From the Archives: Hanukkah at the White House

Ed. note: Today at 4:10 ET, tune in to whitehouse.gov/live to see President Obama deliver remarks at a White House Hanukkah Reception

  • Menorah presented to Harry S. Truman by Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion of Israel on May 8, 1951.

    Menorah presented to Harry S. Truman by Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion of Israel on May 8, 1951.

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  • David Ben-Gurion, Israeli Prime Minister, and Abba Eban, Israeli Ambassador to the United States, presented Harry S. Truman with a menorah in the White House on May 8th, 1951.
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  • Jimmy Carter lights a menorah at the White House Ellipse, December 7, 1979.
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  • Ronald Reagan receives a Menorah from the Friends of Lubavitch in the Oval Office on December 17, 1979.
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  • Silver menorah given to Ronald Reagan by the Friends of Lubavitch on December 15, 1987.
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  • George Bush participates in a Hanukkah Celebration in the Old Executive Office Building on December 21, 1989.
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  • Bill Clinton and Hillary Rodham Clinton at a Hanukkah celebration in the Oval Office, December 21, 2000.
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  • Yariv Ben-Eliezer, grandson of David Ben-Gurion, and Clifton Truman Daniel, grandson of Harry S. Truman, light the menorah for the annual White House Hanukkah Reception, December 15, 2008.
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  • President Barack Obama and First Lady Michelle Obama host a Hanukkah reception in the Grand Foyer of the White House, Dec. 16, 2009. (Official White House Photo by Samantha Appleton)
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  • George W. Bush in the Grand Foyer of the White House before the menorah lighting ceremony for Hanukkah on December 15, 2008.
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Among the gifts from heads of state that are in the holdings of the Harry S. Truman Presidential Library and Museum is a menorah presented to President Truman by Israel’s first Prime Minister, David Ben-Gurion. The menorah dates back to at least 1767, when it was donated to a synagogue in Buergel, Germany. 

The menorah was used in the synagogue until 1913, when it was found broken in pieces.  A man by the name of Siegfried Guggenheim asked for the broken pieces and provided a replacement. The Guggenheim family restored the old menorah for their personal use, and brought it to the United States when they immigrated in the 1930s.  Eventually, the menorah was acquired by the Jewish Museum in New York. 

When Prime Minister Ben-Gurion visited the United States in 1951, he searched for a suitable gift to give to Harry S. Truman in light of the President’s recognition and support of the State of Israel.  The Jewish Museum suggested the menorah, and Prime Minister Ben-Gurion presented it to Truman on his birthday, May 8, 1951.

In 1979, Jimmy Carter participated in lighting a Hanukkah menorah on the Ellipse, just south of the White House.  Each President since then has commemorated Hanukkah at the White House.  The ceremonies have ranged from small presentations in the Oval Office to large parties with the First Family, but they have all shared the common element of a Hanukkah menorah. 

Related Topics: Faith Based, New York

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

FACT SHEET: Presidential Memorandum on Federal Leadership on Energy Management

In the latest step under his Climate Action Plan, President Obama today signed a Memorandum directing the Federal Government to consume 20 percent of its electricity from renewable sources by 2020 – more than double the current level.  Meeting this renewable energy goal will reduce pollution in our communities, promote American energy independence, and support homegrown energy produced by American workers.

In 2009, the President directed the Federal Government to become a leader in clean energy and energy efficiency when he signed Executive Order 13514 on Federal Leadership in Environmental, Energy, and Economic Performance, setting aggressive targets for Federal agencies for reducing energy use, carbon pollution and waste in their operations, and saving taxpayer dollars as a result. At the President’s direction, the Federal Government already has:

  • Reduced greenhouse gas emissions by more than 15 percent from FY 2008 levels – the equivalent of permanently taking 1.5 million cars off the road. 

  • Reduced energy use per square foot in Federal buildings by more than 9 percent since FY 2008, curbing pollution and reducing utility bills. 

  • Consumed more than 7 percent of its electricity from renewable energy sources such as solar and wind in FY2013, exceeding statutory requirements and promoting homegrown energy industries.    

To outline new actions to continue their progress on the President’s energy and sustainability goals, Federal agencies today released their fourth annual Sustainability Plans, available at http://sustainability.performance.gov/.

The release of the Presidential Memorandum and Federal Agency Sustainability Plans cap a week of Administration clean energy and energy efficiency announcements, including:

Expanding the Better Buildings Challenge

On Tuesday, building on $2 billion in financing commitments from the private sector for energy efficiency updates to commercial buildings under the President’s Better Buildings Challenge, the U.S. Department of Energy (DOE) and the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development announced an expansion of the Challenge to multifamily housing such as apartments and condominiums, and launched the Better Buildings Accelerators to support state- and local government-led efforts to cut energy waste.  Following Federal agencies’ commitment over the past two years to a pipeline of $2.3 billion in performance-based contracts for energy efficiency upgrades under the Challenge, the Administration also announced Federal agencies will further expand their use of performance-based contracts through 2016 to upgrade the energy efficiency of Federal buildings at no cost to taxpayers.

Releasing a 2014 Fuel Economy Guide

On Tuesday, DOE and U.S. EPA released a 2014 Fuel Economy Guide that provides consumers reliable, user-friendly information that can help them choose the right fuel efficient vehicle for their family and business and save money at the pump. The guide provides “Top Ten” lists allowing consumers to see the most efficient advanced technology vehicles as well as the most efficient gasoline and diesel powered vehicles, and includes information on efficient and low-emission vehicles in a variety of classes and sizes, ensuring a wide variety of choices available for consumers.

Launching a New Energy Efficiency Loan Program

On Wednesday, the U.S. Department of Agriculture announced it will provide rural electric cooperatives up to $250 million to lend to business and residential customers for energy efficiency improvements and renewable energy systems.  The program will help American families and businesses in rural areas cut their energy bills by making financing more readily available for energy efficiency measures that reduce home energy use by up to 40 percent.  

With the help of unprecedented investments in clean energy during the Obama Administration, the U.S. has already met the bold goal President Obama set to double renewable energy production in this country from sources such as solar and wind from 2008 levels.  As part of the President’s commitment to expanding renewable energy production in the U.S., the Department of Defense last year committed to deploying three gigawatts of renewable energy on Army, Navy, and Air Force installations by 2025 – enough to power 750,000 homes, and since 2009, the Department of the Interior has approved dozens of wind, solar and geothermal utility-scale projects on public lands – enough energy to power more than 4.6 million homes and support more than 19,000 construction and operations jobs. In his 2013 State of the Union Address, the President established new national goals to increase American energy independence by doubling renewable energy production again by 2020, cutting energy waste in half, and increasing energy productivity.

The Presidential Memorandum signed today implements the goal the President outlined in his June 2013 Climate Action Plan that challenged Federal agencies to more than double their renewable electricity consumption by 2020. As part of this effort, agencies will identify formerly contaminated lands, landfills, and mine sites to target for renewable energy projects, providing valuable opportunities to return those lands to productive use. To improve agencies’ ability to manage energy consumption and reduce costs, the Memorandum directs them to use Green Button, a tool developed by industry in response to a White House call-to-action that provides utility customers with easy and secure access to their energy usage information in a consumer-friendly format.

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Presidential Memorandum -- Federal Leadership on Energy Management

December 5, 2013

MEMORANDUM FOR THE HEADS OF EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENTS AND AGENCIES

SUBJECT: Federal Leadership on Energy Management

In order to create a clean energy economy that will increase our Nation's prosperity, promote energy security, combat climate change, protect the interests of taxpayers, and safeguard the health of our environment, the Federal Government must lead by example. During my Administration, Federal agencies have reduced their annual greenhouse gas emissions by more than 15 percent (7.8 million metric tons) -- the equivalent of removing 1.5 million cars from the road. Today I am establishing new goals for renewable energy as well as new energy-management practices.

Agencies are already well on their way towards meeting the aggressive sustainability goals set forth in Executive Order 13514 of October 5, 2009 (Federal Leadership in Environmental, Energy, and Economic Performance). This memorandum establishes a new target for Federal use of renewable energy that challenges agencies to more than double their renewable electricity consumption. In order to improve their ability to manage energy consumption, promote the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions, and achieve the sustainability goals set forth in Executive Order 13514, this memorandum also directs agencies to update their building-performance and energy-management practices, by encouraging the use of the consensus-based, industry-standard Green Button data access system (Green Button) and the Environmental Protection Agency's (EPA) Energy Star Portfolio Manager.

To help agencies achieve my Administration's climate change goals and increase development of new renewable energy sources, I hereby direct the following:

Section 1. Renewable Energy Target. (a) By fiscal year 2020, to the extent economically feasible and technically practicable, 20 percent of the total amount of electric energy consumed by each agency during any fiscal year shall be renewable energy.

(b) Agencies shall seek to achieve the renewable energy consumption target set forth in subsection (a) of this section by, where possible, taking the following actions, which are listed in order of priority:

(i) installing agency-funded renewable energy on-site at Federal facilities and retain renewable energy certificates;

(ii) contracting for energy that includes the installation of a renewable energy project on-site at a Federal facility or off-site from a Federal facility and the retention of renewable energy certificates for the term of the contract;

(iii) purchasing electricity and corresponding renewable energy certificates; and

(iv) purchasing renewable energy certificates.

(c) Agencies shall ensure that 100 percent of renewable energy certificates identified in subsection (b)(iii) and (b)(iv) of this section are produced by new renewable sources as defined in section 5(c) of this memorandum.

(d) Agencies shall consider opportunities, to the extent economically feasible and technically practical, to install or contract for energy installed on current or formerly contaminated lands, landfills, and mine sites.

Sec. 2. Accounting for Renewable Energy. (a) For the purposes of the renewable energy consumption target in section 1(a) of this memorandum, agency progress shall be determined by reference to the ownership of renewable energy certificates for electric energy consumed.

(b) The percentage of renewable energy counted towards the target in section 1 of this memorandum shall be doubled if the renewable energy conforms with section 203(c)(1) through (3) of the Energy Policy Act of 2005 (42 U.S.C. 15852(c)(1)-(3)).

(c) In order to achieve the target set forth in section 1(a) of this memorandum, each agency shall ensure that the percentage of the total amount of electric energy consumed by that agency that is renewable energy is:

(i) not less than 10 percent in fiscal year 2015;

(ii) not less than 15 percent in fiscal years 2016 and 2017;

(iii) not less than 17.5 percent in fiscal years 2018 and 2019; and

(iv) not less than 20 percent in fiscal year 2020 and each fiscal year thereafter.

(d) For the purposes of accounting for the generation of renewable energy not included in section 1(b) of this memorandum, such as thermal and hydrokinetic renewable energy and renewable energy generated on a Federal facility or Federal land, the renewable energy and its estimated contribution to meeting greenhouse gas emission reduction goals set forth in section 2(a)(ii) of Executive Order 13514 shall be reported in MWh and be measured against reported total electricity consumption.

(e) In preparing Strategic Sustainability Performance Plans required under section 8 of Executive Order 13514, agencies shall report on:

(i) progress towards meeting the agency renewable energy targets established in section 1(a) of this memorandum; and

(ii) the actions taken pursuant to sections 1(b) and 2(d) of this memorandum.

(f) Within 180 days of the date of this memorandum, the Department of Energy will issue an update to its Renewable Energy Requirement Guidance for EPACT 2005 and Executive Order 13423 to address the new requirements created by this memorandum.

Sec. 3. Building Performance and Energy Management. (a) To encourage continuous improvement and better manage building performance, enhance energy efficiency, and reduce energy waste in an open and transparent way, each agency shall:

(i) install building energy meters and sub-meters as required by section 543(e) of the National Energy Conservation Policy Act (NECPA) (42 U.S.C. 8253(e)), and continue installation of additional building energy meters and sub-meters where cost-effective and appropriate;

(ii) install water meters at agency buildings where cost-effective and appropriate;

(iii) ensure that for any agency buildings metered for energy and water performance, the associated monthly performance data is entered into the EPA Energy Star Portfolio Manager to better manage energy performance and allow for benchmarking;

(iv) publicly disclose annual benchmark energy performance data through the Department of Energy web-based tracking system established under section 543(f)(7)(B) of NECPA (42 U.S.C. 8253(f)(7)(B));

(v) where feasible, incorporate Green Button into reporting, data analytics and automation, and processes, in consultation with local utilities; and

(vi) consider participating in demand response programs where available.

(b) To facilitate agency management of energy usage information in Green Button:

(i) within 120 days of the date of this memorandum, the General Services Administration (GSA), in coordination with the Department of Energy (DOE) and EPA, shall prepare and initiate a strategy to pilot Green Button at Federal facilities where feasible;

(ii) within 180 days of initiation of the Green Button pilot strategy described in paragraph (i) of this subsection, DOE, through the Federal Energy Management Program (FEMP), in coordination with EPA, shall issue guidance on the use of the Green Button at Federal facilities; and

(iii) as soon as practicable, but no later than 1 year after the date of this memorandum, EPA shall update Energy Star Portfolio Manager to facilitate the inclusion of building energy usage data using Green Button and in conformance with the guidance prepared pursuant to paragraph (ii) of this subsection.

(c) To support agency metering and benchmarking, and to promote disclosure of agency building energy usage, within 180 days of the date of this memorandum, DOE, through FEMP, shall:

(i) revise and update the Metering Best Practices of August 2011, which shall include definitions for the terms "cost effective" and "appropriate" and shall address leased space so that, where submetering allows, energy and water consumption data will be reported; and

(ii) in coordination with EPA, revise and update the Building Energy Use Benchmarking Guidance of April 15, 2010, including necessary revisions to benchmark building performance data fields and disclosure policies.

Sec. 4. Applicability of Renewable Energy Certificates to Federal Target. Within 120 days of the date of this memorandum, DOE, through FEMP, and in coordination with the EPA, the Department of Defense, the Department of Veterans Affairs, GSA, and other agencies as appropriate, shall provide recommendations to the Chair of the Council on Environmental Quality on procurement, reporting, and accounting procedures related to agency use of renewable energy certificates in meeting the target in section 1(a) of this memorandum, including procedures and policies on:

(a) appropriate certification and tracking of renewable energy certificates; and

(b) sale and purchase of renewable energy certificates, including the exchange of project-related renewable energy certificates and interagency and interdepartmental purchase and transfer of renewable energy certificates.

Sec. 5. Definitions. As used in this memorandum:

(a) "Agency" means an executive agency as defined in section 105 of title 5, United States Code, excluding the Government Accountability Office.

(b) "New renewable sources" means sources of renewable energy placed into service within 10 years prior to the start of the fiscal year.

(c) "Renewable energy" has the same meaning as in Executive Order 13514.

(d) "Renewable energy certificates" means the technology and environmental (non-energy) attributes that represent proof that 1 megawatt-hour (MWh) of electricity was generated from an eligible renewable energy resource, and can be sold separately from the underlying generic electricity with which it is associated.

(e) "Green Button data access system" or "Green Button" means the system developed by the North American Energy Standards Board for providing web-based secure access to energy bill account information, energy usage information, and energy consumption and usage data to customers of utilities and energy providers for the purposes of business management and energy usage management.

(f) "Hydrokinetic renewable energy" means renewable energy from free flowing water in rivers, lakes, and streams or free flowing water in man-made channels and does not include energy from any source that uses a dam, diversionary structure, or impoundment for electric power purposes.

(g) "Thermal renewable energy" means energy generated from renewable heat sources, including biomass, solar thermal, geothermal, waste heat, and combined heat and power processes.

(h) "Energy or water metering" means energy or water consumption recording for the purposes of billing by a utility company or energy or water management at an installation, campus, or building level, which conforms with established accuracy standards and uses utility-grade meters.

(i) "Sub-metering" means the application of metering technology to provide for capturing data at the level necessary to facilitate energy or water management at different buildings in a multi-building campus, different floors of the same building, different tenants in a multi-tenant office facility, individual building systems (e.g. heating and cooling, lighting, plug loads), electrical circuits, or specific devices.

Sec. 6. Limitations. (a) This memorandum shall apply to an agency with respect to the activities, personnel, resources, and facilities of the agency that are located within the United States. The head of an agency may provide that this memorandum shall apply in whole or in part with respect to the activities, personnel, resources, and facilities of the agency that are not located within the United States, if the head of the agency determines that such application is in the interest of the United States.

(b) The head of an agency shall manage activities, personnel, resources, and facilities of the agency that are not located within the United States, and with respect to which the head of the agency has not made a determination under subsection (a) of this section, in a manner consistent with this memorandum to the extent the head of the agency determines practicable.

Sec. 7. Exemption Authority. (a) The Director of National Intelligence may exempt an intelligence activity of the United States, and related personnel, resources, and facilities, from the provisions of this memorandum, other than this subsection and section 8, to the extent the Director determines necessary to protect intelligence sources and methods from unauthorized disclosure.

(b) The head of an agency may exempt law enforcement activities of that agency, and related personnel, resources, and facilities, from the provisions of this memorandum, other than this subsection and section 8, to the extent the head of any agency determines necessary to protect undercover operations from unauthorized disclosure.

(c) The head of an agency may exempt particular agency activities and facilities from the provisions of this memorandum, other than this subsection and section 8, where it is in the interest of national security. If the head of any agency issues an exemption under this subsection, the agency must notify the Chair of the Council on Environmental Quality in writing within 30 days of the issuance of the exemption. To the maximum extent practicable, and without compromising national security, each agency shall strive to comply with the purpose, goals, and implementation steps in this memorandum.

(d) The head of any agency may submit to the President, through the Chair of the Council on Environmental Quality, a request for an exemption of any agency activity, and related personnel, resources, and facilities, from this memorandum.

Sec. 8. General Provisions. (a) This memorandum shall be implemented consistent with Executive Order 13514 and other applicable law, including international trade obligations, and subject to the availability of appropriations.

(b) Nothing in this memorandum shall be construed to impair or otherwise affect:

(i) the authority granted by law to a department, agency, or the head thereof; or

(ii) the functions of the Director of the Office of Management and Budget relating to budgetary, administrative, or legislative proposals.

(c) Nothing in this memorandum shall be construed to require the disclosure of classified information, law enforcement sensitive information, or other information that must be protected in the interest of national security or public safety.

(d) This memorandum is not intended to, and does not, create any right or benefit, substantive or procedural, enforceable at law or in equity by any party against the United States, its departments, agencies, or entities, its officers, employees, or agents, or any other person.

 (e) The Chair of the Council on Environmental Quality is hereby authorized and directed to publish this memorandum in the Federal Register.

BARACK OBAMA

White House Youth Summit: Making Sure People Have the Information They Need to #GetCovered

This afternoon, youth leaders from across the country gathered here for our White House Youth Summit. The Summit was made of up 160 of this country's finest national and local leaders aged 18-35.  Joined by White House and Administration staff, these millennial participants discussed issues important to their generation -- especially spreading the word about the Affordable Care Act and organizing to get people enrolled in their respective communities. They also participated in a series of panels and breakout workshops with administration officials, stakeholder groups, and advocates. 

To kick off the event, a very special guest dropped by to speak to the Youth Summit: President Obama -- who let young Americans know he needed their help.

President Barack Obama delivers remarks at the White House Youth Summit on the Affordable Care Act (ACA) in the Eisenhower Executive Office Building South Court Auditorium, Dec. 4, 2013. (Official White House Photo by Pete Souza)

President Barack Obama delivers remarks at the White House Youth Summit on the Affordable Care Act (ACA) in the Eisenhower Executive Office Building South Court Auditorium, Dec. 4, 2013. (Official White House Photo by Pete Souza)

So I'm going to need you all to spread the word about how the Affordable Care Act really works, what its benefits are, what its protections are and, most importantly, how people can sign up. I know people call this law Obamacare. And that's okay -- because I do care. I care about you. I care about families. I care about Americans.

But no matter how much I care, the truth is, is that for your friends and your family, the most important source of information is not going to be me, it's going to be you.  They are going to trust you.  If you're taking them on a website, walking them through it saying, look at the price you're able to get, look at the benefits you're able to get.  That's what's going to be making a difference. 

Related Topics: Health Care

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

FACT SHEET: Obama Administration Leadership on International Human Rights

“People everywhere long for the freedom to determine their destiny; the dignity that comes with work; the comfort that comes with faith; and the justice that exists when governments serve their people -- and not the other way around. The United States of America will always stand up for these aspirations, for our own people and for people all across the world.  That was our founding purpose.”

President Barack Obama, September 25, 2012

“Advancing democracy and respect for human rights is central to our foreign policy.  It is what our history and our values demand, but it’s also profoundly in our interests.  That is why the United States remains firmly committed to promoting freedom, opportunity and prosperity everywhere.  We stand proudly for the rights of women, the LGBT community and ethnic minorities.  We defend the freedom for all people to worship as they choose, and we champion open government and civil society, freedom of assembly and a free press. 

We support these rights and freedoms with a wide range of tools, because history shows that nations that respect the rights of all their citizens are more just, more prosperous and more secure.”

Ambassador Susan E. Rice, December 4, 2013

On December 4, 2013, Ambassador Susan E. Rice delivered an address outlining the Obama Administration’s global leadership on human rights.  This fact sheet provides further detail on a number of the Administration’s key human rights initiatives highlighted in her remarks.

Advancing LGBT Rights at Home and Abroad

  • Domestically Advancing LGBT Equality:  In his first term, President Obama and his Administration took significant steps toward equality for the LGBT community. The President signed into law the Matthew Shepard and James Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act, the legislation to repeal “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell,” and a reauthorization of the Violence Against Women Act that included important new protections for the LGBT community.  The Obama Administration also issued important guidance to ensure visitation rights for LGBT patients and their loved ones at hospitals receiving Medicare or Medicaid payments, implemented the National HIV/AIDS Strategy, and prohibited discrimination against LGBT people in federally funded housing programs.  Finally, the President also ended the legal defense of the Defense of Marriage Act and has directed his Department of Justice to work with other departments and agencies to ensure the Supreme Court’s decision in United States v. Windsor is swiftly implemented, including its implications for Federal benefits and obligations.

  • International Initiatives to Advance LGBT Rights and Nondiscrimination:  In December 2011, President Obama signed the first-ever Presidential Memorandum on International Initiatives to Advance the Human Rights of LGBT Persons, requiring that federal agencies work together to meet common goals in support of the human rights of LGBT persons globally.  Consistent with these goals, the United States assists activists and individuals under threat around the world through public statements, quiet diplomatic engagement, and targeted programs.  Through the Global Equality Fund and the LGBT Global Development Partnership, the United States works with government and private sector partners to support programs that combat discriminatory legislation; protect human rights defenders; train LGBT leaders on how to participate more effectively in democratic processes; and increase civil society capacity to document human rights violations.  Additional programs and research focus on protecting vulnerable LGBT refugees and asylum seekers.

  • Combating Criminalization of LGBT Status or Conduct Abroad:  Working with our embassies overseas and civil society on the ground, the United States has developed strategies to combat criminalization of LGBT status or conduct in countries around the world. 

  • Engaging International Organizations in the Fight against LGBT Discrimination: The United States works with our partners to defend the human rights of LGBT persons through the United Nations, the Organization of American States, and in other multilateral fora.  In addition to supporting resolutions specific to LGBT issues, such as cosponsoring the historic June 2011 UN Human Rights Council resolution on the human rights of LGBT persons, the United States works to ensure that LGBT persons are included in broader human rights resolutions and statements. 

  • Promoting Action and Coordination:  The United States will host in 2014 a global gathering of donors and activists to pursue ways we can work together to strengthen protections for LGBT persons around the world, including by ensuring assistance in this area is strategic and coordinated with our like-minded partners. 

More detailed information on U.S. leadership to advance equality for LGBT people abroad is available here.

Promoting Gender Equality and Empowering Women and Girls at Home and Abroad

  • Promoting Women’s Rights at Home:  Within months of taking office, President Obama created the White House Council on Women and Girls with the explicit mandate to ensure that every agency, department, and office in the federal government takes into account the unique needs and experiences of women and girls. The Obama Administration has worked tirelessly to promote equality; enhance women’s economic security; and ensure that women have the opportunities they deserve at every stage of their lives. The first bill President Obama signed into law was the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act, which helps women get the pay they have earned.  In addition, the Affordable Care Act includes more preventive services and additional protections for women.  The Department of Defense announced plans to remove gender-based barriers to combat service and fully integrate women into all occupational specialties.   From signing the reauthorization of the Violence Against Women Act – which provides better tools to law enforcement to reduce domestic and sexual violence and broadens protections to even more groups of women – to extending overtime and minimum-wage protections to homecare workers (90 percent of whom are women), President Obama and his Administration are making deep and lasting investments in America’s future by protecting the human rights of women and girls, and helping them reach their full potential. 

  • Advancing Women’s Political and Economic Empowerment: The Equal Futures Partnership is an innovative U.S.-led multilateral initiative designed to encourage member countries to empower women economically and politically.  Equal Futures partner countries commit to taking actions including legal, regulatory, and policy reforms to ensure women fully participate in public life at the local, regional, and national levels, and that they lead and benefit from inclusive economic growth.  The partnership complements U.S. government signature programs in these areas, including efforts to strengthen women’s entrepreneurship through the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Women and the Economy initiative, and the Women’s Entrepreneurship in the Americas (WEAmericas) initiative.

  • Empowering Women as Equal Partners in Preventing Conflict and Building Peace:  President Obama issued an Executive Order directing the development of the first-ever U.S. National Action Plan on Women, Peace, and Security, which was released in December 2011 and focused on strengthening women’s voices and perspectives in decision-making in countries threatened and affected by war, violence, and insecurity.  The U.S. government is taking concrete steps to accelerate, institutionalize, and better coordinate efforts to advance women’s participation in peace negotiations, peacebuilding, conflict prevention, and decision-making institutions; protect women from gender-based violence; and ensure equal access to relief and recovery assistance in areas of conflict and insecurity.

  • Preventing and Responding to Gender-based Violence:  The United States released the first-ever U.S. Strategy to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence Globally, and President Obama signed an accompanying Executive Order directing all relevant agencies to increase coordination on gender-based violence globally; enhance integration of gender-based violence prevention and response efforts into existing United States Government work; improve collection, analysis, and use of data and research to enhance gender-based violence prevention and response efforts; and enhance or expand United States Government programming that addresses gender-based violence.  Over the next year, the United States, joined by partners, will lead the Call to Action on Protecting Women and Girls in Emergencies, with the goal of improving the capacity of the humanitarian assistance system to prevent and respond to gender-based violence in the context of conflicts and natural disasters and to ensure such efforts are routinely prioritized as a life-saving intervention along with other vital humanitarian assistance. 

More detailed information on U.S. efforts to promote gender equality is available here.

Supporting and Defending Civil Society

  • Stand with Civil Society Agenda:  In late September, President Obama initiated an intensive, multilateral effort to support and defend civil society from increasing restrictions and enable civil society organizations (CSOs) to contribute to the economic, social, and political development of their countries.  Working through existing institutions and initiatives including the United Nations,  the Open Government Partnership, the Community of Democracies, and Making All Voices Count: A Grand Challenge for Development, the United States will collaborate with other governments, civil society, the philanthropy community, the private sector, and multilateral organizations to: (1) promote laws, policies, and practices that foster a supportive environment for civil society in accordance with international norms; (2) coordinate multilateral, diplomatic pressure to roll back restrictions being imposed on civil society; and (3) identify new and innovative ways of providing technical, financial, and logistical support to civil society.   

  • Real Help in Real Time for Threatened CSOs:  The United States is partnering with 18 other governments and foundations through the Lifeline: Embattled CSOs Assistance Fund to offer emergency financial assistance when civic groups are threatened.  Since its founding in 2011, Lifeline has assisted 255 civil society organizations in 69 countries to increase their safety. 

  • Investing in the Next Generation of Leaders:  In 2013 alone, the United States invested $500 million to strengthen the work of CSOs across development sectors, with a particular focus on developing the next generation of civil society leaders.  Through the President’s Young African Leaders Initiative and recently-launched Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative, the United States is enhancing the capacity, leadership skills, and connections between young leaders committed to building strong democratic institutions and working with government to address common challenges.

More detailed information on U.S. support for civil society is available here.

Open Government Partnership

The United States is a founding member of the Open Government Partnership  (OGP), a global effort to promote transparency, empower citizens, fight corruption, harness new technologies, and transform the way governments serve and engage with their citizens.  In just over 24 months, the Open Government Partnership (OGP) has grown from eight to over 60 countries, which have embraced the key principles of open government – promoting transparency, fighting corruption, and energizing civic engagement through new technologies and approaches to strengthen the democratic foundations of our own countries.  The United States has worked both domestically and internationally to ensure global support for Open Government principles.  We have made important progress to improve the ability of citizens to obtain access to government records, released government data that fuels entrepreneurship and innovation, and increased government spending transparency. 

More detailed information on U.S. efforts in OGP is available here.

Internet Freedom

With over 120 million in Internet freedom grants since 2008, the United States has made Internet freedom a central program and foreign policy priority.  Programs focus on supporting the development of technology tools to assist activists in highly repressive environments; advocacy programs; training and rapid response to keep activists from harm or advocate for them if in danger; and applied research to help develop strategic responses to Internet repression.  The United States helped to organize the Freedom Online Coalition, a cross-regional group of 21 governments that collaborate on Internet freedom. The U.S. and the Freedom Online Coalition worked to pass, by unanimous consensus, a landmark 2012 resolution in the U.N. Human Rights Council affirming that the same rights that people have offline must also be protected online.  The United States has also continued to support a free and open Internet and the multi-stakeholder approach to Internet governance, where all interested parties -- industry, civil society, technical and academic experts, and governments -- participate on an equal footing. 

More detailed information on U.S. initiatives to preserve the open Internet is available here.

Combating Human Trafficking

Following President Obama’s call to action at the Clinton Global Initiative in September 2012, and continuing with the first-ever White House Forum to Combat Human Trafficking in April 2013, a report and recommendations to the President by his Advisory Council on Faith-based and Neighborhood Partnerships, and a further set of commitments announced this past September, the Administration has been working across the Federal government and with partners in Congress, local, state, and foreign governments and civil society to deliver on an ambitious agenda to combat modern-day slavery, which afflicts far too many communities, both here at home and around the globe. 

  • Improving Victim Services and Building Effective Law Enforcement:  Identifying and serving victims and ensuring effective law enforcement are core elements of our efforts to promote successful anti-trafficking strategies, both at home and abroad.   To better coordinate and strengthen services for victims of human trafficking in the United States, the Administration is developing the first-ever comprehensive federal strategic action plan, which details a series of coordinated actions to strengthen the reach and effectiveness of services provided to victims of human trafficking.  In addition to numerous law enforcement initiatives at federal, state, and local levels, federal agencies have also recently launched a pilot project with ten embassies around the world to increase the flow of actionable trafficking-related law enforcement information from host countries to law enforcement and intelligence agencies in the United States, which will be used to identify victims and human traffickers both in the United States and around the globe.

  • Shining a Light on Government Responses to Trafficking Around the World:  The State Department’s Trafficking in Persons Report (TIP Report) each year sheds light on the global dimensions of the human trafficking problem, including child soldiering, sex trafficking, and forced labor, and on the anti-trafficking efforts of over 180 governments, including the United States.  The honest assessments provided in the TIP Report have proven to be one of our strongest tools to encourage foreign governments to take responsibility for the trafficking occurring within and across their borders and to help target our anti-trafficking foreign assistance. In addition to the information highlighted in the TIP Report, we also engage bilaterally at the highest levels of government on this issue, make targeted use of sanctions, and support foreign governments and stakeholders on a broad array of anti-trafficking initiatives.

  • Strengthening Protections in Federal Contracting:  In September 2012, President Obama signed Executive Order 13627 to strengthen our country’s existing zero-tolerance policy on human trafficking in government contracting, outlining prohibitions on trafficking-related activities that will apply to federal contractors and subcontractors, and providing federal agencies with additional tools to foster compliance.  This past September, the Federal Acquisition Regulatory Council issued a proposed rule to implement this Executive Order and the Ending Trafficking in Government Contracting provisions of the National Defense Authorization Act for 2013.  The Department of Defense has also published a proposed regulatory supplement with additional steps that the Department will take to further prevent trafficking in its own supply chain.

  • Leveraging Technology: The Administration has been working with partners in civil society and the private sector to find new ways to harness the power of technology to more effectively combat human trafficking.  As one of many such examples, after being brought together by the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy and the Council on Women and Girls, leading technology companies have partnered with advocates and survivors to develop new online applications to reach trafficking victims online and on their phones and link them with services in their community.  The National Human Trafficking Resource Center – which, since its launch, has received nearly 90,000 calls and identified close to 12,000 victims – is now operating on a new mobile texting platform to more effectively connect with under-reached victim populations.

Strengthening Multilateral Human Rights Mechanisms

  • Leading at the UN Human Rights Council:  Since joining the UN Human Rights Council in 2009 and following our re-election in 2012, U.S. leadership has helped muster international action to address human rights violations worldwide and make the HRC more credible and effective.  The United States supported the establishment of international commissions of inquiry to investigate human rights violations and help lay the groundwork for accountability, including in Syria, North Korea, and Qadhafi’s Libya.  We led the creation of a UN special rapporteur on Iran to highlight the deteriorating human rights situation.  U.S. co-sponsorship helped adopt the first-ever resolution in the UN system on the human rights of LGBT persons.  We built a global coalition to advance freedom of assembly and association worldwide, including by facilitating the establishment of the first-ever Special Rapporteur for these issues and by underscoring the important role civil society plays in promoting and protecting human rights.  And we worked across historical divides to win adoption of a landmark resolution calling on all states to take positive measures to combat intolerance, violence, and discrimination on the basis of religion or belief, while protecting the freedom of expression.  

More detailed information on U.S. accomplishments in the UN Human Rights Council is available here.

National Security and Human Rights

  • Closing Guantanamo:  President Obama remains determined to close the detention facility at Guantanamo Bay and erase this blemish on our international credibility.  At the President’s direction, the Departments of State and Defense have brought on new envoys dedicated to this cause, and in August we completed the first successful detainee transfers that were certified under the restrictions that Congress began enacting in 2011.  We are committed to transferring as many detainees as possible under these restrictive provisions, consistent with our security and humane treatment standards, and we expect to be able to announce other transfers in the near future.  We have also begun the periodic review process to carefully evaluate whether the continued detention of certain detainees remains necessary.  As we continue to press to responsibly reduce the detainee population at Guantanamo and ultimately close the facility, we have urged to remove the unnecessary, onerous restrictions that have hampered our efforts to do so.

  • Standards for Taking Lethal Action: Earlier this year, during his comprehensive address at the National Defense University, President Obama announced that he had approved written policy standards and procedures  that formalize and strengthen the Administration’s rigorous process for reviewing and approving operations to capture or employ lethal force against terrorist targets outside the United States and outside areas of active hostilities.  In that speech the President explained that, beyond the Afghan war theater, the United States only takes strikes against terrorists who pose a “continuing and imminent threat” to the American people, where capture is not feasible, and where there is near-certainty that no civilians will be killed or injured -- the highest standard we can set.  Congress is briefed on every strike taken as part of these operations, and we are committed to sharing as much information about these activities as possible with the American people and the international community, consistent with our national security needs.  Over time, continued progress against al Qa’ida and associated terrorist groups should reduce the need for such actions.

  • Intelligence Gathering:  In August, President Obama directed a review of the scope of our surveillance capabilities.  Intelligence saves lives—American lives and those of our partners and allies.  While we are committed to continuing to collect such information to meet our critical security needs, we remain mindful of the unprecedented power that technology affords us, and give full consideration to the values of privacy, government transparency, and accountability that we strongly support.

     

Preventing Mass Atrocities

President Obama announced in 2012 a comprehensive Administration strategy to prevent atrocities, underscoring that “preventing mass atrocities and genocide is a core national security interest and a core moral responsibility of the United States of America.”  The U.S. government is working to implement that strategy and investing in prevention efforts within the U.S. government and around the world.  As part of this strategy, President Obama established an Atrocities Prevention Board to coordinate and prioritize atrocity prevention efforts within the U.S. government.  Through the Board, U.S. departments and agencies are identifying and helping address atrocity threats and developing new policies and tools to enhance the capacity of the United States to effectively prevent and respond to atrocities. 

  • Improving our own capacities:  Agencies are using early warning tools to ensure timely attention to potential drivers of atrocity risk and share our analysis with other governments; assisting U.S. embassies by providing surges of skills and expertise to help assess and respond to atrocity threats; and developing and implementing new training for personnel serving in countries at high risk.

  • Multilateral institutions and peacekeeping capabilities:  The U.S. government is working closely with other governments to help build the capacity of the United Nations and other institutions to better protect civilians, mediate conflicts, and take other effective preventive measures.

  • Supporting country-specific prevention efforts:  The U.S. government is undertaking and supporting preventive measures in countries around the world, including supporting the training and deployment of African Union peacekeepers to the Central African Republic; supporting efforts to prevent violence and protect vulnerable communities in Burma; supporting projects that lay the foundation for accountability for atrocities in Syria; and continuing to advise and assist regional partners as part of a comprehensive effort to mitigate and end the threat posed to civilians and regional stability by the Lord’s Resistance Army. 

More detailed information on U.S. atrocity prevention efforts is available here.

International Religious Freedom and Religious Leader Engagement

  • Programmatic Responses:  The Department of State manages approximately $10 million in foreign assistance programs to promote religious freedom, which includes current efforts to remove discriminatory and hateful material from Middle Eastern textbooks, promote greater awareness of intolerance and the plight of religious minorities globally, and hold discussions with the Pakistan government, civil society, and the religious community on issues such as curriculum reform in the public and madrassa education systems.  The State Department also implements programs to support the Human Rights Council resolution on combatting discrimination and religious intolerance, while protecting the freedoms of religion and expression.  The program assists governments in training local officials on cultural awareness regarding religious minorities and on enforcing non-discrimination laws.  The training, shaped by the needs of the host country, includes topics such as legislative reform; best practice models; prosecuting violent crimes motivated by religious hatred; metrics; and discrimination in employment, housing and other areas.

  • Case-specific Responses:  U.S. officials press foreign governments at all levels to advance religious freedom, including through advocacy on specific cases, such as the case of Saeed Abedini - an Iranian-American pastor imprisoned in Iran - and Rimsha Masih - a Christian child accused of blasphemy in Pakistan. 

  • Religious Leader and Faith Community Engagement:  Given the critical role of religious actors in their communities, the United States has developed a strategy that encourages U.S. government officials to develop and deepen their relationships with religious leaders and faith communities as they carry out their foreign policy responsibilities.  Specifically, the strategy seeks to advance the following objectives through more robust engagement with religious leaders and faith communities, as part of a broader effort to reach out to a diverse set of civil society actors:  promote sustainable development and more effective humanitarian assistance; advance pluralism and human rights, including the protection of religious freedom; and prevent, mitigate, and resolve violent conflict and contribute to local and regional stability and security. 

More detailed information on U.S. policy and programs in support of international religious freedom is available here.

Promoting International Disability Rights

The Obama Administration is making international disability rights a key component of our international human rights policy, carrying forward our nation’s legacy of leadership as a champion for dignity, access, opportunity, and inclusion for persons with disabilities.

  • Institutionalizing our Support:  The Obama Administration has created the new positions of Special Advisor for International Disability Rights at the State Department and Coordinator for Disability and Inclusive Development at USAID.  With the leadership of these senior officials, the United States can better ensure that foreign assistance and development programs incorporate persons with disabilities, that the needs of persons with disabilities are addressed in international emergency situations, and that our public diplomacy addresses disability issues. 

  • Ratifying the Disabilities Treaty:   In 2009, during his first year in office, President Obama directed his Administration to sign the Convention the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, a treaty grounded in the same principles as the Americans with Disabilities Act and the center of gravity for efforts to expand disability rights globally.  We are working to secure Senate advice and consent for ratification so that the United States can join the other 138 parties to the treaty.  While our diplomats and development professionals are doing great work on disabilities issues, our status as a non-party to the Treaty means that we lose credibility and leverage in this area.  By joining the Treaty, the United States will carry forward its legacy of global leadership on disability rights, enhance our ability to bring other countries up to our own high standards of access and inclusion, and help expand opportunities abroad for over 50 million Americans with disabilities – including our 5.5 million disabled veterans.  Our ratification will amplify and enhance the current work of the State Department and USAID by positioning the United States to be an effective champion for the kinds of systemic reforms needed to raise standards and improve the lives of persons with disabilities globally

Business, Labor, and Human Rights

Because the activities of businesses have impacts on the lives of millions of people around the world, the U.S. government is working with U.S. companies to help them uphold high standards and ensure their activities respect the human rights of people in the communities where they do business. 

  • Supporting Business Activities:  The United States encourages and supports the activities of business that help solve global challenges and improve the welfare of people – for example, by hosting meetings and conference calls among U.S. companies, investors, and U.S. government experts to discuss how companies can effectively address labor and human rights challenges in particular countries. 

  • Partnering Together:  We support initiatives that harness the comparative advantages of business and government by working together – such as the Voluntary Principles on Security and Human Rights initiative, in which the United States works with other governments, companies, and civil society organizations to promote the implementation of a set of principles that guide oil, gas, and mining companies in providing security for their operations in a manner that respects human rights. 

  • Promoting Respect for Human Rights:  We promote the rule of law, respect for human rights, and a level playing field by encouraging responsible business behavior and inviting engagement by business in venues that advance best practices.  For example, as part of the easing of sanctions on Burma last year, the Department of State established reporting requirements for newly authorized U.S. investment in Burma.  This reporting process will encourage responsible investment and business operations, promote inclusive economic development, and contribute to the welfare of the Burmese people. 

This United States is also a strong supporter of decent work and of internationally recognized workers’ rights as a matter of both human rights and economic policy.  We work through bilateral and multilateral diplomacy, trade, investment and development policy, and through human rights and technical assistance programs to help ensure that working people everywhere enjoy fundamental labor rights, as defined by the 1998 International Labor Organization (ILO) declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work and by U.S. law.  In doing so, we work closely with our trading partners, the ILO, the private sector, and the global labor movement. 

More information on our business and human rights agenda can be found here, and on our labor rights agenda here.

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Press Briefing by the Press Secretary, 12/3/2013

James S. Brady Press Briefing Room

1:18 P.M. EST

MR. CARNEY:  Hello, everyone.  Welcome to the White House for your daily briefing.  Thanks for being here.  The President, as you know, is speaking at 2:30 p.m.  We're going to shoot for a wrap of this briefing around 2:00 p.m. so that everyone who wants to attend can make their way over to the site.

With that, I go to Julie Pace.

Q    Thank you.  There’s a new IG report from Treasury that says that the health care subsidies in the insurance exchanges may be vulnerable to fraud.  Was the White House aware of this risk?

MR. CARNEY:  First of all, I would say that the IRS aggressively safeguards our information systems and combats tax fraud.  Our efforts to protect the integrity of our Affordable Care Act programs are no exception.  And as the IRS has said, they have a “strong, effective system in place for administering the premium tax credit.  We have a proven track record of safely and securely transmitting federal tax information and we will have a robust and secure process in place to deliver this important credit for taxpayers.”

And beyond that, I would refer you to the IRS.

Q    But they also say, beyond what you say there, that these subsidies are vulnerable to fraud. 

MR. CARNEY:  Well, what I would tell you is that the experts who do this every day over at the IRS have said what I just read to you.  And I would --

Q    So are you disputing the IG report?

MR. CARNEY:  I'm pointing you to the IRS’s response to the IG report.

Q    And was the White House aware of this possible risk before the report came out?

MR. CARNEY:  Again, I think that the IRS has a great deal of experience in protecting taxpayers’ information and would point you to what the IRS says. 

Q    You didn’t answer that question, though, whether the White House was aware.

MR. CARNEY:  Again, I don't have any more information for you on that.  What I can tell you is that the IRS has responded to the IG report and the IRS handles taxpayer information and does it effectively.  I would point to what they said in response to the report.

Q    On a separate topic, American Alan Gross is marking his fourth year in a Cuban prison.  He’s written a letter to the President asking that he personally get involved in trying to seek his release.  Do you know if the President has seen that letter, and does he have any plans to get more personally involved in trying to seek Mr. Gross’s release?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, thank you for the question.  Today is the fourth anniversary of Alan Gross’s incarceration in Cuba.  Cuban authorities arrested Mr. Gross on December 3, 2009, and later sentenced him to 15 years in prison for facilitating uncensored Internet contact between a small religious community on the island and the rest of the world.

Mr. Gross is a 64-year-old husband, father, and dedicated professional with a long history of providing aid to underserved communities in more than 50 countries.  We reiterate today our call for the Cuban government to release Alan Gross.  Mr. Gross’s detention remains an impediment to more constructive relations between the United States and Cuba. 

Regarding your question about the President’s engagement on this, the President has, himself, personally engaged foreign leaders and other international figures to use their influence with Cuba to promote Mr. Gross’s release.  The State Department has kept Mr. Gross’s case at the forefront of discussions with the Cuban government and made clear the importance the United States places on his welfare.  They have also engaged a wide range of foreign counterparts and urged them to advocate for Mr. Gross’s release.

Q    Do you know if the President has received this letter, though?

MR. CARNEY:  I don’t know if he has seen it.  I’m aware of it.  I can tell you that he is engaged in this in the ways that I described, and that this is always very much a part of any discussions we have with the Cuban government and also with those governments and others who have influence with the Cuban government.

Mark.

Q    Thanks, Jay.  I wanted to go back to something you talked a little bit about yesterday, and that’s the East China Sea defense identification zone question.  China has praised the United States’ action, giving advice to its commercial flights to notify Chinese authorities of their position, causing some consternation in Japan, which, as you know, has instructed its commercial airliners not to do that.  Why that difference in approach?  And what about the problems that causes with Japan?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, let me answer that question, which I appreciate.  We remain steadfastly committed to our allies and partners and we will maintain close and constant communication with our Korean and Japanese allies, including, as you know, during the Vice President’s trip. 

Contrary to prior reporting, the FAA did not issue guidance to U.S. carriers with regard to the specific Chinese notice to airmen.  It has, however, reiterated longstanding practice and policy that for the safety and security of passengers on commercial airlines, U.S. civilian aircraft flying internationally operate consistent with notices to airmen issued by foreign countries. 

As we have said, and I said yesterday, the U.S. government does not accept or recognize China’s newly declared ADIZ.  Indeed, U.S. military aircraft have been instructed to continue to operate normally in the area in line with U.S. government policy.  The United States remains deeply concerned with -- concerned that, rather, China announced the establishment of an East China Sea Air Defense Identification Zone because this appears to be a provocative attempt to unilaterally change the status quo in the East China Sea, a highly sensitive area, and thus raises regional tensions and increases the risk of miscalculation, confrontation and accidents.

The United States urges China not to implement the ADIZ, to refrain from taking similar actions elsewhere in the region, and to work with other countries, including Japan and North Korea -- or rather, Japan and South Korea -- to establish confidence-building measures, including emergency communications channels, to address the dangers its recent announcement has created and to lower tensions.

We note that China announced the ADIZ without prior consultations even though the newly announced ADIZ overlaps with parts of the longstanding ADIZs of Japan, the Republic of Korea, and Taiwan, and includes territories administered by other countries, as I mentioned yesterday.

So I want to make that clarification that this was a reissuance of longstanding guidance regarding commercial aircraft.  But our position on this that we do not recognize it and call on China not to implement it remains clear.

Q    And just jumping to the Affordable Care Act implementation, there’s reporting that enrollment records for a large number of people who have signed up for health plans contain errors that could cause problems for the insurers who have to process that information.  Does the administration have any deadlines for cleaning up the backend of the website?

MR. CARNEY:  I am very glad you asked that question, because that statistic that was cited in a newspaper today does not reflect at all the picture of what is happening right now.  In fact, I’m not sure it’s an accurate picture of issues with the backend of the system even going back weeks. 

What I can tell you is that our general contractor has stood up a team of experts who are working already closely with issuers to make sure that every 834 form, every one -- past and present  -- is accurate.  And we believe that and are confident that they will be able to ensure that accuracy in time for the January 1st beginning of coverage for those who have signed up for it.

We have made huge improvements to the 834 forms, including over the weekend -- a process that has been going on for weeks, but including over the weekend some significant upgrades that we believe address many of the problems with the 834 forms.  I would point out that some of this reporting about this seems to be a reiteration of the basic assertion with which we do not disagree that the website was functioning poorly in October.  But it is functioning much more effectively now, and that includes on the backend with the 834 forms.

Q    Thanks.

MR. CARNEY:  I promised yesterday that I wouldn’t do all front row at the top.  Jared.

Q    Jay, over the holiday weekend, the President engaged with senators on Iran.  Can you tell us where the President’s outreach is on negotiations regarding Iran and nuclear talks and the deal that has been in place in Geneva?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, I can tell you that our position is clear, that the -- it is the right position to take, rather, that the agreement reached by the P5-plus-1 with Iran needs to be implemented, and that both the President and Congress have a responsibility to fully test whether we can achieve a comprehensive solution through diplomatic means before pursuing alternatives. 

Passing any new sanctions right now will undermine our efforts to achieve a peaceful resolution to this issue by giving the Iranians an excuse to push the terms of the agreement on their side.  Furthermore, new sanctions are unnecessary right now because our core sanctions architecture remains in place and the Iranians continue to be under extraordinary pressure.  There is no doubt in Iran that should this agreement fail, Congress and this administration will quickly impose harsh new sanctions.  It would make more sense to hold our powder, or keep our powder dry, rather, until we see whether Iran violates the understanding we have reached, and act accordingly at that time. 

If we pass sanctions now, even with a deferred trigger, which has been discussed, the Iranians and likely our international partners will see us as having negotiated in bad faith and this would have a bearing on our core sanctions architecture.

So as you know, the agreement that was reached contains with it verification procedures that will, if implemented by the Iranians, assure the P5-plus-1 that they have halted the -- that Iran has halted progress on its nuclear program and has rolled it back in some important areas.  The relief is modest and reversible and does not -- deliberately does not affect the core sanctions architecture which this administration built. 

And the purpose of sanctions was obviously to press Iran to see if Iran would change its behavior.  The preliminary agreement reached with the P5-plus-1 is a step along the road of the process of testing whether they will change their behavior.  So we think it’s important to continue that process and to hold in abeyance, if you will, any new sanctions for the time when they might be necessary and more effective.

Q    Obviously the diplomacy is in a difficult position right now, tenuous.  Would the diplomatic process be enhanced by the President’s visit at any time in the second term?

MR. CARNEY:  If you’re asking about reports that are utterly false about a planned visit, I will simply say they’re utterly false.

Q    And then on the website and healthcare.gov generally, does the President believe that for people who have spent hours and tried and failed to log on or failed to enroll, or for people who are spending time with their insurers and having difficulties there, is there any make-good that the President or the administration or the website can do to try to compensate people for the hassle that has been --

MR. CARNEY:  Jared, I think -- I’m glad you ask, because as I think CMS announced today, there were over 1 million visits to the site yesterday -- 1 million.  13,000 consumers who were put in the queuing system requested email notifications as to when to come back to the site, and all were invited back the same day.  Sixty percent of those folks who were sent an email saying to come back have returned.

And I think what this shows is that in spite of the problems that the website had upon launch and that we have been addressing aggressively over these days and weeks, there is an enormous amount of demand for quality, affordable health insurance.  And that is a reminder to all of us, and we hope to everyone in Washington and around the country, that the Affordable Care Act is not about a website.  The website is a means to an end, and the end is the provision of quality, affordable health insurance to millions of Americans, many of whom have not had access to quality, affordable health insurance in the past. 

It is also about benefits that everyone in this room enjoys, as well as those who don’t have insurance or who are shopping for insurance on the exchanges today.  That includes the fact that your twin sister, if you had one -- maybe you do -- cannot any longer be charged double for the same insurance that you buy.  It means that those of you with children between the ages of 18 and 26 can stay on your plan now, whereas before they could not.  It means that millions of Americans avail themselves of preventive care that they could not before.  And it means that the 105 million Americans are no longer subject to lifetime limits on their health coverage, and up to 129 million Americans who have a preexisting condition for which they could have been denied coverage or charged more up to now are protected because denying them coverage is prohibited beginning in 2014.

So that’s what the Affordable Care Act is about.  That’s what we all need to remember -- we, who are working on improvements to the website, working on talking about the Affordable Care Act -- that this about providing quality, affordable health insurance, and the security and peace of mind that comes with having quality, affordable health insurance for millions of Americans. 

And the fact that the website launch was hugely problematic is on us, and I think we’ve been very candid about that.  And that’s why it’s been our responsibility to improve it as quickly and effectively as possible.  And I think we’ve seen in the last 48 hours that significant improvements have been made and that the demand that we saw initially is still there, despite the challenges that you identify.  And we owe it to the American people who had been struggling with the website in October to make it better so that they can get the insurance that they clearly want.

Mara.

Q    Jay, can you just describe what the President is going to do every day on health care between now and December 23rd?

MR. CARNEY:  Every day for 21 days? 

Q    Well, no, I'm asking are we going to hear from him every day.

MR. CARNEY:  I don’t think we have that time. 

Q    What is the plan between now and the end of December?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, as you know, today, the President in about an hour will hold an event here to deliver remarks about the Affordable Care Act, highlighting the benefits that have already kicked in for millions of middle-class families who have insurance, and the importance of continuing to help as many hardworking Americans as possible enroll for their new health care options through the marketplaces.  Americans who have personally benefited from the health care law and supporters of reform will join the President at today’s event.

As our work continues to improve healthcare.gov, more Americans are signing up for insurance every day and are already benefiting from the health care law.  Healthcare.gov met our self-imposed November 30th deadline, and even as we continue to make improvements to the website -- and we are and we will -- we will also remind the public about how the Affordable Care Act is already making a positive difference in the lives of millions of Americans.  The benefits of these consumer protections will only accumulate in the weeks and months ahead -- some of them I just mentioned.  While work continues on the website, we think it is important that proponents of health reform undertake a renewed effort to refocus the public and the public’s attention on the benefits of the law that have already been implemented.

And so that’s what we're going to be doing.  The President is kicking off that new effort with the event today.  And I don't have a day-by-day plan.  I can tell you that we'll talk about preventive care, we'll talk about preexisting conditions, we'll talk about slowing the growth in health care costs.  There was significant data on that piece of it of late that demonstrates that for the past three years, the growth in health care costs has been the slowest in half a century -- that is the three years since the Affordable Care Act was passed.  I think that conflicts rather significantly with the predictions made by opponents of the Affordable Care Act.

There was a significant story in The New York Times today in the business section about the fact that the costs of the Affordable Care Act are actually coming in below estimates.  So this is just a sample of the kinds of things that we want to talk about as the month progresses and as obviously millions of Americans are shopping for health insurance and enrolling in plans.

Q    Well, what can we expect -- how frequently can we --

MR. CARNEY:  You want to know where you're going to go and what events you're going to cover?

Q    No, no, no.  What I want to know -- this is a crucial period.  You lost a lot of time.  You have until December 23rd for people who need it by January 1st.  Should we expect to see him frequently talking about health care?  I mean, what have you planned for him in these weeks, which is kind of a crucial period?

MR. CARNEY:  If I told you now it wouldn't be a surprise when it happened, Mara.  We are going to be engaged, the President is going to be engaged.  He is kicking it off today -- I would point you to his remarks.  I've given you a little bit of a preview of some of the things we're going to be talking about and focusing on.  We plan to use a number of different venues to push this message to the public, including press events, digital media pushes, and highlighting the stories of Americans who are being helped by these specific benefits. 

Q    Is this top priority between now and Christmas?

MR. CARNEY:  The President has many priorities.  It is certainly one of his high, top priorities.

Christie.

Q    Thanks, Jay.  Maybe this is asking you to state the obvious, but could you talk about the thought behind that strategy a little bit?  I mean, do you think if people hear more of the benefits that will make people who are currently not going to sign up more eager to do so?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, I'd say a couple of things.  One, everybody in this room for the most part and in this building and elsewhere in Washington who are focused on this issue have been focused on the problems with the website and some of the other issues with the rollout -- and that's appropriate given the challenges that we faced with the website.  But it is important, too, as the improvements have been made to the website and more and more Americans are visiting the site and having it function effectively for them that we remember what the ACA is all about, what the benefits are that are being provided to millions of Americans, that it’s not just the website.  The website was important and the fixes we've made were absolutely essential.  The fixes we will make are important, too.  But the Affordable Care Act is about the things I just mentioned before.

So when it comes to -- I think I talked about this yesterday -- I think that the numbers we've seen demonstrate that the demand and interest remains extremely high.  What this effort is about is focusing on some of the benefits -- or the many benefits that the Affordable Care Act has already delivered and will deliver beginning on January 1, 2014.

Q    When the President talks about the economy tomorrow, is that a health care speech, or is that something --

MR. CARNEY:  Well, I will tell you this since you asked that tomorrow at 11:20 a.m., the President will deliver remarks on the economy at the ARC, which is a Town Hall Education Arts Recreation Campus here in Washington, D.C.  The ARC is a campus located in D.C.’s Ward 8 with a mission of working to improve the quality of life for residents of Ward 8.  The ARC is home to 11 nonprofit agencies, all of which share the goal of helping children and adults reach their full potential.  That event is being sponsored by the Center for American Progress.

Those remarks will focus on the economy.  We will continue, beginning today, pushing -- or discussing the benefits of the Affordable Care Act in a variety of ways.  The President’s remarks tomorrow will be on the economy.

Q    And you're not worried about message whiplash there at all?

MR. CARNEY:  No, I think that -- no, no, no, no.  I think that the economy is elemental to most Americans, and it is the principal focus of this presidency.  Remember, when he took office our economy was in free fall.  We were losing 800,000 jobs a month.  The economy in the fourth quarter of 2008 contracted dramatically in the worst recession we’ve seen since the Great Depression.  And he has -- the President and his team have worked assiduously over these years to halt that decline and reverse it, and we’ve seen sustained economic growth and job creation for a long time now.

But we are not where we need to be.  We need to continue focusing on growing the economy.  We need to continue focusing on investing in those areas of the economy that will create jobs today and greater economic growth and job creation in the future.  So those are the things that the President will want to continue to address.  And health care security is an element of economic security, so they are interrelated.

Q    Can I just follow up on that?

MR. CARNEY:  I’ll get up and back.  Jim.

Q    Even before this new push on Obamacare, the polls have been showing that the law and the program itself are just stubbornly unpopular.  And I’m just curious, does the President believe that this program will ever be popular?

MR. CARNEY:  I think the President believes and the polls reflect that the elements of the Affordable Care Act and the benefits that it provides are popular and supported by majorities of the American people. 

Q    But as a whole it’s not --

MR. CARNEY:  I think, also, it’s important to note that a lot of the polls that have been discussed, when you combine those who support the law as it is, those who wish it were more -- or different on the liberal side, if you will, and those who believe that we ought to fix it, fix the problems that we’ve seen with it, rather than discard it and repeal it -- that discard and repeal is a distinctly minority position, because most Americans believe that the status quo ante is not a good place to be -- the status quo ante where insurance companies could cancel your policy for a variety of reasons.  They could deny you insurance because you had a preexisting condition.  They could deny your child insurance because he or she had asthma.  They could charge your twin sister double what they charge you.  And they didn’t provide --

Q    But people may want it to be single payer, but it’s never going to be single payer.

MR. CARNEY:  But that’s not -- I think you understand that’s not the whole thing that I was saying, Jim.  So if you’re asking me, has there been an enormous fight for years now about whether we should reform the health care system or not, there’s no question.  And that fight has been highly ideological and political fundamentally.  When you ask people, do they believe that insurance companies ought to be prohibited from denying you insurance because you have a preexisting condition, I think we'll take the numbers on the side of no -- I mean, yes, they ought to be prohibited from doing that. 

If you ask them, should women be charged double for the same insurance policy that men get, they’ll say no.  Do they want the benefits of free preventive care; do they want the benefits that have been provided to millions and millions of Americans for prescription drug costs, and the rebates that millions of Americans have received because of provisions in the Affordable Care Act that ensure that insurance companies dedicate the appropriate amount of their expenditures on providing coverage as opposed to administrative and other costs.

But we’re focused on providing the benefits, we’re not focused on the polls.

Q    And getting back to the backend process, I mean, you said you were confident that these issues are going to be worked out before January 1st, but obviously you can’t guarantee that there might be some folks out there who might see potentially a gap in their coverage, because they thought they were insured but their enrollment package did not get to the insurance company properly.  So can the administration guarantee to people that if they get a hospital bill or a medical bill for thousands of dollars that should have been covered under Obamacare, but because of this potential gap in coverage that was inadvertently caused because of these computer problems, that they won’t have to pay that bill?

MR. CARNEY:  Jim, first of all, there’s not an insurance policy called Obamacare.  I think it’s important to your viewers that they understand that they’re purchasing private insurance, first of all.  Secondly, the general contractor, QSSI, has stood up a team of experts working very closely already with insurers to make sure that every 834 form, past and present, is accurate in time for January 1st.  And we’re confident that they’ll be able to achieve that.

Going back to the story that was cited earlier today, even though we know that that -- or believe that the description is inaccurate in terms of what’s happening today, even if you look back at the worst period after the launch and the troubles we had with the website, the fact is very few people, as we know now -- because we have the October numbers -- were enrolling.  So the universe of people who might have, in their enrollment, had problems with 834 forms is not particularly large, which is an outcome of the problems we had with the website.  And the --

Q    So people aren’t going to get socked with a medical bill because of an inadvertent gap?

MR. CARNEY:  I’m telling you that the contractor and the issuers are working together and will make sure that every 834 form, both past and present, October 1st forward, is accurate. 

Q    Okay.  And let me ask you just very quickly on -- last week, the National Security Advisor, Susan Rice, said to President Karzai in Afghanistan that if this bilateral security agreement is not signed the United States and NATO may pull all of our forces, all the forces there on the ground in Afghanistan, out of that country around the end of 2014.  Is that a real threat?  Could that really happen?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, as Ambassador Rice noted last week, we have concluded negotiations, and deferring the signature of the agreement until after next year’s elections is not a viable option.  It would not provide the United States and our NATO allies the clarity necessary to plan for a potential post-2014 military presence, nor would it provide Afghans with the certainty they deserve regarding their future in the critical months preceding elections. 

Moreover, the lack of a signed bilateral security agreement would jeopardize NATO and other nations’ pledges of assistance made at the Chicago and Tokyo conferences in 2012.  Ambassador Rice reiterated that without a prompt signature the United States would have no choice but to initiate planning for a post-2014 future in which there would be no U.S. or NATO troop presence in Afghanistan.  We simply can’t do it.  And the fact is everybody negotiated in good faith, there was an agreement, there is substantial support for that agreement in Afghanistan, and we believe it ought to be signed promptly.

Jon.

Q    Back to Iran, just a clarification on the sanctions bill.  If Congress were to pass such a bill, would the President veto it?

MR. CARNEY:  Jon, all I can tell you is that we strongly believe that passing new sanctions now will result in our international partners, as well as Iran, seeing us as having negotiated that agreement in bad faith, which would then have a bearing on our core sanctions architecture.  So the passing of new sanctions during this period would actually undermine the overall core sanctions architecture, which this administration took the lead in building with our international partners and with the essential assistance of Congress.

So I think our view and our position, which we have expressed clearly in many meetings with members of Congress, is that the sanctions regime that they helped us build has provided this opportunity.  It has succeeded in the sense that the sanctions were designed to pressure Tehran into changing its behavior.  And because of the impact of the sanctions, Tehran has changed its behavior, or indicated that it is willing to change its behavior.  And we had a series of negotiations with the P5-plus-1 in Geneva; the result of those negotiations was the agreement, the preliminary agreement reached by the P5-plus-1 with Iran, and we now foresee implementation of that agreement. 

And if Iran abides by the elements of that agreement, it will result in the positive development that there is a halt to progress in their nuclear program, as well as the rolling back of elements of that program, which would essentially put time on the clock as we continue to test the theory that Iran is willing to take the necessary steps to assure the world, the United Nations and everyone else, that it will abide by its international commitments and it will in a verifiable, transparent way forsake any ambitions for a nuclear weapons program.

We believe that Congress should hold and reserve the options of passing new sanctions if the moment arises when Iran has failed to comply with its agreement, and that taking that action would have a positive result as opposed to the negative result that I just mentioned.

Q    I understand.  But my question is a very simple one:  Would the President veto a new sanctions bill?

MR. CARNEY:  There’s not a -- I don’t have a statement of administration policy on a specific bill.  What I can tell you is we strongly oppose, for all the reasons I discussed -- and we are engaged in discussions with numerous lawmakers about this issue
-- the passage of new sanctions at this time because of the reasons I just enumerated.

Q    And are Senator Menendez and Senator Corker wrong when they say that this interim agreement does do what the Iranians says it does, which establishes a right to enrich?

MR. CARNEY:  I think if you read the agreement, it’s clear what it does and does not do.  What the President said and others is that Iran has the right to a peaceful nuclear program.  The negotiations over the next six months, if Iran complies with the preliminary agreement, will address a whole host of issues.

What this President has made clear and his policies have proven out is that he is committed to the fundamental principle that Iran must not have a nuclear weapon, and he has made sure that all options available to him to prevent Iran from having a nuclear weapon remain on the table, and they remain on the table today.

The whole purpose of building up the sanctions regime with the unprecedented international consensus that the administration and the President built was to test whether or not Iran could be pressured to come to a diplomatic resolution to this challenge rather than a military resolution to it.

Q    Right.  But the question is, is there a recognition that Iran has the right to enrich uranium, which of course is a critical step in the path towards building a bomb.  The agreement it seems at least implies that they have such a right, and the agreement says that a final accord “would involve a mutually defined enrichment program.”  How is that not right in words there saying that they have a right to enrich?

MR. CARNEY:  I would not impute added meaning to words that are printed in black and white.  What I would tell you is that the President has --

Q    “Final accord would involve a mutually defined enrichment program.”  That’s saying a final accord --

MR. CARNEY:  And I could discuss with you for many minutes and hours probably what that might and could mean in the full resolution of this through a six-month process.  What the President has made clear is that Iran has the right to peaceful nuclear energy.  What the President has also made clear is that he is adamantly opposed to and will not allow for Iran to acquire a nuclear weapon.  And that is the threat that has been posed by Iran’s nuclear weapons ambitions.  That is the problem that was created by Tehran’s flouting of its international obligations and its refusal to demonstrate to the international community that it did not have non-civilian designs for its nuclear program.  And it is the commitment that Iran will have to make in a transparent and verifiable way if there is to be an accord with the international community through the P5-plus-1 process.

Q    And Jay, finally, I just wanted to give you a chance to respond to Senator Menendez, who said that you were fear-mongering in the way you were characterizing his position on these talks. 

MR. CARNEY:  What I said and what I believe is and we believe is the case is that the construction of the sanctions regime was meant to pressure Iran to change its behavior; that the impact of the sanctions on the Iranian economy, on the Iranian currency would hopefully bring Iran to the table with a new disposition towards resolving its commitments with the international community with regards to nuclear weapons.  That regime, which this President and this administration working with our partners and allies has constructed, has been effective in the sense that we have seen a change or a potential change in Iranian behavior that has led to the negotiations in the wake of the elections in Iran and to the preliminary agreement that was reached in Geneva.

Since that’s what the sanctions are for, i.e. to test whether or not this can be resolved peacefully, the alternative, which is, as I’ve described, our view is that if you pass sanctions now and undermine the core sanctions architecture and cause our allies and partners internationally as well as Iran to view us as having negotiated in bad faith, the result is that you create a situation where keeping the commitment of preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon leaves you with very few options, which is for --

Q    But he’s saying you were fear-mongering. 

MR. CARNEY:  No.

Q    This is the Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

MR. CARNEY:  Look, I think that Senator Menendez and every lawmaker up there who is rightfully concerned and has been concerned and worked on their concern about Iran’s nuclear program shares the same goal that the President has, which is to prevent Iran from having a nuclear weapon.

I believe that the Chairman and most and hopefully all members of the Senate believe that the optimal way to resolve this challenge is peacefully, through diplomacy -- for two reasons.  One, because war should always be a last resort, military action should always be a last resort.  But two, the way to ensure for the long term that Iran has forsaken its nuclear weapons program and cannot obtain a nuclear weapon is to have Iran agree to forsake it and give it up in a transparent, verifiable way.  Because military action would not have the same long-term effect.

Q    But isn’t it fear-mongering to say --

MR. CARNEY:  No.

Q    -- the only difference -- the only choices are this interim agreement or a war with Iran?  I mean, that’s why he was saying --

Q    This is an interview. 

MR. CARNEY:  This was an interview?  Is that -- (laughter.)

MR. CARNEY:  I think, Jon, that our belief is that if sanctions were passed now, even with a delayed trigger, that it would undermine the core sanctions regime and would potentially undermine the negotiations, which, if you want to resolve this peacefully, we need to test whether or not Tehran is willing to do what it takes and to make the commitments necessary to resolve this peacefully.  And the only way we can do that is through diplomacy.  Because bottom line, this President’s policy is and his position is that Iran cannot obtain a nuclear weapon.

Roger Runningen, and then Bill.

Q    Thanks.  Back to China.  Mr. Biden is meeting with Chinese leaders tomorrow.  Will he make a direct appeal for them to back off or drop their air defense zone?

MR. CARNEY:  I think the Vice President has already on this trip and will tomorrow repeat this administration’s position, which I just delivered again moments ago, which is that we do not recognize and believe that China should not implement this ADIZ.  So I’m sure that will be a subject of the Vice President’s conversations.  As I noted yesterday, this trip to Japan, China, and the Republic of Korea was long planned and there are a host of items on the agenda in addition to this particular issue.

Q    But what leverage does the U.S. have?

MR. CARNEY:  I think we are making clear our views and our concerns that these kinds of unilateral actions are provocative and create risks of miscalculation, and that miscalculations could undermine peace, security, and prosperity in the region.  And it is in everyone’s interest in the region to not have peace, prosperity and security put at risk.  So I think we’ll be very clear about that, as we have already.

Q    Will there be some consequences for violence?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, I’m not going to negotiate or preview conversations the Vice President will have.  But our position has been clear.

Q    Okay.  One other thing -- on the economy, following up on Christie’s questions, is there anything new in the economic speech tomorrow?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, you’ll have to see. 

Bill.

Q    In his upcoming push for the Affordable Care Act over the next several weeks, will the President acknowledge the problems that some people have with it in terms of cost or availability?  Or will this simply be a propaganda war between the two sides where one side highlights only the losers and the other side only the winners?

MR. CARNEY:  Bill, I think the President has, over the past several weeks, as have all of us, acknowledged the problems that the rollout of the marketplaces --

Q    I'm not talking about the --

MR. CARNEY:  And he has acknowledged some of the issues with cancellations and others where problems have been created by this transition period.  So our approach has always been to acknowledge those problems and to address them and to fix them. 

If you're -- some of your question goes to whether or not -- and this has been a central issue in the debate about whether there should be health insurance reform, whether or not there should be an individual responsibility provision, and obviously we came down on the side of yes, and that if you're a 28-year-old and you're uninsured and you're healthy and you don't want to pay for insurance, but you end up in the emergency room, and that's the way you get your coverage, that it’s costing you and Jon and Mara and everybody else, and me to pay for that coverage.  So that it is the right and responsible thing to do for everyone to avail themselves of affordable, quality health insurance through the marketplaces if they don't already have it.

As you know, because of the way the Affordable Care Act was written, through the expansion of Medicaid, which a number of states have embraced, many uninsured Americans will be able to be covered through Medicaid, and there has been a substantial increase already since October 1st in those states that have expanded Medicaid in the numbers covered by Medicaid.  Also, many, many Americans will be able to avail themselves of tax credits, depending on their income, to make sure that the coverage that they choose is affordable. 

So I think that the fundamentals of this debate continue.  What we're focused on is making sure that people know what the benefits are and know what the options they have available to them.  Because in spite of all the problems that the misfunctioning website has created, and challenges and obstacles that it has thrown up to the American people over the past several months, we have seen, again, in the last 48 hours, that there is enormous demand and interest in this product.  And the reason for that is because people want the security that health insurance provides.  They want the security of a system where they know that they can't be jacked around anymore, and that they can have a basic set of benefits that they cannot be --

Q    I'm not talking about the website.  I'm talking about
-- I'm asking whether he will acknowledge complaints --

MR. CARNEY:  The President has acknowledged complaints.  He stood up here --

Q    -- of those who lose coverage --

MR. CARNEY:  -- before you -- I can't remember if you were here, but I'm sure you watched, that he very clearly acknowledged some of the issues that have arisen with the transition to the marketplaces.  And we're not shying away from that.  But we are also focusing on the many benefits to millions and millions and tens of millions of Americans that the Affordable Care Act provides. 

And that's the focus.  I think it is important -- it came up earlier -- that the alternative here has always been nothing.  It has always been the status quo.  It has always been a situation where more and more people are losing insurance, where costs have been increasing at a far higher rate than inflation, where insurance companies were able to throw you off your policy, or deny you coverage, or carve out exceptions, or give you a low-rate policy that you discover later doesn’t cover you for hospitalizations, and that sort of thing.

So these are the debates that we had around whether or not health insurance reform was the right thing to pursue.  It was a hard-fought debate and the law was passed.  It was upheld by the Supreme Court.  It was debated extensively, maybe as the principal issue in a presidential election last year.  And we obviously created a lot of problems for ourselves because of the website, but we're fixing those problems.  Because the issue isn't can we make the website great; it’s can we make the website effective as a means by which Americans can get what they so clearly have demonstrated an interest in getting.

Ed.

Q    Jay, is the President going to let Detroit go bankrupt?

MR. CARNEY:  Ed, I think that happened a while ago.

Q    Well, a judge today says --

MR. CARNEY:  As we said, Detroit’s bankruptcy is something that needs to be resolved between the city and its creditors.  What we have said and what we are doing is working to provide real, tangible economic development and opportunity with existing resources and public-private partnerships to support and accelerate Detroit’s revitalization.

Q    But didn’t the President say in the campaign that it would be awful for Detroit to go bankrupt?  He obviously helped the auto industry, got them back on their feet.  That was a positive development, but it wasn’t enough.  And I thought in the campaign he said it would be horrible for Detroit to go bankrupt.

MR. CARNEY:  Well, I think that there is enormous hardship caused by some of the problems that have happened in Detroit, which is why this needs to be resolved between the city and its creditors.  Our position on this is the same as it was prior to the judge’s ruling and prior to -- or in the immediate aftermath of the declaration of bankruptcy.

Q    Okay.  Two quick ones on health care.  As you can imagine, Senator McConnell’s office has been waiting for the President’s event anxiously today, and they put together about a dozen other times the President has launched sort of a “major PR blitz on health care.”  Do you feel like he’s just sort of stuck in the same place and that you’ve made this pitch before and people just are still not buying it?

MR. CARNEY:  Really?  Because the law passed.  The President won reelection.  The Supreme Court upheld it.  And a million people showed up on the website yesterday.  And guess what -- 380,000 showed up before noon today.  And people are enrolling every day. 

Q    But he’s still trying to sell the benefits.  Why is he still selling the benefits?

MR. CARNEY:  And Senator McConnell to this day has yet to put on the table a single idea to provide affordable, quality health insurance to the American people.  Senator McConnell, I guess, by highlighting this -- clearly a political thing -- doesn’t want to engage in a debate about whether or not folks who are uninsured ought to have access to quality, affordable health insurance; whether folks who are in states where governors for political reasons chose not to expand Medicaid should have to answer for why their constituents are being denied coverage.

Q    But why is the President still -- you’ve laid out at the top of the briefing all the great benefits of this.  So why does the President still have to sell it?  If it’s so great, why don't people already --

MR. CARNEY:  Well, one reason that we've -- I think you’ve noticed and covered -- is that we've had a pretty rough go the last couple of months with the rollout of the Affordable Care Act’s marketplaces.

Q    You’ve been selling the benefits for three years, before the website.  You know that.

MR. CARNEY:  Ed, I think your questions in many ways mirror what Jim was asking about poll numbers.  What we know is that if you ask the American people whether they prefer a world where insurance companies can deny you coverage because you have a preexisting condition, or one in which they are prohibited from denying you coverage because you have a preexisting condition, they prefer overwhelmingly a world where there is a law in place that prevents them from denying you that coverage.  And that is true as you go down the list of benefits that the Affordable Care Act provides.

There is no question -- and you’ve covered it, I've covered attempts to pass health insurance reform in the past.  This is a contentious, very political issue here in Washington.  But what I can promise you is that around kitchen tables, including in houses where families have tried and struggled with the website in October, including in households where everyone who’s an adult voted against President Obama, people are going to make a decision if they need quality, affordable health insurance and don’t have it, they’re going to look at the options available to them and choose the certainty and security that comes with quality, affordable, private health insurance.  It’s as simple as that, and that’s what we’re focused on.

We’ve got to go.  So Chuck, and then -- April after this.

Q    In your response on the Treasury IG report, you said, “We will have these safeguards in.”  Are you guys building new safeguards?  Was this the re-phrased -- were you quoting the IRS?

MR. CARNEY:  What I quoted was the IRS, and I’d refer you to the IRS.  The IRS obviously has a certain amount of experience in handling --

Q    So these are all IRS -- this is not something that CMS or HHS should be dealing with and trying to prevent this issue, that it’s all -- the IRS has to deal with this?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, when it comes to tax fraud and issues of subsidies that are tax related, the IRS handles that.  It’s certainly not HHS or the White House.

Q    No, I understand that.  But is there some way --

MR. CARNEY:  So protecting that information --

Q    Is there a better safeguard that HHS should be in the front --

MR. CARNEY:  Well, again, I haven’t read the IG report.  I would simply refer you to what, since it’s about the IRS, what the IRS has said in response to it.

Q    Quickly, Consumer Reports, their health care reporter today said their recommendation -- saying they’re now recommending people use the website now.  They were not recommending that in October.  They’re saying if you started an account in October, you should scrap it and start over.  Is that the advice -- is that good advice?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, I would suggest that that question be addressed to CMS in the briefings they have, because I don’t want to say the wrong thing here on camera.  My understanding is that CMS is reaching out to consumers who enrolled, and making sure that they’re aware of the steps they need to take to ensure that that enrollment results in coverage.  But specifically about obviously the problems that were had with the website and those issues about people who thought they were enrolled but may not be, I would refer you for the specifics to CMS and in terms of what steps need to be taken. 

But I know that when it comes to the 834 forms, when it comes to reaching out, as I said yesterday, to everyone who enrolled to make sure that they are aware of and are in contact with their issuers about when their premiums are due, what other information they may need to provide, that those steps are being taken by CMS, and to make sure that these issues are addressed.

Q    When it comes to this new push of trying to get people to sign up, is it fair to say we wouldn’t be seeing the President today if he weren’t confident this website is now functional?

MR. CARNEY:  I think -- well, I’m trying to think if the -- how that question plays out.  I think that --

Q    You put him out on October 1 before.

MR. CARNEY:  Sure.

Q    You didn’t do that, you didn’t put him out on November 30, December 1, December 2.  I mean --

MR. CARNEY:  Today is December 3.

Q    I understand that.

MR. CARNEY:  So --

Q    But my point is, you were waiting to see if traffic was going to work, the enrollment numbers.

MR. CARNEY:  I think the point -- I think it is fair to say that the President is going to acknowledge today and will note today that we have all been -- in the administration, in the Fourth Estate and on Capitol Hill -- focused on the very real problems with the website and other problems with the transition that needed to be addressed and fixed, and that this is an opportunity, now that the website is functioning effectively for the vast majority of users, and we are seeing high volume and high volume being handled effectively by the website, and people enrolling, that it’s an opportune time to talk about, again, the actual benefits that are provided by the law.

Q    And you guys are doing -- it seems like you’re leaking enrollment numbers now left and right.  You didn’t do that the first time.

MR. CARNEY:  I can’t confirm -- I mean, I tell you --

Q    There’s stuff popping up all over the place now all of a sudden.

MR. CARNEY:  I tell you, there are a lot of numbers, and this goes back to the story that was talked about earlier today, that are out there that come from anonymous sources that turn out to be wrong.

Q    So you’re not confirming these numbers that are out there?

MR. CARNEY:  I’m only -- the numbers I cite --

Q    Are the traffic and --

MR. CARNEY:  -- I have gotten from people who know.  We will provide, or HHS and CMS will provide to you the enrollment figures once those that data is scrubbed and everything is received from states, and we’ll make sure that those are accurate.  That was the case for October; it will be the case for November.

Q    One final question on another topic.  There’s some new international test scores that came out where the U.S., particularly in math, ranks 30th -- U.S. teens.  And there’s a lot of other countries surpassing the United States, particularly in Asia.  Is this a -- how is this not an indictment of No Child Left Behind and Race to the Top when you look at these -- are these programs just simply not working as they were intended if these standardized test scores are as bad as they are for the U.S.?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, I think you’re absolutely right, and Secretary Duncan said today that the assessment demonstrates that there’s too much educational stagnation, even as it shows some encouraging progress on other important measures.  And the administration has taken steps to raise standards and improve education for kids across the country, but there is still much more that we need to do.  And Congress should pass the President’s proposals to, first, make quality early education available to every child; two, redesign America’s high schools to prepare students for college and the workplace; three, make college affordable for everyone who is willing to work for it; and four, to fix, through reauthorization, No Child Left Behind, which goes to one of your questions. 

Every state should commit to college and career-ready standards for its students.  This is hugely important, and this goes back to the question about the President talking about the economy.  This is an economic issue.  And it goes to the heart of our economic competitiveness in the future.

April, I think I gave you the last one.  And you guys got to hurry if you’re going to make it.

Q    Yes, yes.  Immigration --

MR. CARNEY:  If people are afraid of not making it --

Q    What is the President’s conversation with you or around the White House about the deportation hearing this week for his uncle, his father’s half-brother?

MR. CARNEY:  I think that conversation is a legal matter that should be addressed over at the Department of Justice.

Q    Well, has he talked to his uncle recently or --

MR. CARNEY:  I have no conversations like that to read out.

Q    But the President is well aware that his --

MR. CARNEY:  I have not discussed it with him, so I do not know.  Thanks.

END
2:10 P.M. EST

President Obama Speaks at the White House Youth Summit

December 04, 2013 | 12:07 | Public Domain

President Obama delivers remarks at the White House Youth Summit on the Affordable Care Act. The summit brought together over 160 national and local young leaders who have broad reach in their communities and can help get the word out to young Americans about enrolling in health coverage.

Download mp4 (445MB) | mp3 (29MB)

Read the Transcript

Remarks by the President to ACA Youth Summit

South Court Auditorium
Eisenhower Executive Office Building
 
 
2:10 P.M. EST
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Hey!  (Applause.)  Hello, everybody.  Hello, hello.  Good to see you.  Everybody, sit down.  Good afternoon.  (Applause.)  Welcome to the White House.  This is a little bit of a rowdy bunch.  (Laughter.)  
 
Well, it is wonderful to be with all of you, and I couldn’t be more appreciative of all the stuff that you guys are doing all across the country in your communities, in your organizations.  There was a time when I was a young invincible.  (Laughter.)  After five years in this office, people don’t call me that anymore.  (Laughter.)  
 
But I just wanted to drop by and say thank you for everything that you’ve done and will do to spread the word about the Affordable Care Act and what it means for young people.  About a year ago, I got a letter from a woman in her twenties; she had just graduated from law school.  And she wrote, “Thank you for making health care reform a priority.  If you hadn’t, you probably would have fewer gray hairs right now.”  (Laughter.)  That’s a good point.  But her story is a reminder that the law was worth a few gray hairs, because she was one of the 3.1 million young people that this law helped to cover because they could join their parents’ plan.  And that means that when she was diagnosed with a potentially deadly autoimmune disorder, she got the care she needed -- medications, blood transfusions, ultimately lifesaving surgery.
 
She was able to stay in school, graduate first in her class, find a job in her field.  And in the letter she wrote, “I’m grateful because the Affordable Care Act saved my life.  It saved my family from bankruptcy, and it gave me a future.”  So that’s what this law is about:  health care that’s there for you when you need it; financial protection for you and your family if you get sick; the security of knowing that an illness or an accident is not going to completely derail your dreams.
 
And there are a lot of benefits that are especially important to young people.  Insurance companies now have to provide free preventive care that will help you stay healthy.  They’ll have to provide contraceptive care for women at no extra cost.  If you wanted to take a chance and start your own business, or try multiple careers like many young people do, particularly in this economy, before you settle down you’re not going to have to wonder whether or not you can do that because you’re worried about coverage.  When you do settle down and start a family, maternal care will be covered.  If you’re a woman, you won’t be charged twice as much as men because you’re the one carrying the baby.
 
So this law is already making a difference for millions of young people, and it’s about to help millions more.  About half a million people across the country already are poised to gain coverage on January 1st, some for the very first time.  One recent article reported that a surprisingly large number of young people are signing up.  And there's a good reason for that:  The law works.  Most young people without insurance can now get covered for under 100 bucks a month.  
 
Now, I am not allowed, for security reasons, to have an iPhone.  (Laughter.)  I don’t know what your bills are.  I have noticed that Sasha and Malia seem to spend a lot of time on it.  (Laughter.)  My suspicion is that for a lot of you, between your cable bill, your phone bill, you're spending more than 100 bucks a month.  The idea that you wouldn’t want to make sure that you've got the health security and financial security that comes with health insurance for less than that price, you guys are smarter than that.  And most young people are, as well.  
 
The product is good.  It's affordable.  People want financial stability of health insurance.  We're going to keep working through any glitches, problems that may come up.  Obviously, the website when it was first launched, wasn't in tip-top shape, to say the least.  But we have been, 24/7, going at it.  And now, for the vast majority of users, it's working.  And there will be other things that come up during the course of the next several months, because you're starting off a new program that has an impact on one-sixth of the economy.  This is a "big deal," to quote Joe Biden.  (Laughter.)  
 
But we're just going to keep on working on it, and improving it, and refining it.  And if we see a problem, we're going to fix it.  But we're not repealing it -- not as long as I'm President -- (applause) -- particularly because the folks who are criticizing it don’t seem to have any ideas in terms of how to reduce costs; ensure millions of people get coverage for the first time; make sure that insurance is more secure.  And those are things that the law is already doing.  
 
And we're going to have to just make sure that people know about it.  And that’s why I'm here, because I need your help; that’s why you're here, because you know I need your help.  Believe it or not, there are actually organizations that are out there working to convince young people not to get insurance.  
 
Now, think about that.  That’s a really bizarre way to spend your money -- to try to convince people not to get health insurance, not to get free preventive care, not to make sure that they're able to survive an accident or an illness.  If I had that much money I wouldn’t be spending it that way.  And some of these ad campaigns are backed by well-funded special-interest groups -- I assume they've got great health care.  
 
And just remember and remind your friends and your peers -- imagine what happens if you get sick, what happens with the massive bills.  The people who are running those ads, they're not going to pay for your illness.  You're going to pay for it or your family is going to pay for it.  And that's hard to imagine.  
 
Look, I do remember what it's like being 27 or 28, and aside from the occasional basketball injury, most of the time I kind of felt like I had nothing to worry about.  Of course, that's what most people think until they have something to worry about.  But at that point, oftentimes it's too late.  And sometimes in this debate, what we've heard are people saying, well, I don't need this, I don't want this; why are you impinging on my freedom to do whatever I want.  
 
And part of what I say to folks when they tell me that is if you get sick and you get to the hospital, and you don't have any coverage, then somebody else is also going to be paying for it.  It may be your family that can afford it, or it may be everybody else who does have health insurance and is acting responsibly, and is essentially subsidizing for your care.  And that's not what I think most young people want.  They want to be independent, and this is part of feeling and being financially, and from a health perspective, secure. 
 
So I'm going to need you all to spread the word about how the Affordable Care Act really works, what its benefits are, what its protections are and, most importantly, how people can sign up.  I know people call this law Obamacare.  And that's okay -- (laughter) -- because I do care.  (Laughter and applause.)  I do.  I care about you.  I care about families.  I care about Americans.  (Applause.) 
 
But no matter how much I care, the truth is, is that for your friends and your family, the most important source of information is not going to be me, it's going to be you.  They are going to trust you.  If you're taking them on a website, walking them through it saying, look at the price you're able to get, look at the benefits you're able to get.  That's what's going to be making a difference.  
 
So if you're a student body president, set up a conference on campus.  If you work at a nonprofit, open your doors and use your email list to help people learn the facts.  If you've got a radio show, spread the word on air.  If you're a bartender, have a happy hour -- (laughter) -- and also probably get health insurance, because a lot of bartenders don't have it.  Post something on your Facebook or Instagram.  You can tweet using the hashtag #getcovered.  But do whatever it takes to make sure people have the information they need to make the decision that's right for them. 
 
If you're in a state that has its own state exchange, they're probably doing a lot of activities and you should plug into those as well.  If you're in a state that so far has not decided to set up a state exchange, then obviously we can make sure that you have all the information you need to succeed.  But the bottom line is I'm going to need you, and the country needs you.  And a lot of your friends and peers, they may not know that they need you, but if something happens somewhere down the road where they really need to get to a hospital or a doctor, the fact that you have talked to them and gotten them involved is going to make all the difference in the world.
 
And finally, let me just make a broader point to all the young people here.  This whole exercise obviously has huge implications for this country’s future, because if we can start bringing down health care costs, make sure people are covered, give people financial security, that’s good for the economy, it’s good for businesses, it’s good for the federal budget.  
 
But I hope you haven’t been discouraged by how hard it’s been, because stuff that’s worth it is always hard.  The Civil Rights Movement was hard.  Getting women the right to vote -- that was hard.  Making sure that workers had the right to organize -- that was hard.  It’s never been easy for us to change how we do business in this country and particularly to address needs that a lot of people aren’t worried about on a day-to-day constant basis but then suddenly are desperately worried about it when a mishap happens.
 
So this has been the case for Social Security, for Medicare, for all the great social progress that we’ve made in this country.  And I wanted to say all that just because my hope is not only that you work hard to help folks get signed up today and tomorrow and next week, but I look around the room and I see a lot of leaders who are going to be leading the charge well into the future on a whole range of issues.  Don’t get discouraged.  Be persistent.  You may get a few gray hairs as a consequence -- (laughter) -- but I think at the end of the day you’ll think it’s worth it.
 
Thank you, guys.  (Applause.)
 
END
 
2:23 P.M. EST
 

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President Obama Speaks on Economic Mobility

December 04, 2013 | 48:15 | Public Domain

President Obama discusses the twin challenges of growing income inequality and shrinking economic mobility and how they pose a fundamental threat to the American Dream.

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Remarks by the President on Economic Mobility

THEARC
Washington, D.C.
 
 
11:31 A.M. EST
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  (Applause.)  Thank you, everybody.  Thank you so much.  Please, please have a seat.  Thank you so much.  Well, thank you, Neera, for the wonderful introduction and sharing a story that resonated with me.  There were a lot of parallels in my life and probably resonated with some of you.  
 
Over the past 10 years, the Center for American Progress has done incredible work to shape the debate over expanding opportunity for all Americans.  And I could not be more grateful to CAP not only for giving me a lot of good policy ideas, but also giving me a lot of staff.  (Laughter.)  My friend, John Podesta, ran my transition; my Chief of Staff, Denis McDonough, did a stint at CAP.  So you guys are obviously doing a good job training folks.
 
I also want to thank all the members of Congress and my administration who are here today for the wonderful work that they do.  I want to thank Mayor Gray and everyone here at THEARC for having me.  This center, which I’ve been to quite a bit, have had a chance to see some of the great work that’s done here.  And all the nonprofits that call THEARC home offer access to everything from education, to health care, to a safe shelter from the streets, which means that you’re harnessing the power of community to expand opportunity for folks here in D.C.  And your work reflects a tradition that runs through our history -- a belief that we’re greater together than we are on our own.  And that’s what I’ve come here to talk about today.  
 
Over the last two months, Washington has been dominated by some pretty contentious debates -- I think that’s fair to say.  And between a reckless shutdown by congressional Republicans in an effort to repeal the Affordable Care Act, and admittedly poor execution on my administration’s part in implementing the latest stage of the new law, nobody has acquitted themselves very well these past few months.  So it’s not surprising that the American people’s frustrations with Washington are at an all-time high.  
 
But we know that people’s frustrations run deeper than these most recent political battles.  Their frustration is rooted in their own daily battles -- to make ends meet, to pay for college, buy a home, save for retirement.  It’s rooted in the nagging sense that no matter how hard they work, the deck is stacked against them.  And it’s rooted in the fear that their kids won’t be better off than they were.  They may not follow the constant back-and-forth in Washington or all the policy details, but they experience in a very personal way the relentless, decades-long trend that I want to spend some time talking about today.  And that is a dangerous and growing inequality and lack of upward mobility that has jeopardized middle-class America’s basic bargain -- that if you work hard, you have a chance to get ahead.
 
I believe this is the defining challenge of our time:  Making sure our economy works for every working American.  It’s why I ran for President.  It was at the center of last year’s campaign.  It drives everything I do in this office.  And I know I’ve raised this issue before, and some will ask why I raise the issue again right now.  I do it because the outcomes of the debates we’re having right now -- whether it’s health care, or the budget, or reforming our housing and financial systems -- all these things will have real, practical implications for every American.  And I am convinced that the decisions we make on these issues over the next few years will determine whether or not our children will grow up in an America where opportunity is real.
 
Now, the premise that we’re all created equal is the opening line in the American story.  And while we don’t promise equal outcomes, we have strived to deliver equal opportunity -- the idea that success doesn’t depend on being born into wealth or privilege, it depends on effort and merit.  And with every chapter we’ve added to that story, we’ve worked hard to put those words into practice.   
 
It was Abraham Lincoln, a self-described “poor man’s son,” who started a system of land grant colleges all over this country so that any poor man’s son could go learn something new.  
 
When farms gave way to factories, a rich man’s son named Teddy Roosevelt fought for an eight-hour workday, protections for workers, and busted monopolies that kept prices high and wages low.  
 
When millions lived in poverty, FDR fought for Social Security, and insurance for the unemployed, and a minimum wage.  
 
When millions died without health insurance, LBJ fought for Medicare and Medicaid.  
 
Together, we forged a New Deal, declared a War on Poverty in a great society.  We built a ladder of opportunity to climb, and stretched out a safety net beneath so that if we fell, it wouldn’t be too far, and we could bounce back.  And as a result, America built the largest middle class the world has ever known.  And for the three decades after World War II, it was the engine of our prosperity.  
 
Now, we can’t look at the past through rose-colored glasses.  The economy didn’t always work for everyone.  Racial discrimination locked millions out of poverty -- or out of opportunity.  Women were too often confined to a handful of often poorly paid professions.  And it was only through painstaking struggle that more women, and minorities, and Americans with disabilities began to win the right to more fairly and fully participate in the economy.  
 
Nevertheless, during the post-World War II years, the economic ground felt stable and secure for most Americans, and the future looked brighter than the past.  And for some, that meant following in your old man’s footsteps at the local plant, and you knew that a blue-collar job would let you buy a home, and a car, maybe a vacation once in a while, health care, a reliable pension.  For others, it meant going to college -- in some cases, maybe the first in your family to go to college.  And it meant graduating without taking on loads of debt, and being able to count on advancement through a vibrant job market.  
 
Now, it’s true that those at the top, even in those years, claimed a much larger share of income than the rest:  The top 10 percent consistently took home about one-third of our national income.  But that kind of inequality took place in a dynamic market economy where everyone’s wages and incomes were growing.  And because of upward mobility, the guy on the factory floor could picture his kid running the company some day.
 
But starting in the late ‘70s, this social compact began to unravel.  Technology made it easier for companies to do more with less, eliminating certain job occupations.  A more competitive world lets companies ship jobs anywhere.  And as good manufacturing jobs automated or headed offshore, workers lost their leverage, jobs paid less and offered fewer benefits.  
 
As values of community broke down, and competitive pressure increased, businesses lobbied Washington to weaken unions and the value of the minimum wage.  As a trickle-down ideology became more prominent, taxes were slashed for the wealthiest, while investments in things that make us all richer, like schools and infrastructure, were allowed to wither.  And for a certain period of time, we could ignore this weakening economic foundation, in part because more families were relying on two earners as women entered the workforce.  We took on more debt financed by a juiced-up housing market.  But when the music stopped, and the crisis hit, millions of families were stripped of whatever cushion they had left. 
 
And the result is an economy that’s become profoundly unequal, and families that are more insecure.  I’ll just give you a few statistics.  Since 1979, when I graduated from high school, our productivity is up by more than 90 percent, but the income of the typical family has increased by less than eight percent.  Since 1979, our economy has more than doubled in size, but most of that growth has flowed to a fortunate few.  
 
The top 10 percent no longer takes in one-third of our income -- it now takes half.  Whereas in the past, the average CEO made about 20 to 30 times the income of the average worker, today’s CEO now makes 273 times more.  And meanwhile, a family in the top 1 percent has a net worth 288 times higher than the typical family, which is a record for this country.
 
So the basic bargain at the heart of our economy has frayed.  In fact, this trend towards growing inequality is not unique to America’s market economy.  Across the developed world, inequality has increased.  Some of you may have seen just last week, the Pope himself spoke about this at eloquent length.  “How can it be,” he wrote, “that it is not a news item when an elderly homeless person dies of exposure, but it is news when the stock market loses two points?”
 
But this increasing inequality is most pronounced in our country, and it challenges the very essence of who we are as a people.  Understand we’ve never begrudged success in America.  We aspire to it.  We admire folks who start new businesses, create jobs, and invent the products that enrich our lives.  And we expect them to be rewarded handsomely for it.  In fact, we've often accepted more income inequality than many other nations for one big reason -- because we were convinced that America is a place where even if you’re born with nothing, with a little hard work you can improve your own situation over time and build something better to leave your kids.  As Lincoln once said, “While we do not propose any war upon capital, we do wish to allow the humblest man an equal chance to get rich with everybody else.”
 
The problem is that alongside increased inequality, we’ve seen diminished levels of upward mobility in recent years.  A child born in the top 20 percent has about a 2-in-3 chance of staying at or near the top.  A child born into the bottom 20 percent has a less than 1-in-20 shot at making it to the top.  He’s 10 times likelier to stay where he is.  In fact, statistics show not only that our levels of income inequality rank near countries like Jamaica and Argentina, but that it is harder today for a child born here in America to improve her station in life than it is for children in most of our wealthy allies -- countries like Canada or Germany or France.  They have greater mobility than we do, not less.  
 
The idea that so many children are born into poverty in the wealthiest nation on Earth is heartbreaking enough.  But the idea that a child may never be able to escape that poverty because she lacks a decent education or health care, or a community that views her future as their own, that should offend all of us and it should compel us to action.  We are a better country than this.  
 
So let me repeat:  The combined trends of increased inequality and decreasing mobility pose a fundamental threat to the American Dream, our way of life, and what we stand for around the globe.  And it is not simply a moral claim that I’m making here.  There are practical consequences to rising inequality and reduced mobility.  
 
For one thing, these trends are bad for our economy.  One study finds that growth is more fragile and recessions are more frequent in countries with greater inequality.  And that makes sense.  When families have less to spend, that means businesses have fewer customers, and households rack up greater mortgage and credit card debt; meanwhile, concentrated wealth at the top is less likely to result in the kind of broadly based consumer spending that drives our economy, and together with lax regulation, may contribute to risky speculative bubbles.
 
And rising inequality and declining mobility are also bad for our families and social cohesion -- not just because we tend to trust our institutions less, but studies show we actually tend to trust each other less when there’s greater inequality.  And greater inequality is associated with less mobility between generations.  That means it’s not just temporary; the effects last.  It creates a vicious cycle.  For example, by the time she turns three years old, a child born into a low-income home hears 30 million fewer words than a child from a well-off family, which means by the time she starts school she’s already behind, and that deficit can compound itself over time.
 
And finally, rising inequality and declining mobility are bad for our democracy.  Ordinary folks can’t write massive campaign checks or hire high-priced lobbyists and lawyers to secure policies that tilt the playing field in their favor at everyone else’s expense.  And so people get the bad taste that the system is rigged, and that increases cynicism and polarization, and it decreases the political participation that is a requisite part of our system of self-government.
 
So this is an issue that we have to tackle head on.  And if, in fact, the majority of Americans agree that our number-one priority is to restore opportunity and broad-based growth for all Americans, the question is why has Washington consistently failed to act?  And I think a big reason is the myths that have developed around the issue of inequality.
 
First, there is the myth that this is a problem restricted to a small share of predominantly minority poor -- that this isn’t a broad-based problem, this is a black problem or a Hispanic problem or a Native American problem.  Now, it’s true that the painful legacy of discrimination means that African Americans, Latinos, Native Americans are far more likely to suffer from a lack of opportunity -- higher unemployment, higher poverty rates.  It’s also true that women still make 77 cents on the dollar compared to men.  So we’re going to need strong application of antidiscrimination laws.  We’re going to need immigration reform that grows the economy and takes people out of the shadows.  We’re going to need targeted initiatives to close those gaps.  (Applause.)  
 
But here’s an important point.  The decades-long shifts in the economy have hurt all groups:  poor and middle class; inner city and rural folks; men and women; and Americans of all races.  And as a consequence, some of the social patterns that contribute to declining mobility that were once attributed to the urban poor -- that’s a particular problem for the inner city: single-parent households or drug abuse -- it turns out now we’re seeing that pop up everywhere.  
 
A new study shows that disparities in education, mental health, obesity, absent fathers, isolation from church, isolation from community groups -- these gaps are now as much about growing up rich or poor as they are about anything else.  The gap in test scores between poor kids and wealthy kids is now nearly twice what it is between white kids and black kids.  Kids with working-class parents are 10 times likelier than kids with middle- or upper-class parents to go through a time when their parents have no income.  So the fact is this:  The opportunity gap in America is now as much about class as it is about race, and that gap is growing.
 
So if we’re going to take on growing inequality and try to improve upward mobility for all people, we’ve got to move beyond the false notion that this is an issue exclusively of minority concern.  And we have to reject a politics that suggests any effort to address it in a meaningful way somehow pits the interests of a deserving middle class against those of an undeserving poor in search of handouts.  (Applause.)
 
Second, we need to dispel the myth that the goals of growing the economy and reducing inequality are necessarily in conflict, when they should actually work in concert.  We know from our history that our economy grows best from the middle out, when growth is more widely shared.  And we know that beyond a certain level of inequality, growth actually slows altogether.
 
Third, we need to set aside the belief that government cannot do anything about reducing inequality.  It’s true that government cannot prevent all the downsides of the technological change and global competition that are out there right now, and some of those forces are also some of the things that are helping us grow.  And it’s also true that some programs in the past, like welfare before it was reformed, were sometimes poorly designed, created disincentives to work.
 
But we’ve also seen how government action time and again can make an enormous difference in increasing opportunity and bolstering ladders into the middle class.  Investments in education, laws establishing collective bargaining, and a minimum wage -- these all contributed to rising standards of living for massive numbers of Americans.  (Applause.)  Likewise, when previous generations declared that every citizen of this country deserved a basic measure of security -- a floor through which they could not fall -- we helped millions of Americans live in dignity, and gave millions more the confidence to aspire to something better, by taking a risk on a great idea.  
 
Without Social Security, nearly half of seniors would be living in poverty -- half.  Today, fewer than 1 in 10 do.  Before Medicare, only half of all seniors had some form of health insurance.  Today, virtually all do.  And because we’ve strengthened that safety net, and expanded pro-work and pro-family tax credits like the Earned Income Tax Credit, a recent study found that the poverty rate has fallen by 40 percent since the 1960s.  And these endeavors didn’t just make us a better country; they reaffirmed that we are a great country.  
 
So we can make a difference on this.  In fact, that’s our generation’s task -- to rebuild America’s economic and civic foundation to continue the expansion of opportunity for this generation and the next generation.  (Applause.)  And like Neera, I take this personally.  I’m only here because this country educated my grandfather on the GI Bill.  When my father left and my mom hit hard times trying to raise my sister and me while she was going to school, this country helped make sure we didn’t go hungry.  When Michelle, the daughter of a shift worker at a water plant and a secretary, wanted to go to college, just like me, this country helped us afford it until we could pay it back.
 
So what drives me as a grandson, a son, a father -- as an American -- is to make sure that every striving, hardworking, optimistic kid in America has the same incredible chance that this country gave me.  (Applause.)  It has been the driving force between everything we’ve done these past five years.  And over the course of the next year, and for the rest of my presidency, that’s where you should expect my administration to focus all our efforts.  (Applause.) 
 
Now, you'll be pleased to know this is not a State of the Union Address.  (Laughter.)  And many of the ideas that can make the biggest difference in expanding opportunity I’ve presented before.  But let me offer a few key principles, just a roadmap that I believe should guide us in both our legislative agenda and our administrative efforts.
 
To begin with, we have to continue to relentlessly push a growth agenda.  It may be true that in today’s economy, growth alone does not guarantee higher wages and incomes.  We've seen that.  But what's also true is we can’t tackle inequality if the economic pie is shrinking or stagnant.  The fact is if you’re a progressive and you want to help the middle class and the working poor, you’ve still got to be concerned about competitiveness and productivity and business confidence that spurs private sector investment.  
 
And that’s why from day one we’ve worked to get the economy growing and help our businesses hire.  And thanks to their resilience and innovation, they’ve created nearly 8 million new jobs over the past 44 months.  And now we’ve got to grow the economy even faster.  And we've got to keep working to make America a magnet for good, middle-class jobs to replace the ones that we’ve lost in recent decades -- jobs in manufacturing and energy and infrastructure and technology.
  
And that means simplifying our corporate tax code in a way that closes wasteful loopholes and ends incentives to ship jobs overseas.  (Applause.)  And by broadening the base, we can actually lower rates to encourage more companies to hire here and use some of the money we save to create good jobs rebuilding our roads and our bridges and our airports, and all the infrastructure our businesses need.  
 
It means a trade agenda that grows exports and works for the middle class.  It means streamlining regulations that are outdated or unnecessary or too costly.  And it means coming together around a responsible budget -- one that grows our economy faster right now and shrinks our long-term deficits, one that unwinds the harmful sequester cuts that haven't made a lot of sense -- (applause) -- and then frees up resources to invest in things like the scientific research that's always unleashed new innovation and new industries.  
 
When it comes to our budget, we should not be stuck in a stale debate from two years ago or three years ago.  A relentlessly growing deficit of opportunity is a bigger threat to our future than our rapidly shrinking fiscal deficit.  (Applause.)   
 
So that’s step one towards restoring mobility:  making sure our economy is growing faster.  Step two is making sure we empower more Americans with the skills and education they need to compete in a highly competitive global economy.  
 
We know that education is the most important predictor of income today, so we launched a Race to the Top in our schools.  We’re supporting states that have raised standards for teaching and learning.  We’re pushing for redesigned high schools that graduate more kids with the technical training and apprenticeships, and in-demand, high-tech skills that can lead directly to a good job and a middle-class life.
 
We know it’s harder to find a job today without some higher education, so we’ve helped more students go to college with grants and loans that go farther than before.  We’ve made it more practical to repay those loans.  And today, more students are graduating from college than ever before.  We’re also pursuing an aggressive strategy to promote innovation that reins in tuition costs.  We’ve got lower costs so that young people are not burdened by enormous debt when they make the right decision to get higher education.  And next week, Michelle and I will bring together college presidents and non-profits to lead a campaign to help more low-income students attend and succeed in college.  (Applause.) 
 
But while higher education may be the surest path to the middle class, it’s not the only one.  So we should offer our people the best technical education in the world.  That’s why we’ve worked to connect local businesses with community colleges, so that workers young and old can earn the new skills that earn them more money. 
 
And I’ve also embraced an idea that I know all of you at the Center for American Progress have championed -- and, by the way, Republican governors in a couple of states have championed -- and that’s making high-quality preschool available to every child in America.  (Applause.)  We know that kids in these programs grow up likelier to get more education, earn higher wages, form more stable families of their own.  It starts a virtuous cycle, not a vicious one.  And we should invest in that.  We should give all of our children that chance.
 
And as we empower our young people for future success, the third part of this middle-class economics is empowering our workers.  It’s time to ensure our collective bargaining laws function as they’re supposed to -- (applause) -- so unions have a level playing field to organize for a better deal for workers and better wages for the middle class.  It’s time to pass the Paycheck Fairness Act so that women will have more tools to fight pay discrimination.  (Applause.)  It’s time to pass the Employment Non-Discrimination Act so workers can’t be fired for who they are or who they love.  (Applause.)  
 
And even though we’re bringing manufacturing jobs back to America, we’re creating more good-paying jobs in education and health care and business services; we know that we’re going to have a greater and greater portion of our people in the service sector.  And we know that there are airport workers, and fast-food workers, and nurse assistants, and retail salespeople who work their tails off and are still living at or barely above poverty.  (Applause.)  And that’s why it’s well past the time to raise a minimum wage that in real terms right now is below where it was when Harry Truman was in office.  (Applause.)
 
This shouldn’t be an ideological question.  It was Adam Smith, the father of free-market economics, who once said, “They who feed, clothe, and lodge the whole body of the people should have such a share of the produce of their own labor as to be themselves tolerably well fed, clothed, and lodged.”  And for those of you who don’t speak old-English -- (laughter) -- let me translate.  It means if you work hard, you should make a decent living.  (Applause.)  If you work hard, you should be able to support a family.  
 
Now, we all know the arguments that have been used against a higher minimum wage.  Some say it actually hurts low-wage workers -- businesses will be less likely to hire them.  But there’s no solid evidence that a higher minimum wage costs jobs, and research shows it raises incomes for low-wage workers and boosts short-term economic growth.  (Applause.)  
 
Others argue that if we raise the minimum wage, companies will just pass those costs on to consumers.  But a growing chorus of businesses, small and large, argue differently.  And  already, there are extraordinary companies in America that provide decent wages, salaries, and benefits, and training for their workers, and deliver a great product to consumers.  
 
SAS in North Carolina offers childcare and sick leave.  REI, a company my Secretary of the Interior used to run, offers retirement plans and strives to cultivate a good work balance.  There are companies out there that do right by their workers.  They recognize that paying a decent wage actually helps their bottom line, reduces turnover.  It means workers have more money to spend, to save, maybe eventually start a business of their own.  
 
A broad majority of Americans agree we should raise the minimum wage.  That’s why, last month, voters in New Jersey decided to become the 20th state to raise theirs even higher.  That’s why, yesterday, the D.C. Council voted to do it, too.  I agree with those voters.  (Applause.)  I agree with those voters, and I’m going to keep pushing until we get a higher minimum wage for hard-working Americans across the entire country.  It will be good for our economy.  It will be good for our families.  (Applause.)  
 
Number four, as I alluded to earlier, we still need targeted programs for the communities and workers that have been hit hardest by economic change and the Great Recession.  These communities are no longer limited to the inner city.  They’re found in neighborhoods hammered by the housing crisis, manufacturing towns hit hard by years of plants packing up, landlocked rural areas where young folks oftentimes feel like they've got to leave just to find a job.  There are communities that just aren’t generating enough jobs anymore.  
 
So we’ve put forward new plans to help these communities and their residents, because we’ve watched cities like Pittsburgh or my hometown of Chicago revamp themselves.  And if we give more cities the tools to do it -- not handouts, but a hand up -- cities like Detroit can do it, too.  So in a few weeks, we’ll announce the first of these Promise Zones, urban and rural communities where we’re going to support local efforts focused on a national goal -- and that is a child’s course in life should not be determined by the zip code he’s born in, but by the strength of his work ethic and the scope of his dreams.  (Applause.) 
 
And we're also going to have to do more for the long-term unemployed.  For people who have been out of work for more than six months, often through no fault of their own, life is a catch-22.  Companies won’t give their résumé an honest look because they’ve been laid off so long -- but they’ve been laid off so long because companies won’t give their résumé an honest look.  (Laughter.)  And that’s why earlier this year, I challenged CEOs from some of America’s best companies to give these Americans a fair shot.  And next month, many of them will join us at the White House for an announcement about this.
 
Fifth, we've got to revamp retirement to protect Americans in their golden years, to make sure another housing collapse doesn’t steal the savings in their homes.  We've also got to strengthen our safety net for a new age, so it doesn’t just protect people who hit a run of bad luck from falling into poverty, but also propels them back out of poverty.
 
Today, nearly half of full-time workers and 80 percent of part-time workers don’t have a pension or retirement account at their job.  About half of all households don’t have any retirement savings.  So we’re going to have to do more to encourage private savings and shore up the promise of Social Security for future generations.  And remember, these are promises we make to one another.  We don’t do it to replace the free market, but we do it to reduce risk in our society by giving people the ability to take a chance and catch them if they fall.  One study shows that more than half of Americans will experience poverty at some point during their adult lives.  Think about that.  This is not an isolated situation.  More than half of Americans at some point in their lives will experience poverty.  
 
That’s why we have nutrition assistance or the program known as SNAP, because it makes a difference for a mother who’s working, but is just having a hard time putting food on the table for her kids.  That’s why we have unemployment insurance, because it makes a difference for a father who lost his job and is out there looking for a new one that he can keep a roof over his kids' heads.  By the way, Christmastime is no time for Congress to tell more than 1 million of these Americans that they have lost their unemployment insurance, which is what will happen if Congress does not act before they leave on their holiday vacation.  (Applause.) 
 
The point is these programs are not typically hammocks for people to just lie back and relax.  These programs are almost always temporary means for hardworking people to stay afloat while they try to find a new job or go into school to retrain themselves for the jobs that are out there, or sometimes just to cope with a bout of bad luck.  Progressives should be open to reforms that actually strengthen these programs and make them more responsive to a 21st century economy.  For example, we should be willing to look at fresh ideas to revamp unemployment and disability programs to encourage faster and higher rates of re-employment without cutting benefits.  We shouldn't weaken fundamental protections built over generations, because given the constant churn in today’s economy and the disabilities that many of our friends and neighbors live with, they're needed more than ever.  We should strengthen them and adapt them to new circumstances so they work even better. 
 
But understand that these programs of social insurance benefit all of us, because we don't know when we might have a run of bad luck.  (Applause.)  We don't know when we might lose a job.  Of course, for decades, there was one yawning gap in the safety net that did more than anything else to expose working families to the insecurities of today’s economy -- namely, our broken health care system.
 
That’s why we fought for the Affordable Care Act -- (applause) -- because 14,000 Americans lost their health insurance every single day, and even more died each year because they didn’t have health insurance at all.  We did it because millions of families who thought they had coverage were driven into bankruptcy by out-of-pocket costs that they didn't realize would be there.  Tens of millions of our fellow citizens couldn’t get any coverage at all.  And Dr. King once said, "Of all the forms of inequality, injustice in health care is the most shocking and inhumane.”  
 
Well, not anymore.  (Applause.)  Because in the three years since we passed this law, the share of Americans with insurance is up, the growth of health care costs are down to their slowest rate in 50 years.  More people have insurance, and more have new benefits and protections -- 100 million Americans who have gained the right for free preventive care like mammograms and contraception; the more than 7 million Americans who have saved an average of $1,200 on their prescription medicine; every American who won’t go broke when they get sick because their insurance can’t limit their care anymore. 
 
More people without insurance have gained insurance -- more than 3 million young Americans who have been able to stay on their parents’ plan, the more than half a million Americans and counting who are poised to get covered starting on January 1st, some for the very first time.
 
And it is these numbers -- not the ones in any poll -- that will ultimately determine the fate of this law.  (Applause.)  It's the measurable outcomes in reduced bankruptcies and reduced hours that have been lost because somebody couldn't make it to work, and healthier kids with better performance in schools, and young entrepreneurs who have the freedom to go out there and try a new idea -- those are the things that will ultimately reduce a major source of inequality and help ensure more Americans get the start that they need to succeed in the future.
 
I have acknowledged more than once that we didn’t roll out parts of this law as well as we should have.  But the law is already working in major ways that benefit millions of Americans right now, even as we’ve begun to slow the rise in health care costs, which is good for family budgets, good for federal and state budgets, and good for the budgets of businesses small and large.  So this law is going to work.  And for the sake of our economic security, it needs to work.  (Applause.)  
 
And as people in states as different as California and Kentucky sign up every single day for health insurance, signing up in droves, they’re proving they want that economic security.  If the Senate Republican leader still thinks he is going to be able to repeal this someday, he might want to check with the more than 60,000 people in his home state who are already set to finally have coverage that frees them from the fear of financial ruin, and lets them afford to take their kids to see a doctor.  (Applause.)  
 
So let me end by addressing the elephant in the room here, which is the seeming inability to get anything done in Washington these days.  I realize we are not going to resolve all of our political debates over the best ways to reduce inequality and increase upward mobility this year, or next year, or in the next five years.  But it is important that we have a serious debate about these issues.  For the longer that current trends are allowed to continue, the more it will feed the cynicism and fear that many Americans are feeling right now -- that they’ll never be able to repay the debt they took on to go to college, they’ll never be able to save enough to retire, they’ll never see their own children land a good job that supports a family.
 
And that’s why, even as I will keep on offering my own ideas for expanding opportunity, I’ll also keep challenging and welcoming those who oppose my ideas to offer their own.  If Republicans have concrete plans that will actually reduce inequality, build the middle class, provide more ladders of opportunity to the poor, let’s hear them.  I want to know what they are.  If you don’t think we should raise the minimum wage, let’s hear your idea to increase people’s earnings.  If you don’t think every child should have access to preschool, tell us what you’d do differently to give them a better shot.  
 
If you still don’t like Obamacare -- and I know you don’t -- (laughter) -- even though it’s built on market-based ideas of choice and competition in the private sector, then you should explain how, exactly, you’d cut costs, and cover more people, and make insurance more secure.  You owe it to the American people to tell us what you are for, not just what you’re against.  (Applause.)  That way we can have a vigorous and meaningful debate.  That’s what the American people deserve.  That’s what the times demand.  It’s not enough anymore to just say we should just get our government out of the way and let the unfettered market take care of it -- for our experience tells us that’s just not true.  (Applause.)
 
Look, I’ve never believed that government can solve every problem or should -- and neither do you.  We know that ultimately our strength is grounded in our people -- individuals out there, striving, working, making things happen.  It depends on community, a rich and generous sense of community -- that’s at the core of what happens at THEARC here every day.  You understand that turning back rising inequality and expanding opportunity requires parents taking responsibility for their kids, kids taking responsibility to work hard.  It requires religious leaders who mobilize their congregations to rebuild neighborhoods block by block, requires civic organizations that can help train the unemployed, link them with businesses for the jobs of the future.  It requires companies and CEOs to set an example by providing decent wages, and salaries, and benefits for their workers, and a shot for somebody who is down on his or her luck.  We know that’s our strength -- our people, our communities, our businesses. 
 
But government can’t stand on the sidelines in our efforts.  Because government is us.  It can and should reflect our deepest values and commitments.  And if we refocus our energies on building an economy that grows for everybody, and gives every child in this country a fair chance at success, then I remain confident that the future still looks brighter than the past, and that the best days for this country we love are still ahead.  (Applause.)
 
Thank you, everybody.  God bless you.  God bless America.  (Applause.)
 
END
12:20 P.M. EST
 

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Making Our Economy Work for Every Working American

President Barack Obama delivers remarks on economic mobility during an event hosted by the Center for American Progress

President Barack Obama delivers remarks on economic mobility during an event hosted by the Center for American Progress at Town Hall Education Arts Recreation Campus in Washington, D.C., Dec. 4, 2013. (Official White House Photo by Chuck Kennedy)

Today in Southeast Washington, DC, President Obama spoke about what he called the defining challenge of our time: reversing a decades-long slope toward growing inequality and a lack of upward mobility. It's a trend that has jeopardized middle-class America’s basic bargain, the idea that if you work hard, you have a chance to get ahead.

In the years after World War II, America built the largest middle class the world has ever known, President Obama said. 

[D]uring the post-World War II years, the economic ground felt stable and secure for most Americans, and the future looked brighter than the past.  And for some, that meant following in your old man’s footsteps at the local plant, and you knew that a blue-collar job would let you buy a home, and a car, maybe a vacation once in a while, health care, a reliable pension.  For others, it meant going to college -- in some cases, maybe the first in your family to go to college.  And it meant graduating without taking on loads of debt, and being able to count on advancement through a vibrant job market. 

“Everyone’s wages and incomes were growing,” President Obama said “And because of upward mobility, the guy on the factory floor could picture his kid running the company some day.”

But by the late 1970s, this social compact began to unravel as jobs began to disappear and our economic foundation weakened. Inequality started to grow, and it got harder for children of lower-income families to move upward. Today, a family in the top 1 percent has a net worth 288 times higher than the typical family. And a child born in the top 20 percent has about a 2-in-3 chance of staying at or near the top, while a child born into the bottom 20 percent has a less than a 1-in-20 shot at making it to the top. 

Related Topics: Economy, Urban Policy

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by the President on Economic Mobility

THEARC
Washington, D.C.
 
 
11:31 A.M. EST
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  (Applause.)  Thank you, everybody.  Thank you so much.  Please, please have a seat.  Thank you so much.  Well, thank you, Neera, for the wonderful introduction and sharing a story that resonated with me.  There were a lot of parallels in my life and probably resonated with some of you.  
 
Over the past 10 years, the Center for American Progress has done incredible work to shape the debate over expanding opportunity for all Americans.  And I could not be more grateful to CAP not only for giving me a lot of good policy ideas, but also giving me a lot of staff.  (Laughter.)  My friend, John Podesta, ran my transition; my Chief of Staff, Denis McDonough, did a stint at CAP.  So you guys are obviously doing a good job training folks.
 
I also want to thank all the members of Congress and my administration who are here today for the wonderful work that they do.  I want to thank Mayor Gray and everyone here at THEARC for having me.  This center, which I’ve been to quite a bit, have had a chance to see some of the great work that’s done here.  And all the nonprofits that call THEARC home offer access to everything from education, to health care, to a safe shelter from the streets, which means that you’re harnessing the power of community to expand opportunity for folks here in D.C.  And your work reflects a tradition that runs through our history -- a belief that we’re greater together than we are on our own.  And that’s what I’ve come here to talk about today.  
 
Over the last two months, Washington has been dominated by some pretty contentious debates -- I think that’s fair to say.  And between a reckless shutdown by congressional Republicans in an effort to repeal the Affordable Care Act, and admittedly poor execution on my administration’s part in implementing the latest stage of the new law, nobody has acquitted themselves very well these past few months.  So it’s not surprising that the American people’s frustrations with Washington are at an all-time high.  
 
But we know that people’s frustrations run deeper than these most recent political battles.  Their frustration is rooted in their own daily battles -- to make ends meet, to pay for college, buy a home, save for retirement.  It’s rooted in the nagging sense that no matter how hard they work, the deck is stacked against them.  And it’s rooted in the fear that their kids won’t be better off than they were.  They may not follow the constant back-and-forth in Washington or all the policy details, but they experience in a very personal way the relentless, decades-long trend that I want to spend some time talking about today.  And that is a dangerous and growing inequality and lack of upward mobility that has jeopardized middle-class America’s basic bargain -- that if you work hard, you have a chance to get ahead.
 
I believe this is the defining challenge of our time:  Making sure our economy works for every working American.  It’s why I ran for President.  It was at the center of last year’s campaign.  It drives everything I do in this office.  And I know I’ve raised this issue before, and some will ask why I raise the issue again right now.  I do it because the outcomes of the debates we’re having right now -- whether it’s health care, or the budget, or reforming our housing and financial systems -- all these things will have real, practical implications for every American.  And I am convinced that the decisions we make on these issues over the next few years will determine whether or not our children will grow up in an America where opportunity is real.
 
Now, the premise that we’re all created equal is the opening line in the American story.  And while we don’t promise equal outcomes, we have strived to deliver equal opportunity -- the idea that success doesn’t depend on being born into wealth or privilege, it depends on effort and merit.  And with every chapter we’ve added to that story, we’ve worked hard to put those words into practice.   
 
It was Abraham Lincoln, a self-described “poor man’s son,” who started a system of land grant colleges all over this country so that any poor man’s son could go learn something new.  
 
When farms gave way to factories, a rich man’s son named Teddy Roosevelt fought for an eight-hour workday, protections for workers, and busted monopolies that kept prices high and wages low.  
 
When millions lived in poverty, FDR fought for Social Security, and insurance for the unemployed, and a minimum wage.  
 
When millions died without health insurance, LBJ fought for Medicare and Medicaid.  
 
Together, we forged a New Deal, declared a War on Poverty in a great society.  We built a ladder of opportunity to climb, and stretched out a safety net beneath so that if we fell, it wouldn’t be too far, and we could bounce back.  And as a result, America built the largest middle class the world has ever known.  And for the three decades after World War II, it was the engine of our prosperity.  
 
Now, we can’t look at the past through rose-colored glasses.  The economy didn’t always work for everyone.  Racial discrimination locked millions out of poverty -- or out of opportunity.  Women were too often confined to a handful of often poorly paid professions.  And it was only through painstaking struggle that more women, and minorities, and Americans with disabilities began to win the right to more fairly and fully participate in the economy.  
 
Nevertheless, during the post-World War II years, the economic ground felt stable and secure for most Americans, and the future looked brighter than the past.  And for some, that meant following in your old man’s footsteps at the local plant, and you knew that a blue-collar job would let you buy a home, and a car, maybe a vacation once in a while, health care, a reliable pension.  For others, it meant going to college -- in some cases, maybe the first in your family to go to college.  And it meant graduating without taking on loads of debt, and being able to count on advancement through a vibrant job market.  
 
Now, it’s true that those at the top, even in those years, claimed a much larger share of income than the rest:  The top 10 percent consistently took home about one-third of our national income.  But that kind of inequality took place in a dynamic market economy where everyone’s wages and incomes were growing.  And because of upward mobility, the guy on the factory floor could picture his kid running the company some day.
 
But starting in the late ‘70s, this social compact began to unravel.  Technology made it easier for companies to do more with less, eliminating certain job occupations.  A more competitive world lets companies ship jobs anywhere.  And as good manufacturing jobs automated or headed offshore, workers lost their leverage, jobs paid less and offered fewer benefits.  
 
As values of community broke down, and competitive pressure increased, businesses lobbied Washington to weaken unions and the value of the minimum wage.  As a trickle-down ideology became more prominent, taxes were slashed for the wealthiest, while investments in things that make us all richer, like schools and infrastructure, were allowed to wither.  And for a certain period of time, we could ignore this weakening economic foundation, in part because more families were relying on two earners as women entered the workforce.  We took on more debt financed by a juiced-up housing market.  But when the music stopped, and the crisis hit, millions of families were stripped of whatever cushion they had left. 
 
And the result is an economy that’s become profoundly unequal, and families that are more insecure.  I’ll just give you a few statistics.  Since 1979, when I graduated from high school, our productivity is up by more than 90 percent, but the income of the typical family has increased by less than eight percent.  Since 1979, our economy has more than doubled in size, but most of that growth has flowed to a fortunate few.  
 
The top 10 percent no longer takes in one-third of our income -- it now takes half.  Whereas in the past, the average CEO made about 20 to 30 times the income of the average worker, today’s CEO now makes 273 times more.  And meanwhile, a family in the top 1 percent has a net worth 288 times higher than the typical family, which is a record for this country.
 
So the basic bargain at the heart of our economy has frayed.  In fact, this trend towards growing inequality is not unique to America’s market economy.  Across the developed world, inequality has increased.  Some of you may have seen just last week, the Pope himself spoke about this at eloquent length.  “How can it be,” he wrote, “that it is not a news item when an elderly homeless person dies of exposure, but it is news when the stock market loses two points?”
 
But this increasing inequality is most pronounced in our country, and it challenges the very essence of who we are as a people.  Understand we’ve never begrudged success in America.  We aspire to it.  We admire folks who start new businesses, create jobs, and invent the products that enrich our lives.  And we expect them to be rewarded handsomely for it.  In fact, we've often accepted more income inequality than many other nations for one big reason -- because we were convinced that America is a place where even if you’re born with nothing, with a little hard work you can improve your own situation over time and build something better to leave your kids.  As Lincoln once said, “While we do not propose any war upon capital, we do wish to allow the humblest man an equal chance to get rich with everybody else.”
 
The problem is that alongside increased inequality, we’ve seen diminished levels of upward mobility in recent years.  A child born in the top 20 percent has about a 2-in-3 chance of staying at or near the top.  A child born into the bottom 20 percent has a less than 1-in-20 shot at making it to the top.  He’s 10 times likelier to stay where he is.  In fact, statistics show not only that our levels of income inequality rank near countries like Jamaica and Argentina, but that it is harder today for a child born here in America to improve her station in life than it is for children in most of our wealthy allies -- countries like Canada or Germany or France.  They have greater mobility than we do, not less.  
 
The idea that so many children are born into poverty in the wealthiest nation on Earth is heartbreaking enough.  But the idea that a child may never be able to escape that poverty because she lacks a decent education or health care, or a community that views her future as their own, that should offend all of us and it should compel us to action.  We are a better country than this.  
 
So let me repeat:  The combined trends of increased inequality and decreasing mobility pose a fundamental threat to the American Dream, our way of life, and what we stand for around the globe.  And it is not simply a moral claim that I’m making here.  There are practical consequences to rising inequality and reduced mobility.  
 
For one thing, these trends are bad for our economy.  One study finds that growth is more fragile and recessions are more frequent in countries with greater inequality.  And that makes sense.  When families have less to spend, that means businesses have fewer customers, and households rack up greater mortgage and credit card debt; meanwhile, concentrated wealth at the top is less likely to result in the kind of broadly based consumer spending that drives our economy, and together with lax regulation, may contribute to risky speculative bubbles.
 
And rising inequality and declining mobility are also bad for our families and social cohesion -- not just because we tend to trust our institutions less, but studies show we actually tend to trust each other less when there’s greater inequality.  And greater inequality is associated with less mobility between generations.  That means it’s not just temporary; the effects last.  It creates a vicious cycle.  For example, by the time she turns three years old, a child born into a low-income home hears 30 million fewer words than a child from a well-off family, which means by the time she starts school she’s already behind, and that deficit can compound itself over time.
 
And finally, rising inequality and declining mobility are bad for our democracy.  Ordinary folks can’t write massive campaign checks or hire high-priced lobbyists and lawyers to secure policies that tilt the playing field in their favor at everyone else’s expense.  And so people get the bad taste that the system is rigged, and that increases cynicism and polarization, and it decreases the political participation that is a requisite part of our system of self-government.
 
So this is an issue that we have to tackle head on.  And if, in fact, the majority of Americans agree that our number-one priority is to restore opportunity and broad-based growth for all Americans, the question is why has Washington consistently failed to act?  And I think a big reason is the myths that have developed around the issue of inequality.
 
First, there is the myth that this is a problem restricted to a small share of predominantly minority poor -- that this isn’t a broad-based problem, this is a black problem or a Hispanic problem or a Native American problem.  Now, it’s true that the painful legacy of discrimination means that African Americans, Latinos, Native Americans are far more likely to suffer from a lack of opportunity -- higher unemployment, higher poverty rates.  It’s also true that women still make 77 cents on the dollar compared to men.  So we’re going to need strong application of antidiscrimination laws.  We’re going to need immigration reform that grows the economy and takes people out of the shadows.  We’re going to need targeted initiatives to close those gaps.  (Applause.)  
 
But here’s an important point.  The decades-long shifts in the economy have hurt all groups:  poor and middle class; inner city and rural folks; men and women; and Americans of all races.  And as a consequence, some of the social patterns that contribute to declining mobility that were once attributed to the urban poor -- that’s a particular problem for the inner city: single-parent households or drug abuse -- it turns out now we’re seeing that pop up everywhere.  
 
A new study shows that disparities in education, mental health, obesity, absent fathers, isolation from church, isolation from community groups -- these gaps are now as much about growing up rich or poor as they are about anything else.  The gap in test scores between poor kids and wealthy kids is now nearly twice what it is between white kids and black kids.  Kids with working-class parents are 10 times likelier than kids with middle- or upper-class parents to go through a time when their parents have no income.  So the fact is this:  The opportunity gap in America is now as much about class as it is about race, and that gap is growing.
 
So if we’re going to take on growing inequality and try to improve upward mobility for all people, we’ve got to move beyond the false notion that this is an issue exclusively of minority concern.  And we have to reject a politics that suggests any effort to address it in a meaningful way somehow pits the interests of a deserving middle class against those of an undeserving poor in search of handouts.  (Applause.)
 
Second, we need to dispel the myth that the goals of growing the economy and reducing inequality are necessarily in conflict, when they should actually work in concert.  We know from our history that our economy grows best from the middle out, when growth is more widely shared.  And we know that beyond a certain level of inequality, growth actually slows altogether.
 
Third, we need to set aside the belief that government cannot do anything about reducing inequality.  It’s true that government cannot prevent all the downsides of the technological change and global competition that are out there right now, and some of those forces are also some of the things that are helping us grow.  And it’s also true that some programs in the past, like welfare before it was reformed, were sometimes poorly designed, created disincentives to work.
 
But we’ve also seen how government action time and again can make an enormous difference in increasing opportunity and bolstering ladders into the middle class.  Investments in education, laws establishing collective bargaining, and a minimum wage -- these all contributed to rising standards of living for massive numbers of Americans.  (Applause.)  Likewise, when previous generations declared that every citizen of this country deserved a basic measure of security -- a floor through which they could not fall -- we helped millions of Americans live in dignity, and gave millions more the confidence to aspire to something better, by taking a risk on a great idea.  
 
Without Social Security, nearly half of seniors would be living in poverty -- half.  Today, fewer than 1 in 10 do.  Before Medicare, only half of all seniors had some form of health insurance.  Today, virtually all do.  And because we’ve strengthened that safety net, and expanded pro-work and pro-family tax credits like the Earned Income Tax Credit, a recent study found that the poverty rate has fallen by 40 percent since the 1960s.  And these endeavors didn’t just make us a better country; they reaffirmed that we are a great country.  
 
So we can make a difference on this.  In fact, that’s our generation’s task -- to rebuild America’s economic and civic foundation to continue the expansion of opportunity for this generation and the next generation.  (Applause.)  And like Neera, I take this personally.  I’m only here because this country educated my grandfather on the GI Bill.  When my father left and my mom hit hard times trying to raise my sister and me while she was going to school, this country helped make sure we didn’t go hungry.  When Michelle, the daughter of a shift worker at a water plant and a secretary, wanted to go to college, just like me, this country helped us afford it until we could pay it back.
 
So what drives me as a grandson, a son, a father -- as an American -- is to make sure that every striving, hardworking, optimistic kid in America has the same incredible chance that this country gave me.  (Applause.)  It has been the driving force between everything we’ve done these past five years.  And over the course of the next year, and for the rest of my presidency, that’s where you should expect my administration to focus all our efforts.  (Applause.) 
 
Now, you'll be pleased to know this is not a State of the Union Address.  (Laughter.)  And many of the ideas that can make the biggest difference in expanding opportunity I’ve presented before.  But let me offer a few key principles, just a roadmap that I believe should guide us in both our legislative agenda and our administrative efforts.
 
To begin with, we have to continue to relentlessly push a growth agenda.  It may be true that in today’s economy, growth alone does not guarantee higher wages and incomes.  We've seen that.  But what's also true is we can’t tackle inequality if the economic pie is shrinking or stagnant.  The fact is if you’re a progressive and you want to help the middle class and the working poor, you’ve still got to be concerned about competitiveness and productivity and business confidence that spurs private sector investment.  
 
And that’s why from day one we’ve worked to get the economy growing and help our businesses hire.  And thanks to their resilience and innovation, they’ve created nearly 8 million new jobs over the past 44 months.  And now we’ve got to grow the economy even faster.  And we've got to keep working to make America a magnet for good, middle-class jobs to replace the ones that we’ve lost in recent decades -- jobs in manufacturing and energy and infrastructure and technology.
  
And that means simplifying our corporate tax code in a way that closes wasteful loopholes and ends incentives to ship jobs overseas.  (Applause.)  And by broadening the base, we can actually lower rates to encourage more companies to hire here and use some of the money we save to create good jobs rebuilding our roads and our bridges and our airports, and all the infrastructure our businesses need.  
 
It means a trade agenda that grows exports and works for the middle class.  It means streamlining regulations that are outdated or unnecessary or too costly.  And it means coming together around a responsible budget -- one that grows our economy faster right now and shrinks our long-term deficits, one that unwinds the harmful sequester cuts that haven't made a lot of sense -- (applause) -- and then frees up resources to invest in things like the scientific research that's always unleashed new innovation and new industries.  
 
When it comes to our budget, we should not be stuck in a stale debate from two years ago or three years ago.  A relentlessly growing deficit of opportunity is a bigger threat to our future than our rapidly shrinking fiscal deficit.  (Applause.)   
 
So that’s step one towards restoring mobility:  making sure our economy is growing faster.  Step two is making sure we empower more Americans with the skills and education they need to compete in a highly competitive global economy.  
 
We know that education is the most important predictor of income today, so we launched a Race to the Top in our schools.  We’re supporting states that have raised standards for teaching and learning.  We’re pushing for redesigned high schools that graduate more kids with the technical training and apprenticeships, and in-demand, high-tech skills that can lead directly to a good job and a middle-class life.
 
We know it’s harder to find a job today without some higher education, so we’ve helped more students go to college with grants and loans that go farther than before.  We’ve made it more practical to repay those loans.  And today, more students are graduating from college than ever before.  We’re also pursuing an aggressive strategy to promote innovation that reins in tuition costs.  We’ve got lower costs so that young people are not burdened by enormous debt when they make the right decision to get higher education.  And next week, Michelle and I will bring together college presidents and non-profits to lead a campaign to help more low-income students attend and succeed in college.  (Applause.) 
 
But while higher education may be the surest path to the middle class, it’s not the only one.  So we should offer our people the best technical education in the world.  That’s why we’ve worked to connect local businesses with community colleges, so that workers young and old can earn the new skills that earn them more money. 
 
And I’ve also embraced an idea that I know all of you at the Center for American Progress have championed -- and, by the way, Republican governors in a couple of states have championed -- and that’s making high-quality preschool available to every child in America.  (Applause.)  We know that kids in these programs grow up likelier to get more education, earn higher wages, form more stable families of their own.  It starts a virtuous cycle, not a vicious one.  And we should invest in that.  We should give all of our children that chance.
 
And as we empower our young people for future success, the third part of this middle-class economics is empowering our workers.  It’s time to ensure our collective bargaining laws function as they’re supposed to -- (applause) -- so unions have a level playing field to organize for a better deal for workers and better wages for the middle class.  It’s time to pass the Paycheck Fairness Act so that women will have more tools to fight pay discrimination.  (Applause.)  It’s time to pass the Employment Non-Discrimination Act so workers can’t be fired for who they are or who they love.  (Applause.)  
 
And even though we’re bringing manufacturing jobs back to America, we’re creating more good-paying jobs in education and health care and business services; we know that we’re going to have a greater and greater portion of our people in the service sector.  And we know that there are airport workers, and fast-food workers, and nurse assistants, and retail salespeople who work their tails off and are still living at or barely above poverty.  (Applause.)  And that’s why it’s well past the time to raise a minimum wage that in real terms right now is below where it was when Harry Truman was in office.  (Applause.)
 
This shouldn’t be an ideological question.  It was Adam Smith, the father of free-market economics, who once said, “They who feed, clothe, and lodge the whole body of the people should have such a share of the produce of their own labor as to be themselves tolerably well fed, clothed, and lodged.”  And for those of you who don’t speak old-English -- (laughter) -- let me translate.  It means if you work hard, you should make a decent living.  (Applause.)  If you work hard, you should be able to support a family.  
 
Now, we all know the arguments that have been used against a higher minimum wage.  Some say it actually hurts low-wage workers -- businesses will be less likely to hire them.  But there’s no solid evidence that a higher minimum wage costs jobs, and research shows it raises incomes for low-wage workers and boosts short-term economic growth.  (Applause.)  
 
Others argue that if we raise the minimum wage, companies will just pass those costs on to consumers.  But a growing chorus of businesses, small and large, argue differently.  And  already, there are extraordinary companies in America that provide decent wages, salaries, and benefits, and training for their workers, and deliver a great product to consumers.  
 
SAS in North Carolina offers childcare and sick leave.  REI, a company my Secretary of the Interior used to run, offers retirement plans and strives to cultivate a good work balance.  There are companies out there that do right by their workers.  They recognize that paying a decent wage actually helps their bottom line, reduces turnover.  It means workers have more money to spend, to save, maybe eventually start a business of their own.  
 
A broad majority of Americans agree we should raise the minimum wage.  That’s why, last month, voters in New Jersey decided to become the 20th state to raise theirs even higher.  That’s why, yesterday, the D.C. Council voted to do it, too.  I agree with those voters.  (Applause.)  I agree with those voters, and I’m going to keep pushing until we get a higher minimum wage for hard-working Americans across the entire country.  It will be good for our economy.  It will be good for our families.  (Applause.)  
 
Number four, as I alluded to earlier, we still need targeted programs for the communities and workers that have been hit hardest by economic change and the Great Recession.  These communities are no longer limited to the inner city.  They’re found in neighborhoods hammered by the housing crisis, manufacturing towns hit hard by years of plants packing up, landlocked rural areas where young folks oftentimes feel like they've got to leave just to find a job.  There are communities that just aren’t generating enough jobs anymore.  
 
So we’ve put forward new plans to help these communities and their residents, because we’ve watched cities like Pittsburgh or my hometown of Chicago revamp themselves.  And if we give more cities the tools to do it -- not handouts, but a hand up -- cities like Detroit can do it, too.  So in a few weeks, we’ll announce the first of these Promise Zones, urban and rural communities where we’re going to support local efforts focused on a national goal -- and that is a child’s course in life should not be determined by the zip code he’s born in, but by the strength of his work ethic and the scope of his dreams.  (Applause.) 
 
And we're also going to have to do more for the long-term unemployed.  For people who have been out of work for more than six months, often through no fault of their own, life is a catch-22.  Companies won’t give their résumé an honest look because they’ve been laid off so long -- but they’ve been laid off so long because companies won’t give their résumé an honest look.  (Laughter.)  And that’s why earlier this year, I challenged CEOs from some of America’s best companies to give these Americans a fair shot.  And next month, many of them will join us at the White House for an announcement about this.
 
Fifth, we've got to revamp retirement to protect Americans in their golden years, to make sure another housing collapse doesn’t steal the savings in their homes.  We've also got to strengthen our safety net for a new age, so it doesn’t just protect people who hit a run of bad luck from falling into poverty, but also propels them back out of poverty.
 
Today, nearly half of full-time workers and 80 percent of part-time workers don’t have a pension or retirement account at their job.  About half of all households don’t have any retirement savings.  So we’re going to have to do more to encourage private savings and shore up the promise of Social Security for future generations.  And remember, these are promises we make to one another.  We don’t do it to replace the free market, but we do it to reduce risk in our society by giving people the ability to take a chance and catch them if they fall.  One study shows that more than half of Americans will experience poverty at some point during their adult lives.  Think about that.  This is not an isolated situation.  More than half of Americans at some point in their lives will experience poverty.  
 
That’s why we have nutrition assistance or the program known as SNAP, because it makes a difference for a mother who’s working, but is just having a hard time putting food on the table for her kids.  That’s why we have unemployment insurance, because it makes a difference for a father who lost his job and is out there looking for a new one that he can keep a roof over his kids' heads.  By the way, Christmastime is no time for Congress to tell more than 1 million of these Americans that they have lost their unemployment insurance, which is what will happen if Congress does not act before they leave on their holiday vacation.  (Applause.) 
 
The point is these programs are not typically hammocks for people to just lie back and relax.  These programs are almost always temporary means for hardworking people to stay afloat while they try to find a new job or go into school to retrain themselves for the jobs that are out there, or sometimes just to cope with a bout of bad luck.  Progressives should be open to reforms that actually strengthen these programs and make them more responsive to a 21st century economy.  For example, we should be willing to look at fresh ideas to revamp unemployment and disability programs to encourage faster and higher rates of re-employment without cutting benefits.  We shouldn't weaken fundamental protections built over generations, because given the constant churn in today’s economy and the disabilities that many of our friends and neighbors live with, they're needed more than ever.  We should strengthen them and adapt them to new circumstances so they work even better. 
 
But understand that these programs of social insurance benefit all of us, because we don't know when we might have a run of bad luck.  (Applause.)  We don't know when we might lose a job.  Of course, for decades, there was one yawning gap in the safety net that did more than anything else to expose working families to the insecurities of today’s economy -- namely, our broken health care system.
 
That’s why we fought for the Affordable Care Act -- (applause) -- because 14,000 Americans lost their health insurance every single day, and even more died each year because they didn’t have health insurance at all.  We did it because millions of families who thought they had coverage were driven into bankruptcy by out-of-pocket costs that they didn't realize would be there.  Tens of millions of our fellow citizens couldn’t get any coverage at all.  And Dr. King once said, "Of all the forms of inequality, injustice in health care is the most shocking and inhumane.”  
 
Well, not anymore.  (Applause.)  Because in the three years since we passed this law, the share of Americans with insurance is up, the growth of health care costs are down to their slowest rate in 50 years.  More people have insurance, and more have new benefits and protections -- 100 million Americans who have gained the right for free preventive care like mammograms and contraception; the more than 7 million Americans who have saved an average of $1,200 on their prescription medicine; every American who won’t go broke when they get sick because their insurance can’t limit their care anymore. 
 
More people without insurance have gained insurance -- more than 3 million young Americans who have been able to stay on their parents’ plan, the more than half a million Americans and counting who are poised to get covered starting on January 1st, some for the very first time.
 
And it is these numbers -- not the ones in any poll -- that will ultimately determine the fate of this law.  (Applause.)  It's the measurable outcomes in reduced bankruptcies and reduced hours that have been lost because somebody couldn't make it to work, and healthier kids with better performance in schools, and young entrepreneurs who have the freedom to go out there and try a new idea -- those are the things that will ultimately reduce a major source of inequality and help ensure more Americans get the start that they need to succeed in the future.
 
I have acknowledged more than once that we didn’t roll out parts of this law as well as we should have.  But the law is already working in major ways that benefit millions of Americans right now, even as we’ve begun to slow the rise in health care costs, which is good for family budgets, good for federal and state budgets, and good for the budgets of businesses small and large.  So this law is going to work.  And for the sake of our economic security, it needs to work.  (Applause.)  
 
And as people in states as different as California and Kentucky sign up every single day for health insurance, signing up in droves, they’re proving they want that economic security.  If the Senate Republican leader still thinks he is going to be able to repeal this someday, he might want to check with the more than 60,000 people in his home state who are already set to finally have coverage that frees them from the fear of financial ruin, and lets them afford to take their kids to see a doctor.  (Applause.)  
 
So let me end by addressing the elephant in the room here, which is the seeming inability to get anything done in Washington these days.  I realize we are not going to resolve all of our political debates over the best ways to reduce inequality and increase upward mobility this year, or next year, or in the next five years.  But it is important that we have a serious debate about these issues.  For the longer that current trends are allowed to continue, the more it will feed the cynicism and fear that many Americans are feeling right now -- that they’ll never be able to repay the debt they took on to go to college, they’ll never be able to save enough to retire, they’ll never see their own children land a good job that supports a family.
 
And that’s why, even as I will keep on offering my own ideas for expanding opportunity, I’ll also keep challenging and welcoming those who oppose my ideas to offer their own.  If Republicans have concrete plans that will actually reduce inequality, build the middle class, provide more ladders of opportunity to the poor, let’s hear them.  I want to know what they are.  If you don’t think we should raise the minimum wage, let’s hear your idea to increase people’s earnings.  If you don’t think every child should have access to preschool, tell us what you’d do differently to give them a better shot.  
 
If you still don’t like Obamacare -- and I know you don’t -- (laughter) -- even though it’s built on market-based ideas of choice and competition in the private sector, then you should explain how, exactly, you’d cut costs, and cover more people, and make insurance more secure.  You owe it to the American people to tell us what you are for, not just what you’re against.  (Applause.)  That way we can have a vigorous and meaningful debate.  That’s what the American people deserve.  That’s what the times demand.  It’s not enough anymore to just say we should just get our government out of the way and let the unfettered market take care of it -- for our experience tells us that’s just not true.  (Applause.)
 
Look, I’ve never believed that government can solve every problem or should -- and neither do you.  We know that ultimately our strength is grounded in our people -- individuals out there, striving, working, making things happen.  It depends on community, a rich and generous sense of community -- that’s at the core of what happens at THEARC here every day.  You understand that turning back rising inequality and expanding opportunity requires parents taking responsibility for their kids, kids taking responsibility to work hard.  It requires religious leaders who mobilize their congregations to rebuild neighborhoods block by block, requires civic organizations that can help train the unemployed, link them with businesses for the jobs of the future.  It requires companies and CEOs to set an example by providing decent wages, and salaries, and benefits for their workers, and a shot for somebody who is down on his or her luck.  We know that’s our strength -- our people, our communities, our businesses. 
 
But government can’t stand on the sidelines in our efforts.  Because government is us.  It can and should reflect our deepest values and commitments.  And if we refocus our energies on building an economy that grows for everybody, and gives every child in this country a fair chance at success, then I remain confident that the future still looks brighter than the past, and that the best days for this country we love are still ahead.  (Applause.)
 
Thank you, everybody.  God bless you.  God bless America.  (Applause.)
 
END
12:20 P.M. EST