make Libya a calm place, given all the upheaval that was taking place throughout the Muslim world and, in particular, in the Arab world.  There was a belief that it was the right action to take in conjunction with our allies in order to save many, many lives.  And the President believes that to this day. 

The circumstance -- and I won’t go into the differences -- obviously, the circumstances in Syria are different, but the judgment or the lens is the same in terms of would the application of force bring about -- have a good chance of bringing about the policy objective that we pursue. 

And if you look at how the situation in Syria involving its use of chemical weapons unfolded, the President made clear that there would -- the use of chemical weapons would not be tolerated.  When the Assad regime used them, he made clear that there was a potential use of military force in response.  Because of that credible threat, we saw Russia and other nations, including the Assad regime, come together to take action and agree to, by the Assad regime, remove its stockpiles of chemical weapons.  At this point, while the regime remains behind schedule and has not met all of its deadlines to be sure, 92 percent of those chemical weapon stockpiles have been removed.

Q    Ninety-two percent of what?

MR. CARNEY:  Its chemical weapons and precursors, as I understand it.  For the technical details --

Q    You just threw out a very specific number, though.  You didn’t -- the President didn’t --

MR. CARNEY:   This is OPCW.  It’s not us. 

Q    I understand that.  You put out a very specific number -- of what?

MR. CARNEY:  Those numbers coming from the OPCW.

Q    And the 8 percent that’s left, is it 8 percent of what?

MR. CARNEY:  I can tell you that some of the 8 percent is the top tier most dangerous chemicals.

Q    The 92 percent is a little misleading.  The 8 percent basically -- some of the most dangerous stuff is left. 

MR. CARNEY:  No.  Again, these aren’t our figures.  This is a removal overseen by the OPCW.  This is what they are reporting.  They are also reporting -- and let me get the precise language here -- that when it comes to the remaining 8 percent, less than 8 percent of the chemicals designated for removal remain in Syria.  That 8 percent is comprised of the most dangerous Priority One and Priority Two precursor chemicals -- which is why we are making clear that Syria must abide by its commitments, the Assad regime; complete the removal of its CW, including the remaining 8 percent. 

There are protests, of which we heard when they were at 20 percent and 10 percent, that they can’t -- it’s not safe enough to get those stockpiles to Latakia, the port for removal, are no more true today than they were when they said they couldn’t do it and they were at 10 or 15 percent.  We and our partners intend to hold them accountable to those commitments.    

I think you said -- yes, Jen.  Last one.

Q    Thanks, Jay.  The Vice President said yesterday that he doesn’t see any downside to the President taking executive action on LGBT workplace discrimination.  Does the President agree?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, I think the complete statement was that what we’re focused on -- the big accomplishment, which would be passage by both houses of Congress and the signing into law by the President of the Employment Non-Discrimination Act. 

I think it’s -- points have been made, and I think in response to something I said earlier, that it’s clear that executive orders aren’t necessarily completely overlapping with what would be achieved by legislation.  I think there’s no doubt that the legislation would be a far greater accomplishment and more broadly applied.  And that is why we continue to push the House to follow the Senate’s lead and pass that, because those who oppose it, I hope -- at least their children -- will regret the reasons they put forward for opposing it, because they sound a lot like the reasons opponents argued against civil rights legislation in the past.  And they were wrong there.  They’re wrong now. 

So I don’t have any updates on suggested or proposed executive orders.  What I can tell you is that we still call on Congress, the House, to follow the Senate’s lead and pass the Employment Non-Discrimination Act.

Q    What is there a reluctance to do something on the executive order when it could complement this broader push that you guys really want?

MR. CARNEY:  Again, I just don’t engage in discussion about speculative executive orders.  When the President decides to take action using his administrative authority, some --

Q    But the Vice President speculated.  He said that he didn’t see any downside.

MR. CARNEY:  No, I think he answered a question about it, as I have repeatedly.   And I’m happy to.  I think this is an incredibly important issue, and I think it is remarkable how much progress has been made and remarkable that there is still resistance to the progress that remains to be made.  That’s certainly the President’s view. 

I just don’t -- I try not to engage in speculation about any executive action the President may or may not take.  What I can tell you is that there is legislation on Capitol Hill that we strongly support and would like to see passed by the House.  Thank you all very much.

Q    Jay, do you have anything on the Nigerians, the kidnapped Nigerian girls?  The U.S. government involved at all in helping?

MR. CARNEY:  I think we took that question yesterday.  I don’t know what we provided.  But I didn’t see any traffic on it.  Thanks. 

END
12:55 P.M. EDT

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Presidential Nomination Sent to the Senate

NOMINATION SENT TO THE SENATE:

Pamela Pepper, of Wisconsin, to be United States District Judge for the Eastern District of Wisconsin, vice Charles N. Clevert, Jr., retired.

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

President Obama Announces More Key Administration Posts

WASHINGTON, DC – Today, President Barack Obama announced his intent to nominate the following individuals to key Administration posts:

  • Tony G. Collins – Member, Advisory Board of the Saint Lawrence Seaway Development Corporation
  • Robert M. Gordon – Assistant Secretary for Planning, Evaluation, and Policy Development, Department of Education
  • Cheryl A. LaFleur – Commissioner, Federal Energy Regulatory Commission  
  • David Arthur Mader – Controller of the Office of Federal Financial Management, Office of Management and Budget
  • John Maeda – Member, National Council on the Arts
  • Jeffrey A. Murawsky – Under Secretary for Health, Department of Veterans Affairs
  • Marcia Denise Occomy – United States Director, African Development Bank
  • Gentry O. Smith – Director of the Office of Foreign Missions, with the rank of Ambassador during his tenure of service, Department of State
  • Debra S. Wada – Assistant Secretary of the Army for Manpower and Reserve Affairs, Department of Defense
  • George Albert Krol – Ambassador to the Republic of Kazakhstan, Department of State
  • Mark William Lippert – Ambassador to the Republic of Korea, Department of State
  • James D. Nealon – Ambassador to the Republic of Honduras, Department of State
  • Dana Shell Smith – Ambassador to the State of Qatar, Department of State

President Obama also announced his intent to appoint the following individual to a key Administration post:

  • Jason W. Young – Member, President’s Advisory Council on Financial Capability for Young Americans

President Obama said, “I am pleased to announce that these experienced and committed individuals have agreed to join this Administration, and I look forward to working with them in the months and years ahead.”

President Obama announced his intent to nominate the following individuals to key Administration posts:

Dr. Tony G. Collins, Nominee for Member, Advisory Board of the Saint Lawrence Seaway Development Corporation
Dr. Tony G. Collins is currently the President of Clarkson University, a position he has held since 2003.  Prior to this position, Dr. Collins served in a variety of roles at Clarkson University from 1982 to 2003.  Most recently, he served as Provost from 2001 to 200 and Vice President for Academic Affairs from 1997 to 2001.  He also served as Dean of Engineering from 1996 to 1998, and Professor and Chair of the Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering from 1992 to 1996.  Dr. Collins served as a Visiting Scientist with Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation’s Division of Water Resources in Canberra, Australia in 1999.  He was an Environmental Coordinator with the Utah Development Company from 1975 to 1976.  From 1973 to 1975, Dr. Collins served as Manager of Australian Consolidated Industries and Assistant Project Engineer in 1971.  Since 2011, he has served as Co-Chair of the North Country Regional Economic Development Council.  Dr. Collins received a B.E. from Monash University and an M.S. and Ph.D. from Lehigh University. 

Robert M. Gordon, Nominee for Assistant Secretary for Planning, Evaluation, and Policy Development, Department of Education
Robert M. Gordon is currently a Guest Scholar at the Brookings Institution.  From 2009 to 2013, Mr. Gordon served in various roles at the Office of Management and Budget, including Acting Deputy Director, Executive Associate Director, and Associate Director for Human Resources.  From 2005 to 2006 and 2007 to 2008, Mr. Gordon was a Senior Fellow and Senior Vice President for Economic Policy at the Center for American Progress.  From 2006 to 2007, he was Chief Executive for Resource Allocation at the New York City Department of Education.  Mr. Gordon previously worked on Capitol Hill and at the Juvenile Rights Division of the Legal Aid Society in New York.  From 2000 to 2001, Mr. Gordon was a Law Clerk for United States Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsberg.  He received a B.A. from Harvard University and a J.D. from Yale Law School.

Cheryl A. LaFleur, Nominee for Commissioner, Federal Energy Regulatory Commission
Cheryl A. LaFleur has been a Commissioner of the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission since 2010 and was designated Acting Chairman in 2013.  In 2008, prior to joining the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, Ms. LaFleur was President and CEO of The Steppingstone Foundation.  From 2006 to 2007, Ms. LaFleur served as Executive Vice President and acting CEO of National Grid USA.  She was President and CEO of New England Distribution at National Grid USA from 2001 to 2005.  From 1986 to 2000, Ms. LaFleur worked for New England Electric System in a variety of roles, including Senior Vice President and General Counsel.  From 1978 through 1986, she was an attorney at Ropes & Gray LLP in Boston.  Ms. LaFleur received an A.B. from Princeton University and a J.D. from Harvard Law School.

David Arthur Mader, Nominee for Controller of the Office of Federal Financial Management, Office of Management and Budget
David Arthur Mader is currently a Senior Vice President for Strategy and Organization at Booz Allen Hamilton, a position he has held since 2007.  From 2004 and 2007, he was a Principal at Booz Allen Hamilton focusing on strategy and organization.  From 2003 to 2004, Mr. Mader was the Managing Director of the Public Sector practice of Sirota Survey Intelligence.  Before joining Sirota Survey Intelligence, Mr. Mader held various positions at the Internal Revenue Service from 1971 to 2003, including Acting Deputy Commissioner, Acting Deputy Commissioner for Modernization and CIO, Assistant Deputy Commissioner, and Chief for Management and Finance.  Mr. Mader received a B.S. from Mount St. Mary’s University.

Dr. John Maeda, Nominee for Member, National Council on the Arts
Dr. John Maeda is a Design Partner at Kleiner Perkins Caufield & Byers, a venture firm he joined in 2014.  Previously, he was the 16th President of the Rhode Island School of Design from 2008 to 2013.  Dr. Maeda was Professor and Associate Director of Research at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) Media Laboratory from 1996 to 2008, and a researcher and software engineer at the International Media Research Foundation from 1990 to 1996.  He serves on the Board of Directors of Sonos, Inc. and Wieden+Kennedy, and he chairs the eBay Design Advisory Council.  Dr. Maeda received a B.S. and an M.S. from MIT, an M.B.A. from Arizona State University, and a Ph.D. in Design Science from the University of Tsukuba Institute of Arts and Design in Japan.

Dr. Jeffrey A. Murawsky, Nominee for Under Secretary for Health, Department of Veterans Affairs
Dr. Jeffrey A. Murawsky is the Network Director of the Veterans Integrated Service Network (VISN 12), a position he has held since 2009.  Dr. Murawsky is also currently an Associate Professor of Medicine at Loyola University Chicago Stritch School of Medicine.  Prior to becoming the Network Director of VISN 12, Dr. Murawsky was the Chief Medical Officer for the Network from 2006 to 2009.  He served as the Associate Manager for Medicine and Neurology Services at the Edward Hines, Jr. VA Hospital and as the Associate Program Director for Internal Medicine at the combined program with Loyola University Medical Center.  Before joining the Hines VA Hospital in 2001, he was the director of community based teaching for the Loyola University Health System and the medical director of the Loyola/Rehabilitation Institute of Chicago Center.  Dr. Murawsky received a B.A. from Brandeis University and an M.D. from Loyola University Chicago Stritch School of Medicine.

Marcia Denise Occomy, Nominee for United States Director, African Development Bank
Marcia Denise Occomy is currently a Specialist Leader in the Emerging Markets Division of Deloitte Consulting LLP.  During her tenure at Deloitte, Ms. Occomy worked with the United States Agency for International Development on various assignments.  Most recently, she served as an Advisor on the Economic Governance reform project providing technical assistance to the Ministry of Finance of the Republic of South Sudan.  She also served as Team Leader of the Capacity Development Program in Afghanistan from 2009 to 2012, Ministry of Finance Advisor in Egypt in 2006, and Deputy Chief of Party and Advisor in Ukraine from 2005 to 2006.  Ms. Occomy was also Senior Advisor for assignments in Iraq from 2003 to 2005, Kosovo from 2001 to 2003, and Kazakhstan from 1999 to 2001.  From 1992 to 1999, Ms. Occomy served as an Analyst at the Office of Management and Budget.  She received a B.A. from Vassar College and an M.A. from The University of Chicago.

Gentry O. Smith, Nominee for Director of the Office of Foreign Missions, with the rank of Ambassador during his tenure of service, Department of State
Gentry O. Smith, a career member of the Foreign Service, class of Minister-Counselor, is Deputy Assistant Secretary and Assistant Director for Countermeasures at the Department of State, a position he has held since 2009.  Previously, Mr. Smith served as Director of the Office of Physical Security Programs.  He has served as the Regional Security Officer at the U.S. Embassy in Tokyo, Japan and the U.S. Embassy in Rangoon, Burma.  He served as a Security Officer and Deputy Regional Security Officer during two separate tours at the U.S. Embassy in Cairo, Egypt.  Mr. Smith entered service with the Department of State in 1987 and joined the ranks of the Senior Foreign Service in 2006.  Before joining the State Department, he served as a Police Officer with the Raleigh Police Department.  Mr. Smith received a B.A. from North Carolina State University.

Debra S. Wada, Nominee for Assistant Secretary of the Army for Manpower and Reserve Affairs, Department of Defense
Debra S. Wada is a professional staff member for the Subcommittee on Military Personnel for the House Armed Services Committee, a position she has held since 1999.  Ms. Wada served as the lead staff member for the Subcommittee from 2007 to 2010, and briefly served as Deputy Staff Director for the committee in 2011.  In 1999, Ms. Wada served as a Legislative Affairs Specialist for the National Park Service.  Ms. Wada served as a Legislative Assistant for U.S. Senator Daniel K. Akaka, acting as the Senator’s principal aide on national defense, veterans’ affairs, maritime issues, education, Social Security and welfare from 1987 to 1999.  Ms. Wada received a B.A. from Drake University.

Ambassador George Albert Krol, Nominee for Ambassador to the Republic of Kazakhstan, Department of State
Ambassador George Albert Krol, a career member of the Foreign Service, Class of Minister-Counselor, is currently the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Uzbekistan, a position he has held since 2011.  Previously, he served in the Department of State as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State in the Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs from 2008 to 2010.  Ambassador Krol was Faculty Advisor at the National War College from 2006 to 2007.  From 2003 to 2006, he was the U.S. Ambassador to Belarus.  He also served as Minister-Counselor for Political Affairs at the U.S. Embassy in Moscow, Russia from 1999 to 2002, Director of the Office of Russian Affairs in the Bureau of European and Canadian Affairs from 1997 to 1999, and Special Assistant to the Ambassador-at-Large for the New Independent States from 1995 to 1997.  Ambassador Krol was the Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Minsk, Belarus from 1993 to 1995, Political and Economic Officer at the U.S. Embassy in Kiev, Ukraine from 1992 to 1993, and Political and Economic Officer at the U.S. Consulate General in Leningrad/St. Petersburg, Russia from 1990 to 1992.  He has also served as a Desk Officer in the Office of East European and Yugoslav Affairs, and was a Watch Officer in the Operations Center at the U.S. Embassy in New Delhi, India and the U.S. Embassy in Warsaw, Poland.  Ambassador Krol received an A.B. at Harvard University and a B.A. and M.A. from Oxford University.

Mark William Lippert, Nominee for Ambassador to the Republic of Korea, Department of State
Mark William Lippert, a U.S. Navy veteran with service in Iraq and Afghanistan, is currently The Special Assistant to the Secretary of Defense and the Deputy Secretary of Defense, a position he has held since 2013.  Previously, he was Assistant Secretary of Defense for Asian and Pacific Security Affairs from 2011 to 2012, Intelligence Officer at the Naval Special Warfare Development Group in Virginia Beach, Virginia from 2009 to 2011, and Deputy Assistant to the President and Chief of Staff for the National Security Council in 2009.  He served as Deputy Director for Foreign Policy of the Obama-Biden Transition Project in Chicago, Illinois and Washington, D.C. from 2008 to 2009, and Senior Foreign Policy Advisor for Obama for America in Chicago, Illinois from August 2008 to November 2008.  Previously, Mr. Lippert was the Foreign Policy Advisor in the Office of U.S. Senator Barack Obama from 2005 to 2008.  From 2007 to 2008, he took a leave of absence from that position to deploy with Seal Team One in support of Operation Iraqi Freedom.  He was a Professional Staff Member on the Committee on Appropriations, Subcommittee on State-Foreign Operations in the U.S. Senate from 2000 to 2005.  In addition, he was a Policy Advisor to the Democratic Policy Committee in the U.S. Senate and a Legislative Correspondent in the Office of U.S. Senator Dianne Feinstein.  He served on active duty in the U.S. Navy from 2007 to 2008 and 2009 to 2011, and has been an Intelligence Officer in the U.S. Naval Reserve since 2005.  He received a B.A. and M.A. from Stanford University.

James D. Nealon, Nominee for Ambassador to the Republic of Honduras, Department of State
James D. Nealon, a career member of the Foreign Service, Class of Minister-Counselor, is the Civilian Deputy to the Commander and Foreign Policy Advisor at U.S. Southern Command in Doral, Florida, a position he has held since 2013.  He was Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassies in Ottawa, Canada from 2010 to 2013, Lima, Peru from 2007 to 2010, and Montevideo, Uruguay from 2005 to 2007.  Previously, he served as Charge d'Affaires in Montevideo.  He served as Counselor for Public Affairs at U.S. Embassies in Madrid, Spain and Budapest, Hungary.  He was the Press Attaché at the U.S. Embassies in Manila, Philippines and Budapest, the Cultural Attaché in Montevideo, and Assistant Press Attaché in Santiago, Chile.  Mr. Nealon also served in Washington in the Bureau of Human Resources of the United States Information Agency.  Earlier in his career, he was a high school teacher and athletics coach.  Mr. Nealon received a B.A. from Brown University.

Dana Shell Smith, Nominee for Ambassador to the State of Qatar, Department of State

Dana Shell Smith, a career member of the Foreign Service, Class of Minister-Counselor, is currently Senior Advisor to the Under Secretary for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs, a position she has held since early 2014.  Previously, Ms. Smith served as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of Public Affairs at the Department of State from 2011 to 2014.  She was the Deputy Assistant Secretary for International Media in the Bureau of Public Affairs from 2010 to 2011, and Regional Arabic Spokesperson for the Regional Media Hub in Dubai from 2009 to 2010.  She also served as Senior Advisor in the Office of Career Development and Assignments in the Bureau of Human Resources from 2006 to 2008.  She was a Public Affairs Officer at the American Institute of Taiwan from 2003 to 2006 and a Press Attaché at the U.S. Embassy in Amman, Jordan from 1999 to 2002.  From 1996 to 1999, she was a Public Diplomacy Officer at the U.S. Embassy in Tel Aviv, Israel and was Assistant Cultural Officer at the U.S. Embassy in Cairo, Egypt from 1993 to 1996.  Ms. Smith received a B.A. from the University of California, San Diego.

President Obama announced his intent to appoint the following individual to a key Administration post:

Jason W. Young, Appointee for Member, President’s Advisory Council on Financial Capability for Young Americans
Jason W. Young is co-founder and CEO of Mindblown Labs, a social enterprise that uses gaming to teach young people about personal finance and other 21st century skills.  He is also the Founder and President of Hidden Genius Project, a year-round mentoring and youth workforce development program.  In 2010, he founded Zindagi, LLC, an education technology company that produced web-based financial literacy software for families with students aged 9 to 13.  Previously, Mr. Young was a Product Manager at Nvest, Inc. from 2007 to 2009.  He held various positions at Merrill Lynch Global Private Client, including Corporate Strategy and Business Development Analyst from 2006 to 2007 and Wrap Finance Senior Specialist from 2004 to 2006.  Mr. Young founded New World Tutorial Services where he was a Private Tutor from 1997 to 2002.  He also founded J.W. Young and Associates Travel Agency where he worked as a Travel Agent from 1995 to 1997.  Mr. Young received an A.B. from Harvard University.