Remarks by the President at a Naturalization Ceremony for Active Duty Service Members and Civilians

East Room

11:36 A.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you so much.  (Applause.)  Well, good morning, everybody.  Secretary Napolitano, thank you for administering the oath and making it official.  Director Mayorkas, distinguished guests, family and friends, it is a great pleasure to have you here at the White House.  And it is an honor to be among the first to greet some of my fellow citizens of the United States. 

Today, here in the people’s house -- a house designed by an Irish immigrant -- we welcome 28 men and women, immigrants themselves, who from this day forward have earned the precious right to call this country home.

And I know this is an incredibly special moment for you and your families, but I have to say, it’s a special moment for the rest of us as well.  Because as we look out across this room, we’re reminded that what makes somebody American isn’t just their bloodlines, it’s not just an accident of birth.  It’s a fidelity to our founding principles, a faith in the idea that anyone, anywhere, can write the next great chapter in this American story. 

That’s the promise of America.  And today we know it’s alive and well in each and every one of you. 

At first glance, of course, it would be easy to define this group by their differences.  They all hail from different corners of the world -- from Nigeria to Nicaragua, from the Philippines to Peru.  They arrived here in different ways.  Some of you came here as children, carried by parents who wished for them a life that they had never had.  Others came as adults, leaving behind everything you knew to seek a new life.  But what binds you together -- what binds us all together -- is something more meaningful than anything of that.  A love for this country and all that it represents -- that’s what unites each and every one of you. 

For Nikita Kirichenko -- there’s Nikita right here -- that love runs so deep it led him to enlist in our military.  Nikita came here at the age of 11 from Ukraine.  His mother saw America as the one place on Earth where her son could do anything he wanted.  And a few years ago, Nikita decided that he wanted to join the Air Force so that, in his words, “I could give back to a country that took me in and gave me a better life.”  Thank you, Nikita.  Today, we proudly salute him not just as a member of our military but also as a citizen of our country.

Today, we salute Elrina Brits.  Where did Elrina go?  There she is.  Elrina was born in South Africa, came here as a child, grew up in Washington State.  When Elrina decided to join the Navy, somebody told her that she wouldn’t be able to cut it.  But even though she wasn’t yet American on paper, she had that American quality of being defiant when somebody says you can’t do something.  (Laughter.)  So she proved them wrong.  She deployed twice to the Middle East, once to Haiti, showcasing another quintessentially American impulse, and that’s helping others in need.  And as a new citizen, Elrina hopes to serve her country in a new way -– as a police officer.  So, congratulations, Elrina.   

Elrina, Nikita, every member of the military with us have shown incredible patriotism; a willingness to risk their lives in defense of a nation that was not yet their own.  And that’s a remarkable act.  And it made each of them one of us.  It made each of them in some ways American even before it was official.  Because that kind of service and sacrifice has defined our nation for more than two centuries. 

In America, we look out for one another.  We see citizenship not just as a collection of rights but also as a set of responsibilities.  That’s who we are.  And that’s what brought so many to our shores, including Kingsley Elebo.  Kingsley came here at the age of 35 from Nigeria, pursued his master’s in information technology.  He’s now pursuing his doctorate.  He wants to become a professor so he can help America lead the world in high-tech industries of tomorrow.  And what Kingsley said is, “What makes this country great is that if you’re a citizen you’re part of something bigger than yourself.”  And he’s right.  And we’re glad that, as of today, Kingsley is part of it, too.  

We’re also glad to welcome Pertula George-Redd.  Pertula arrived in America from St. Lucia at the age of 23, leaving behind her parents and seven siblings.  She came here to study international development.  She stayed, for over a decade now, to work at non-profits that teach our kids about sustainable foods and how to live a healthier life by eating well -- which I know Michelle is very happy about.  Today, she also has the gratitude of her new nation.  So, thank you so much.

We are so proud of everybody here.  In each of you, we see the true spirit of America.  And we see a bit of ourselves, too, because most of our stories trace back to moments just like this one.  To an ancestor who -– just like the men and women here today –- raised their right hand and recited that sacred oath. 

And the point is that unless you are one of the first Americans, unless you are a Native American, you came from someplace else.  That’s why we’ve always defined ourselves as a nation of immigrants.  And we’ve always been better off for it.  The promise we see in those who come from all over the world is one of our greatest strengths.  It’s kept our workforce young.  It keeps our businesses on the cutting edge.  It’s helped to build the greatest economic engine that the world has ever known.  And you think about the drive and the determination that it took for each of these 28 men and women to reach this moment.  Imagine how far they’ll go from here, the kind of difference that they’ll be making on behalf of this country. 

Immigration makes us a stronger.  It keeps us vibrant.  It keeps us hungry.  It keeps us prosperous.  It is part of what makes this such a dynamic country.  And if we want to keep attracting the best and the brightest that the world has to offer, then we need to do a better job of welcoming them.  We’ve known for years that our immigration system is broken, that we’re not doing enough to harness the talent and ingenuity of all those who want to work hard and find a place here in America.  And after avoiding the problem for years, the time has come to fix it once and for all.  The time has come for a comprehensive, sensible immigration reform.

Now, a couple months ago in Nevada -- and then last month again in my State of the Union Address -- I talked about how Republicans and Democrats were ready to tackle this problem together.  And the good news is that since then, we’ve seen some real action in Congress.  There are bipartisan groups in both the House and the Senate working to tackle this challenge, and I applaud them for that.  We are making progress, but we've got to finish the job, because this issue is not new. 

Everyone pretty much knows what’s broken.  Everybody knows how to fix it.  We've all proposed solutions and we've got a lot of white papers and studies.  And we've just got, at this point, to work up the political courage to do what's required to be done.  So I expect a bill to be put forward.  I expect the debate to begin next month.  I want to sign that bill into law as soon as possible.

We know that real reform means continuing to strengthen our border security and holding employers accountable.  We know that real reform means providing a responsible pathway to earned citizenship for the 11 million undocumented immigrants who are currently living in the shadows -- a pathway that includes passing a background check and paying taxes and a penalty, and learning English and then, going to the back of the line behind everyone else who is trying to come here legally. 

We know that real reform requires modernizing the legal immigration system so that our citizens don’t have to wait years before their loved ones are able to join them in America, and so that we’re attracting the highly skilled entrepreneurs and engineers that are going to help create good paying jobs and grow our economy.

So let’s get this done, and let’s do it in a way that keeps faith with our history and our values.  And no other country on Earth welcomes as many new arrivals as us.  And as long as the promise of America endures, as long as we continue to stand tall as a beacon of hope and opportunity, then the world’s hardest workers, the hungriest entrepreneurs, the men and women who are willing to make enormous sacrifices to get a better life -- not just for themselves but for their children and their grandchildren, they're going to keep on coming. 

And like the millions who came before -- and like the 28 Americans who are here today -- they will bring with them new hopes and new dreams, new ideas and new optimism about our future.  That will make us stronger.  That's how we’ll make sure that our best days are ahead of us and not behind us. 

So I want to thank each and every one of you for allowing me the opportunity to share in this incredible moment.  One of the best things I get to do as President of the United States is to address all of you as fellow citizens.  God bless you and God bless the United States of America.

And we now have one last piece of business to conclude the ceremony.  I’d like to ask one of our newest citizen, Julian de la Valle, from Colombia, to lead us in the Pledge of Allegiance. 

Julian.

(The Pledge of Allegiance is recited.)

THE PRESIDENT:  Congratulations.  Congratulations to all of you.  Thank you.  (Applause.)

And now, enjoy the White House, all right?  (Laughter.)  Thank you very much, everybody.

END
11:47 A.M. EDT

Remarks by President Obama and His Majesty King Abdullah II of Jordan in Joint Press Conference

Al Hummar Offices
Amman, Jordan

8:23 P.M. EEST

HIS MAJESTY KING ABDULLAH:  First of all, Mr. President, if you allow me, on behalf of myself and all Jordanians, to welcome you and your distinguished delegation back here in Jordan.  I fondly remember your visit here several years ago when you were a senator, and it is a great delight to welcome you back to Jordan as the President of the United States, enjoying your second term.

We are delighted in the in-depth discussions that were very, very fruitful on our strategic and historic partnership, and you have been an old friend, as has the United States, for so many decades.  We are very grateful to you, sir, and the administration, as well as Congress and the American people, for the continued support that has been shown to Jordan over so many years.  And the U.S. assistance that has helped us throughout so many years has allowed us to get Jordan to where we are today, and hopefully will continue to help us advance our shared goals of development, security and regional peace.

We did have the opportunity to discuss Syria.  And obviously we are all horrified by the loss of life and the brutality of the conflict.  We are extremely concerned of the risk of prolonged sectarian conflict that, if it continues as we're seeing, leads to the fragmentation of Syria, which obviously will have disastrous consequences on the region for generations to come.  Therefore it is important to have an immediate need for an inclusive political transition that ends the conflict and the threats that emanate from it.

What we are facing now, today, obviously is an urgent need for the international community to help in humanitarian assistance to catch up to the challenges that we are facing as the countries bordering Syria.  And not only do we need to look at the ability to stockpile humanitarian supplies to the Syrian people inside their country, but also to be able to assist those that have fled.

Jordan today is hosting, by far, the largest number of Syrian refugees.  The numbers have just exceeded 460,000 Syrians. That is 10 percent of our population.  And the alarming figures, if the rates continue as we’re seeing today, will probably double by the end of the year.  So for the Americans in the audience, that’s the equivalent of 30 million refugees crossing into the United States -- the possibility of that going up to 60 million by the end of the year -- relative, obviously, to our populations.

The refugee camp in the north -- Zaatari refugee camp -- today is the fifth largest city in Jordan.  And obviously this has added economic and financial costs due to the influx, and has further strained the economy that is already under considerable external pressures with an unstable region, a sluggish global economy that is still recovering.

But having said that, as I already alluded to, we are so grateful to the U.S. assistance in shouldering this enormous responsibility, and together we continue to appeal to the international community for more help to face this humanitarian calamity.

We had the opportunity obviously to talk about the peace process.  And we’re very delighted by the vision and the depth of wisdom that the President showed over the past several days in his trip with the Israelis and the Palestinians.  Obviously, I reiterate Jordan’s commitment to the peace process and the crucial importance of U.S. leadership in resuming the Palestinian-Israeli negotiations based on the two-state solution.

There is simply no other formula, no other alternative.  The two-state solution is the only way to go.  And if you compare that also with the radicalization of Syria, together with the impasse in the peace process, this is going to be a serious threat to an already volatile region.

I believe there is a window of opportunity to make a serious push for resuming negotiations on the final status issues.  But the window, I believe, is fast closing -- primarily due to increasing settlement activities.  So there is no time to wait.

And lastly, I had the opportunity with the Prime Minister-designate to share details of Jordan’s homegrown reform model and its supporting road map.  We believe that we have a model that has a clear end goal of parliamentary government with milestones and prerequisites, built on a strong democratic institution that guarantees checks and balances of proper democracy, an empowered parliament, and a new constitutional court. 

We also have a new independent elections commission, and we’re looking at Jordan as a model that is evolutionary, consensual and peaceful, and ensures pluralism, openness, tolerance, moderation, and unity -- and equally as important, a level playing field.  This will ensure safeguards for civil liberties and political rights, and obviously encourage political participation.

Today, we’re looking forward to our Prime Minister-designate forming his parliamentary government, hopefully in the next couple of weeks.  Based on his consultations with Parliament, which is an extension of the same consultation process that led to his designation as a result of receiving the highest number of nominations. 

So I’m very proud of the progress so far.  The hard work is definitely ahead of us.  This is the Jordanian moment.  What we’re seeing is the third way in the Middle East -- we are seeing that the Arab Spring is behind us; we in Jordan are looking now at the Arab Summer for us all, which means that we all have to roll our sleeves.  It’s going to be a bumpy and difficult road, but I am very encouraged with the process and I am very excited about the future.

So, again, Mr. President, very welcome to Jordan.  I wish you all the success in what you’ve been able to achieve in the past several days, and I hope that the success will continue in your visit here to Jordan.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you very much. 

Well, it’s a great pleasure to be back in Jordan.  I’m grateful to my good friend, His Majesty King Abdullah.  Thank you for your kind words.  Thank you to the Jordanian people for the extraordinary warmth and hospitality that I remembered well from my first visit as a senator.

The thing I mainly remember when I came here was that His Majesty was kind enough to personally drive me to the airport.  I won’t tell you how fast he was going, but Secret Service I don't think could keep up.  (Laughter.)  So, nevertheless, we're very much appreciative for you welcoming me and my delegation.

The reason I'm here is simple.  Jordan is an invaluable ally.  It is a great friend.  We've been working together since the early years of the Kingdom under His Majesty’s great-grandfather, King Adbullah I, who gave his life in the name of peace.  Today, our partnership in development, education, health, science, technology, improve the lives of our peoples.  Our close security cooperation helps keep your citizens and ours safe from terrorism.  Your military and police help train other security forces from the Palestinian Authority to Yemen. 

And I’m especially grateful to His Majesty, who, like his father -- memorialized by the mosque I saw when I arrived -- is a force for peace in word and in deed.  You’ve invested deeply and personally in strengthening the ties between our countries.  That's why you were the first Arab leader I welcomed to the Oval Office when I became President.  And I very much appreciate the work we’ve done together on a broad range of challenges.  So I’ve come to Jordan to build on what is already a very strong foundation and to deepen what is already extraordinary cooperation.

As His Majesty mentioned, today was a chance for me to hear from him about the necessary political reforms that are underway here.  And I want to commend the people of Jordan on this year’s parliamentary elections, which represented a positive step toward a more transparent and credible and inclusive political process. I appreciated hearing His Majesty’s plans for a parliamentary government that responds to the aspirations of the Jordanian people, and I very much welcome his commitment to active citizenship where citizens play a larger role in the future of this nation. 

At a time of so much change and tumult across the region, I think His Majesty recognizes Jordan has a great opportunity to show the benefits of genuine and peaceful reform, including stronger political parties and good governance and transparency
-- all of which makes government more effective and makes sure that the people feel a connection to their government. 

Your Majesty, you've been a driving force for these efforts, and you can be assured that the United States will continue to work with you and Prime Minister Ensour as you build on this progress. 

We also discussed the economic progress that has to come with political progress.  The Jordanian government is working hard to manage its current budget challenges.  I think His Majesty outlined the enormous pressures that Jordan is experiencing, often not because of any factors internal, but rather a range of external factors as well.  And I recognize that while the economic reforms are difficult, they are essential over the long term to creating the kind of growth and opportunity and dynamism in the economy that will help the Jordanian people achieve their dreams.  So we want you to succeed. 

So my administration is, therefore, working with Congress to provide loan guarantees to Jordan this year.  Together, I believe we can help deliver the results that Jordanians deserve -- to see their schools better, their roads improved, health care, clean water all enhanced; the training that I know a lot of Jordanians seek, particularly young people, to get a job or to turn entrepreneurial skills into a business that creates even more jobs. 

And I was proud to welcome some young Jordanians to the Entrepreneurship Summit that I hosted back in Washington.  And we’re going to continue to focus on creating economic opportunities, because the people here in Jordan deserve the same opportunities as people everywhere.

We spent a good deal of time on regional challenges.  And I updated His Majesty on my discussions with Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas.  As I said in my speech yesterday, I believe there are steps that both sides can take to build confidence and trust, and move a serious negotiation forward.  We're not there yet, but I'm confident that it can happen -- in part, because it must happen.  It will be good for the Israelis and it will be good for the Palestinians. 

I’m very grateful for His Majesty’s readiness to advance these efforts.  As has been true in the past, His Majesty and Jordan will be critical to making progress towards a just and lasting peace between Israelis and Palestinians.

And we spent a significant amount of time consulting on Syria.  I want to commend His Majesty for his leadership, and I want to commend the Jordanian people for their compassion during an extraordinarily difficult time for their neighbors.  His Majesty was the first Arab leader to publicly call on Assad to step down because of the horrific violence that was being inflicted on the Syrian people.  Jordan has played a leading role in trying to begin a political transition toward a new government.  We're working together to strengthen a credible Syrian opposition. 

We share Jordan’s concerns about violence spilling across the border, so I want to take this opportunity to make it clear the United States is committed to the security of Jordan, which is backed by our strong alliance.

As has been mentioned, during this crisis the Jordanian people have displayed extraordinary generosity, but the strains of so many refugees, inevitably, is showing.  Every day Jordanians are extending a hand of support to neighbors far from home, but this is a heavy burden.  And the international community needs to step up to make sure that they are helping to shoulder this burden. 

The United States will certainly do our part.  We are already the single largest donor of humanitarian assistance to the Syrian people.  Some of this has helped people here in Jordan, and today I'm announcing that my administration will work with Congress to provide Jordan with an additional $200 million in budget support this year, as it cares for Syrian refugees and Jordanian communities affected by this crisis.

This will mean more humanitarian assistance in basic services, including education for Syrian children so far from home whose lives have been upended.  And I think, as parents, we can only imagine how heartbreaking that must be for any parent to see their children having to go through the kinds of tumult that they’re experiencing.

Our cooperation on Syria is an example of how the partnership between the United States and Jordan improves the lives not only of the Jordanian people, but peoples across the region.

So, again, Your Majesty, I want to express my great appreciation for our partnership.  I want to thank you and the Jordanian people for the friendship and hospitality that they’ve shown me and to my fellow Americans.  And just as I visited the Citadel here in Amman on my last visit, I'm looking forward to seeing Petra tomorrow -- weather permitting -- one of the great wonders of history that the world can experience, thanks to the care and dedication of Jordan and its people.

Shukran.  Thank you.

HIS MAJESTY KING ABDULLAH:  Thank you.

Q    Thank you, Your Majesty, Mr. President. 

Sir, I want to ask you, Your Majesty, for how long are you going to keep your borders open for the Syrian refugees?  Next to you is a land of war, and anything could happen any time.  If regime, let’s say, shut off electricity or the water -- you are not too far from Damascus, the capital.  It’s like minutes and not hours.  You might find thousands and thousands of refugees, not just those that you spoke about, Your Majesty. 

And, Mr. President, thank you again, and I just want to know -- you are a superpower; you are leading the super power, the United States of America.  You don’t have a plan to put an end for what’s going on in Syria -- the bloodshed, the killing.  And now they are talking about using a chemical weapon.  What’s your comment about that? 

Thank you, Your Majesty.

HIS MAJESTY KING ABDULLAH:  Well, first of all, the problem with refugees comes down to an humanitarian issue.  I mean, how are you going to turn back women, children, and the wounded?  This is something that we just can’t do.  It’s not the Jordanian way.  We have historically opened our arms to many of our neighbors through many decades of Jordan’s history.  So that means a challenge that we just can’t turn our backs on.  So that’s the reality that we are facing on the ground.  So Jordan has always been a safe haven to people around us through many, many decades.  So, unfortunately, from our point of view, refugees will continue to come to Jordan, and we will continue, within our means, to look after them as best as we can. 

The problem is obviously the burden it’s having on Jordan. We’ve tried to quantify it as much as possible -- the latest figures are just going to cost us roughly $550 million a year.  But if those figures double, as we think they will, by the end of the year, then, obviously, we’re talking a billion-plus.  Not only is that a problem, but it’s going to be a tremendous strain, obviously, on infrastructure and it’s creating social problems and security problems. 

And so this is one of the reasons that we’re asking for the international community to help.  But physically, we can’t turn away young children, women, people in desperate need, and the wounded.  So we will continue to burden that responsibility.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Since the start of the situation in Syria, we have stepped up, as not just a superpower, as you phrased it, but also because of basic humanity, to say that Assad needed to go.  We haven’t just led with words, but we’ve also led with deeds.  As I indicated, we're the single largest humanitarian donor to the Syrian people.  We have worked diligently in cooperation with the international community to help organize and mobilize a political opposition that is credible -- because in the absence of a credible political opposition, it will be impossible for us to transition to a more peaceful and more representative and legitimate government structure inside of Syria. 

And that’s an area where we have been involved on almost a daily basis.  First, Secretary Hillary Clinton helped to spearhead the efforts that formed a coherent Syrian Opposition Council.  Now you’ve got Secretary Kerry, who’s deeply involved in that effort as well.  And we are providing not just advice, not just words, but we’re providing resources, training, capacity, in order for that political opposition to maintain links within Syria and to be able to provide direct services to people inside of Syria, including the kinds of relief efforts that obviously we’re seeing here in Jordan, but there are a whole bunch of people who are internally displaced inside of Syria who need help.

I think that what your question may be suggesting is why haven’t we simply gone in militarily?  And I think it’s fair to say that the United States often finds itself in a situation where if it goes in militarily, then it’s criticized for going in militarily; and if doesn’t go in militarily, then people say, why aren’t you doing something militarily? 

And my response at this stage is to make sure that what we do contributes to bringing an end to the bloodshed as quickly as possible.  And working in a multilateral context, in an international context, because we think our experience shows that when we lead but we are also working with others -- like the Jordanians, like the Turks, like other interested parties in the region -- then the outcomes are better.  When we are working with the Syrians themselves, so that this is not externally imposed, but rather something that is linked directly with the aspirations and hopes of the people inside of Syria, it will work better. 

So we are going to continue to use every lever and every bit of influence that we have to effect the situation inside of Syria.

You mentioned the issue of chemical weapons.  We have called for, and we know that the U.N. is now moving forward on an investigation of exactly what happened.  We're monitoring the situation ourselves.  I have said publicly that the use of chemical weapons by the Assad regime would be a game-changer from our perspective, because once you let that situation spin out of control it's very hard to stop, and can have enormous spillover effects across the region. 

And so we are going to continue to closely consult with everybody in the region and do everything we can to bring an end to the bloodshed and to allow the Syrian people to get out from under the yoke of a leader who has lost all legitimacy because he is willing to slaughter his own people.  And I'm confident that Assad will go.  It's not a question of if, it's when. 

And so part of what we have to spend a lot of time thinking about is what's the aftermath of that, and how does that work in a way that actually serves the Syrian people -- and, by the way, serves the Syrian people from all walks of life, from all religious affiliations.  Because one of the things that we know is happening in this region is that if we fail to create a model in the Arab world in which people can live side by side -- regardless of whether they are Sunni or Shia or Alawaites or Druze -- regardless of the manner in which they worship their God -- if we don't create that possibility, then these problems are going to occur again and again and again and again. 

I think His Majesty understands that.  I think the people of Jordan understand that.  And these kinds of sectarian and tribal fault lines are part of what we have to get beyond, because they don't work in a modern world.  They don't create jobs.  They don't put food in the mouths of children.  They don't provide an education.  They don't create a thriving economy. 

And that's going to be a central challenge not just in Syria, but across the region.  And the United States I think has something to say about that, because part of what makes us a superpower is because we have people of every walk of life, every background, every religion, and if they've got a good idea and they're willing to work hard, they can succeed.  And that's got to be something that's more consistently spoken about not just with respect to the Syria situation, but I think with respect to this enormous moment of both promise but also danger in the Arab world and in North Africa. 

Julie Pace.

Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  You mentioned the aftermath of the Assad regime.  There's a lot of concern in Jordan and elsewhere that the upheaval in Syria is creating havens for extremism.  How concerned are you at this point that extremists or jihadists could actually take over in Syria and perhaps be even worse than Assad?  And I was also hoping you could give us some insight into how you brokered the call today between Prime Ministers Erdogan and Netanyahu.  And how much of their willingness to talk do you think is actually driven by the urgency in Syria?  

And, Your Majesty, you have offered Assad asylum, which he rejected.  Does that offer of asylum still stand?  Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, I am very concerned about Syria becoming an enclave for extremism, because extremists thrive in chaos.  They thrive in failed space.  They thrive in power vacuums.  They don't have much to offer when it comes to actually building things, but they're very good about exploiting situations that are no longer functioning.  They fill that gap.

And that's why I think it's so important for us to work as an international community to help accelerate a political transition that is viable, so that a Syrian state continues to function; so that the basic institutions can be rebuilt, that they're not destroyed beyond recognition; that we are avoiding what inevitably becomes Syrian -- or sectarian divisions -- because, by definition, if you're an extremist then you don't have a lot of tolerance for people who don't share your beliefs. 
So this is part of the reason why, for the American people, we've got to recognize we have a stake here.  We can't do it alone.  And the outcome in Syria is not going to be ideal.  Even if we execute our assistance and our coordination and our planning and our support flawlessly, the situation in Syria now is going to be difficult.  And that's what happens when you have a leader who cares more about clinging to power than they do about holding their country together and looking after their people. 

It's tragic.  It's heartbreaking.  And the sight of children and women being slaughtered that we've seen so much I think has to compel all of us to say, what more can we do?  And that's a question that I'm asking as President every single day.  And that's a question I know His Majesty is asking in his capacity here in Jordan. 

And what I am confident about is that ultimately what the people of Syria are looking for is not replacing oppression with a new form of oppression.  What they're looking for is replacing oppression with freedom and opportunity and democracy, and the capacity to live together and build together.  And that's what we have to begin planning for now, understanding that it is going to be difficult.

Something has been broken in Syria, and it’s not going to be put back together perfectly, immediately, anytime soon -- even after Assad leaves.  But we can begin the process of moving it in a better direction.  And having a cohesive political opposition I think is critical to that.

With respect to the conversation that took place between Prime Minister Netanyahu and Prime Minister Erdogan, I have long said that it is in both the interest of Israel and Turkey to restore normal relations between two countries that have historically had good ties.  It broke down several years ago as a consequence of the flotilla incident.  For the last two years I’ve spoken to both Prime Minister Netanyahu and Prime Minister Erdogan about why this rupture has to be mended, that they don’t have to agree on everything in order for them to come together around a whole range of common interests and common concerns.

During my visit, it appeared that the timing was good for that conversation to take place.  I discussed it with Prime Minister Netanyahu and both of us agreed that the moment was right, and, fortunately, they were able to begin the process of rebuilding normal relations between two very important countries in the region. 

This is a work in process.  It’s just beginning.  As I said, there are obviously going to still be some significant disagreements between Turkey and Israel -- not just on the Palestinian question, but on a range of different issues.  But they also have a whole range of shared interests, and they both happen to be extraordinarily strong partners and friends of ours, and so it’s in the interest of the United States that they begin this process of getting their relationship back in order.  And I’m very glad to see that it’s happening.

HIS MAJESTY KING ABDULLAH:  I think the question about asylum is something that Assad has to answer himself.  First, is he interested in asylum and would he be interested in coming to Jordan? 

Obviously, from our point of view, as we were saying, we need an inclusive political transition as quickly as possible, so if the issue of asylum ever came up, that’s something that I think all of us would have to put our heads together and figure out whether or not, if that sort of ends the violence quickly, is something worth pursuing.  So it’s a question that’s slightly beyond my pay grade at this stage, but something that I’m sure if it ever came up would be something that we discuss at the level of international community.

Q    Thank you very much.  Your Majesty, last year Jordan managed to break the impasse in the peace process by hosting the Amman talks, bringing Israelis and Palestinians together at the negotiating table.  Now, there was an awful lot of that.  Do you have anything in mind, or are you going to have any similar effort? 

And, Mr. President, would you support any such effort, particularly that we know that the two sides need to be brought back to the negotiating table?  Thank you.

HIS MAJESTY KING ABDULLAH:  Well, at this stage -- obviously last year, we kept Israelis and Palestinians dialogue going simply because we wanted to keep the process alive as much as we could, knowing full well that we were waiting for this opportunity.  The President has, I think, finished a very successful visit to both the Israelis and Palestinians.  We have been in close contact with the State Department leading up to this visit, and I think Secretary Kerry has been very right in keeping expectations low so that what I call the homework stage is still in effect. 

Obviously we’re all consulting at this stage of how to build on this visit, and I believe that as we all share notes, we’ll have a better understanding over the next several weeks, what is the next step.

Jordan’s role is to be there as a facilitator and a support to both Israelis and Palestinians, to bring them closer together, so that I believe in the next several weeks to the next several months we’ll have the homework or the framework that allows both sides to come together and move forward.

So Jordan obviously will welcome hosting Israelis and Palestinians together if that’s what they want.  And we always have been in a support mode for both sides.  And as I said earlier, we see a window of opportunity, and I believe the statements that the President has made to the Israeli and to the Palestinian is an opportunity to regalvanize the effort, and one that we will stand by in support mode as we compare notes of the President’s visit to the two countries.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, first of all, I think His Majesty described what I’ve tried to accomplish on this trip very well.  This is a trip to make sure I’m doing my homework.  We all recognize how vital it could be to see a resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.  We set expectations low precisely because there’s been a lot of talk over decades but it hasn’t produced the results that everybody wants to see. 

And so my approach here has been let me listen to the parties first; let me find out exactly what the roadblocks are for progress; let me discuss with them ways that we might move those roadblocks out of the way in order to achieve a concrete result. 

And I’ve also been modest because, frankly, peace will not be achieved unless ultimately the parties themselves want peace.
I think all of us in the international community share this frustration -- why can’t we get this problem solved?  I think the Israeli people are frustrated that they feel this problem is not solved.  They don’t enjoy the isolation that has resulted from this conflict.  I think the Palestinian people certainly feel that frustration. 

As I mentioned in my speech yesterday, I had the opportunity to meet with young people who are growing up unable to do the basic things that a free people should expect they should be able to do -- simple things like travel, or enjoying the kinds of privacy in their own homes that so many of us take for granted.  And these are children, these are young people -- these are young men and women who, as I described yesterday, aren't very different from my daughters, and they deserve the same opportunities.  They deserve this cloud to be lifted from their lives -- because they can achieve and they have enormous potential, and I don't want them living up under a sense of constricted possibility. 

I also don't want the Israeli people continually looking over their shoulder, thinking that at any point their house may be hit by a rocket, or a bus may be blown up.  And so part of the tragedy of the situation has been that neither side is getting exactly what they want, but it's not been possible to break out of old patterns and a difficult history. 

So my hope and expectation is that, as a consequence of us doing our homework, we can explore with the parties a mechanism for them to sit back down, to get rid of some of the old assumptions, to think in new ways and to get this done.  And I think if it gets done in a timely way, then the Israeli people will be safer and the Palestinian people will be freer.  And children on both sides will have a better life.  And as a consequence, the region as a whole will be strengthened and the world will be safer. 

I can't guarantee that that's going to happen.  What I can guarantee is we'll make the effort.  What I can guarantee is that Secretary Kerry is going to be spending a good deal of time in discussions with the parties.  What I can assure you is, is that nobody feels a greater interest in us achieving this than His Majesty.  And so we're just going to keep on plugging away.

The one thing I did say I think to both sides is the window of opportunity still exists but it's getting more and more difficult.  The mistrust is building instead of ebbing.  The logistics of providing security for Israel get more difficult with new technologies.  And the logistics of creating a contiguous and functioning Palestinian state become more difficult with settlements.  And so both sides have to begin to think about their long-term strategic interests instead of worrying about can I gain a short-term tactical advantage here or there, and say to themselves, what's the big picture and how do we get this done? 

And that's ultimately what I believe both peoples want -- which is why I think -- I think it was very interesting that in my speech in Jerusalem, some of the strongest applause came when I addressed the Israeli people and I said, you have to think about these Palestinian children like your own children.  It tapped into something that they understood inherently.  And that gives me hope.  I think that shows there's possibility there.  But it's hard.  And what I also said was that ultimately people have to help provide the structures for leaders to take some very difficult risks. 

So that's why I wanted to speak directly to the Israeli people and to the Palestinian people, so that they help empower their leadership to make some very difficult decisions in order to achieve a compromise where neither side is going to get a hundred percent of what they want.  So we'll see if we can make it happen.

Jon Karl.

Q    Thank you, Mr. President, King Abdullah.

Mr. President, you have said repeatedly on this trip and before that all options are on the table to stop Iran from getting a nuclear weapon, including military action.  Yesterday, the Supreme Leader of Iran came out and said that if any action is taken against his country, he will raze the cities in Israel of Tel Aviv and Haifa to the ground.  So my question to you is are you prepared to deal with the retaliation, the fallout that would come after a military strike against Iran's nuclear facilities? 

And to King Abdullah, if I can ask what you think would happen here -- what would be the aftermath of a military strike, whether taken by the United States or by Israel against Iran?  What is a bigger threat to stability in this region -- Iran with nuclear weapons, or another war in this region?

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, first of all, Jon, I'm not going to engage in a whole bunch of hypotheticals.  Because what I've said from the moment I came into office was that the best resolution of this situation is through diplomacy, and I continue to believe that. 

We have organized the international community around a sanctions regime that is having an impact on Iran -- not because we forced other countries to do it; because they recognize that if you trigger a nuclear arms race in this region, as volatile as it is, if you have the prospect of nuclear weapons getting into the hands of terrorists and extremists, that it's not just Israel that's threatened, it's a whole range of people that could be threatened. 

We're talking right now about the possibility of Syria using chemical weapons.  What would be the conversation if Syria possessed nuclear weapons? 

So this is not just a problem for Israel.  It's not just a problem for the United States.  It's a regional and worldwide problem.  And, by the way, we have been consistent in saying that nonproliferation is a problem around the globe, not just with respect to Iran.  The fact of the matter is, is that Iran has not been able to establish credibly with the international community that, in fact, it is simply pursuing peaceful nuclear power.  There's a reason why it's subject to all these resolutions and violations identified by the United Nations.  That's not something we made up.

There are a lot of other countries who have the technical capacity, but for some reason, they are able to get right with the international community.  Iran has not been able to do so. 

Now, if in fact what the Supreme Leader has said is the case, which is that developing a nuclear weapon would be un-Islamic and that Iran has no interest in developing nuclear weapons, then there should be a practical, verifiable way to assure the international community that it’s not doing so.  And this problem will be solved -- to the benefit of the region and to the benefit of the Iranian people. 

The Iranian people are celebrating Nowruz, their most important holiday.  And every year I deliver a Nowruz message.  And I remind the people of Iran that they are a great civilization; they have an extraordinary history; they have unbelievable talent -- they should be fully integrated then to the international community, where they can thrive and build businesses and expand commerce.  And there should be exchanges and travel and interactions with the Iranian people and everyone else, including the United States.  That should be the vision -- not threats to raze Israeli cities to the ground.

Part of the frustration that I think we all feel sometimes is that it seems as if people spend all their time organizing around how they can gain advantage over other people, or inflict violence on other people, or isolate other people, instead of trying to figure out how do we solve problems.  This is a solvable problem -- if, in fact, Iran is not pursuing a nuclear weapon. 

And so we’re going to continue to apply the pressure that we have in a nonmilitary way to try to resolve the problem.  We will continue to try to pursue diplomatic solutions to the situation.
But, yes, I have said as President of the United States that I will maintain every option that’s available to prevent Iran from getting a nuclear weapon because I think the consequences for the region and for the world would be extraordinarily dangerous. 

My hope and expectation is, is that, among a menu of options, the option that involves negotiations, discussions, compromise, and resolution of the problem is the one that’s exercised.  But as President of the United States, I would never take any option off the table.

HIS MAJESTY KING ABDULLAH:  There’s very little that I would like to add to what the President said.  I think, looking from the Jordanian point of view and the challenges that Jordan faces as we look around the region, the challenges of what the Israelis and the Palestinians that we faced in 2012, the instability as you’re seeing in Syria, we have the concerns as what’s happening in Iraq -- any military action at the moment, whether Israeli or Iranian, to me at this stage is Pandora’s box, because nobody can guarantee what the outcome will be. 

So hopefully there is another way of resolving this problem. At a time with so much instability in the Middle East, we just don’t need another thing on our shoulders.

Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you to the people of Jordan.

END 
9:02 P.M. EEST

Remarks by President and President Peres of Israel at State Dinner

President’s Residence
Jerusalem

8:15 P.M. IST

PRESIDENT PERES:  I think that's the President's remarks.  Mr. President, can I read your speech?  (Laughter.)  They are mistaken.  (Laughter.)

President Barack Obama, my dear friend, let me say first, Bravo.  Bravo, President.  (Applause.) 

It is my great pleasure to welcome you tonight.  I was moved the way in which you spoke to the heart of our young Israelis.  Our youngsters, in time of need, are always willing to stand up and defend their country.  Today, you have seen how much the same young people long for peace.  How enthusiastic they were, how engaged they were, listening to the vision of peace, which you beautifully delivered and moved the heart.

Mr. President, this morning several rockets were shot from the Gaza Strip towards civilian targets in Israel, including Sderot that you have visited.  From here, in the name of all us, I want to convey our love to the inhabitants of the south around Gaza who carry this heavy burden courageously and continue to plow their land, plant their trees, raise their children.  It is an inspiration to each of us.  Today, the enemies of peace spoke in the only language they know -- the language of terror.  I am convinced that together we shall defeat them. 

Dear Barack, your visit here is a historic event.  We are so happy to receive you and your distinguished delegation.  I am very glad to see Secretary John Kerry -- an old friend.  John, I know you are and I know you will be successful.  I'm not sure that the prophets have had speechwriters -- (laughter) -- but if they had, I imagine Isaiah would have said -- but actually he has said on that occasion -- and I'm quoting him, "How beautiful on the mountains are the feet of those who bring good news, who proclaim peace, who bring good tidings, who proclaim salvation." Well, you have to be satisfied with my language -- I cannot speak like him.  (Laughter.)

It is my privilege to present you with our country's highest honor -- the Medal of Distinction.  This award speaks to you, to your tireless work to make Israel strong, to make peace possible. Your presidency has given the closest ties between Israel and the United States a new height, a sense of intimacy, a vision for the future. 

The people of Israel are particularly moved by your unforgettable contribution to their security.  You are defending our skies -- to you, revelation in the name of intelligence, which is the right way to preempt bloodshed.  The diplomatic and the military bonds between us have reached an unprecedented level. 

When I visited you in Washington, I thought in my heart, America is so great and we are so small.  I learned that you don't measure us by size, but by values.  Thank you.  When it comes to values, we are you, and you are us.  On occasions when we were alone you stood with us, so we were not alone.  We were alone together.  We shall never forget it. 

During your previous visit to Israel, you asked me if I had any advice to offer.  Well, it's not my nature to let questions go unanswered.  (Laughter.)  So just that while people say that the future belongs to the young, it is the present that really belongs to the young.  Leave the future to me.  I have time.  (Laughter and applause.) 

I think I was right, because the moment you came into office, you immediately had to face daunting and demanding challenges day in, day out.  I prayed that you would meet them with wisdom and determination, without losing hope, without allowing others to lose hope.  The prayers were answered -- after all, they came from Jerusalem and they came to us as a great message.  It is a tribute to your leadership, to the strength of your character, to your principles, that you have never surrendered to hopelessness.  You stood and stand firmly by your vision.  Your values serve your nation.  They serve our nation as well.

So I know that you will never stop to strive for a better world, as you said today in a good Hebrew -- tikkun olam.  We have a rich heritage and a great dream.  As I look back, I feel that the Israel of today has exceeded the vision we had 65 years ago.  Reality has surpassed the dreams.  The United States of America helped us to make this possible. 

Still the path to tomorrow may be fraught with obstacles.  I believe that we can overcome them by our determination and by your commitment.  I'm convinced that you will do whatever is necessary to free the world's horizons and the skies of Jerusalem from the Iranian threat.  Iran denies the Shoah and calls for a new one.  Iran is building a nuclear bomb and denies it.  The Iranian regime is the greatest danger to world peace.  History has shown time and again that peace, prosperity and stable civil society cannot flourish when threats and belligerency abound. 

Ladies and gentlemen, tonight the Iranian people are celebrating their New Year.  I wish them from the depths of my heart a happy holiday and a real freedom. 

Israel will seize any opportunity for peace.  Being small, we have to maintain our qualitative edge.  I know that you responded and will respond to it.  The strength of Israel is its defense forces.  They afford us the ability to seek peace.  And what America has contributed to Israel's security is the best guarantee to end the march of folly, the march of terror and bloodshed. 

We watch with admiration the way you lead the United States of America, the way you have stayed true time and again to your bonds of friendship with us.  Your commitment and deeds speaks volumes about the principles that guides America.  To strive for freedom and democracy at home, but also all over the world, you send the boys to fight for the freedom of others.  What is uplifting is that the United States brought freedom not only to its own people, but never stops, and never will stop, to help other people to become free. 

You represent democracy at its best.  You have deepened its meaning -- namely that democracy is not just the right to be equal, but the equal right to be different.  Democracy is not just a free expression, but is self-expression as well. 

You exemplify the spirit of democracy by striving for justice and equality and opportunity in the American society.  As the world has now become global and yet remains individual, and you offer those principles.  You have shown global responsibility and individual sensitivity. 

On Monday night, Mr. President, we shall celebrate Passover, the Festival of Freedom, the Celebration of Spring.  The Celebration of Spring means our journey from the house of slaves to the home of the free that started more than 3,000 years ago. We remember it every year.  We are commended to feel as though each of us personally participated in that journey.  We shall not forget where we came from.  We shall remember always where we are headed, too, which is to make the Promised Land a land of promise, a land of freedom, justice and equality. 

While reality calls for vigilance, Passover calls to remain believers.  Israel is an island in a stormy sea.  We have to make our island safe and we wish that the sea will become tranquil.  We converted our desert into a garden.  It was achieved by the talents of our people and the potential of science.  What we have done, Mr. President, can be done all over the Middle East, as you have rightly said tonight.  Israel is described as a start-up nation.  The Middle East can become a start-up region. 

Dear President, you noted in your address today that peace is the greatest hope for the human being.  I share your vision.  Your call to reopen the peace process may pave the way for the implementation of the two-state solution agreed by all of us -- as you said, a Jewish state, Israel; an Arab state, Palestine. 

If I'm not wrong, next to you sits our Prime Minister who was just reelected.  He opened his address in the Knesset by reiterating his commitment to the two-state solution.  Dear friends, I have seen in my life I earned the right to believe that peace is attainable.  As you felt today, I know, this is the deep conviction of our people.  With our resolve and your support, Barack Obama, we shall win and it will happen. 

Mr. President, I am privileged to bestow upon you the Medal of Distinction.  It was recommended by a committee of seven prominent Israeli citizens, headed by our former Chief of Justice Meir Shamgar, and includes our former President Yitzhak Navon.  It was my view and I was glad to accept their recommendation.  You inspired the world with your leadership.  Toda raba, Mr. President.  Toda from a grateful nation to a very great leader. 

God bless America.  God bless Israel.  (Applause.) 

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  President Peres; Prime Minister Netanyahu and First Lady Sara; distinguished guests and friends.  This is a extraordinary honor for me and I could not be more deeply moved. And I have to say, after the incredible welcome I’ve received over the past two days and the warmth of the Israeli people, the tribute from President Peres, the honor of this medal -- I mean, as you say, dayenu.  ((Applause.)
 
Now, I’m told that the Talmud teaches that you shouldn’t pronounce all the praises of a person in their presence.  And, Mr. President, if I praised all the chapters of your remarkable life, then we would be here all night.  (Laughter.)  So let me simply say this about our gracious host.

Mr. President, the State of Israel has been the cause of your life -- through bitter wars and fragile peace, through hardship and prosperity.  You’ve built her.  You’ve cared for her.  You’ve strengthened her.  You’ve nurtured the next generation who will inherit her. 

Ben Gurion.  Meir.  Begin.  Rabin.  These giants have left us.  Only you are with us still -- a founding father in our midst.  And we are so grateful for your vision, your friendship, but most of all, for your example, including the example of your extraordinary vitality.  Every time I see your President I ask him who his doctor is.  (Laughter.)  We all want to know the secret.

So, with gratitude for your life and your service, and as you prepare to celebrate your 90th birthday this summer -- and since I’m starting to get pretty good at Hebrew -- (laughter) -- let me propose a toast -- even though you’ve taken away my wine
-- (laughter.)  Come on.  Bring another.

How are you?

SERVER:  Here you are, sir.  (Applause.)

THE PRESIDENT:  A toast -- ad me’ah ve’esrim.  L’chaim! (Applause.)  Mmm, that's good wine.  (Laughter.)  Actually, we should probably get this out of the photograph.  All these people will say I'm having too much fun in Israel.  (Laughter.) 

Just a few more words, Mr. President.  You mentioned that this medal is presented in recognition of progress toward the ideals of equality and opportunity and justice.  But I am mindful that I stand here tonight because of so many others, including the example and the sacrifices of the Jewish people.

In a few days, as we do at every Seder, we’ll break and hide a piece of matzoh.  It’s a great way to entertain the kids.  Malia and Sasha, even though they are getting older, they still enjoy it -- and there are a lot of good places to hide it in the White House.  (Laughter.)  But on a much deeper level, it speaks to the scope of our human experience -- how parts of our lives can be broken while other parts can be elusive; how we can never give up searching for the things that make us whole.  And few know this better than the Jewish people. 

After slavery and decades in the wilderness and with Moses gone, the future of the Israelites was in doubt.  But with Joshua as their guide, they pushed on to victory.  After the First Temple was destroyed, it seemed Jerusalem was lost.  But with courage and resolve, the Second Temple reestablished the Jewish presence.  After centuries of persecution and pogroms, the Shoah aimed to eliminate the entire Jewish people.  But the gates of the camps flew open, and there emerged the ultimate rebuke to hate and to ignorance -- survivors would live and love again.

When the moment of Israel’s independence was met by aggression on all sides, it was unclear whether this nation would survive.  But with heroism and sacrifice, the State of Israel not only endured, but thrived.  And during six days in June and Yom Kippur one October, it seemed as though all you had built might be lost.  But when the guns fell silent it was clear -- “the nation of Israel lives.”

As I said in my speech earlier today, this story -- from slavery to salvation, of overcoming even the most overwhelming odds -- is a message that’s inspired the world.  And that includes Jewish Americans but also African Americans, who have so often had to deal with their own challenges, but with whom you have stood shoulder to shoulder. 

African Americans and Jewish Americans marched together at Selma and Montgomery, with rabbis carrying the Torah as they walked.  They boarded buses for freedom rides together.  They bled together.  They gave their lives together -- Jewish Americans like Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner alongside  African American, James Chaney. 

Because of their sacrifice, because of the struggle of generations in both our countries, we can come together tonight, in freedom and in security.  So if I can paraphrase the Psalm -- they turned our mourning into dancing; they changed our sack cloths into robes of joy. 

And this evening, I’d like to close with the words of two leaders who brought us some of this joy.  Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel was born in Poland and lost his mother and sisters to the Nazis.  He came to America.  He raised his voice for social justice.  He marched with Martin Luther King.  And he spoke of the State of Israel in words that could well describe the struggle for equality in America.  “Our very existence is a witness that man must live toward redemption,” he said, and “that history is not always made by man alone.”

Rabbi Joachim Prinz was born in Germany, expelled by the Nazis and found refuge in America, and he built support for the new State of Israel.  And on that August day in 1963, he joined Dr. King at the March on Washington.  And this is what Rabbi Prinz said to the crowd:

“In the realm of the spirit, our fathers taught us thousands of years ago that when God created man, he created him as everybody's neighbor.  Neighbor is not a geographic concept.  It is a moral concept.  It means our collective responsibility for the preservation of man's dignity and integrity.”

President Peres, Prime Minister Netanyahu, friends -- our very existence, our presence here tonight, is a testament that all things are possible, even those things that, in moments of darkness and doubt, may seem elusive.  The stories of our peoples teach us to never stop searching for the things -- the justice and the peace -- that make us whole.  And so we go forward together, with confidence, we'll know that while our countries may be separated by a great ocean, in the realm of the spirit we will always be neighbors and friends.

I very humbly accept this award, understanding that I'm accepting it on behalf of the American people, who are joined together with you.

May God bless you and may He watch over our two great nations.  Thank you very much.  (Applause.)

END
8:44 P.M. IST

Remarks by President Obama and President Abbas of the Palestinian Authority in Joint Press Conference

Muqata Presidential Compound
Ramallah, West Bank

1:33 P.M. IST

PRESIDENT ABBAS:  (As interpreted.)  In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. 

Mr. President Barack Obama, I wish to warmly welcome you and your accompanying delegation to Palestine. 

Mr. President, during your visit to our country you will meet a people proud of their history, heritage, culture, and symbols -- a young, creative and entrepreneurial people who have made the miracle and rose from the calamities of the Nakba, and continue the path of their ancestors, extending since the ancient times over this land -- their land.  A people who adhere to their rights and are in harmony, and keep abreast with the realities of the age, its language and methods.  A people who build institutions of the state of Palestine, giving an exemplary model despite all hardships and hurdles.

The people of Palestine, Mr. President, who receive you today aspire to attain the simplest rights -- the right to freedom, independence and peace, and look forward to that day to come in which they exercise normal and natural life over the land of the state of Palestine -- the independent state of Palestine  -- along the borders of the 4th of June, 1967, with Jerusalem, the “Lady of the Cities,” as its capital, alongside the state of Israel.

We, Mr. President, believe that peace is necessary and inevitable, and we also believe that it is possible.  We believe that peacemaking, as much as it requires political courage, also requires an expression of good faith, a recognition of people’s rights, respect for the other, and dissemination of a culture of peace and a commitment to international legitimacy and its resolutions.  Certainly, peace shall not be made through violence, occupation, walls, settlements, arrests, siege and denial of refugee rights.
 
We are extremely in pleasure to receive you today in our country.  Our people share with American people, and with you personally, the belief in the values and principles of freedom, equality, justice and respect for human rights.  And we, together with the peoples of the world, are partners in the pursuit to achieve a just peace that ends occupation and war, and achieves security, stability and prosperity to all the peoples of our region.

Today, ladies and gentlemen, we have conducted a good and useful round of talks with His Excellency President Obama.  It was an opportunity to focus, on our side, on the risks and the results that exists that a continuation of settlement activity represent on the two-state solution, and over the need to release prisoners. 

I asserted to His Excellency the President that Palestine has taken long and additional steps for the sake of making peace. I hereby assert again that we are ready to implement all our commitments and obligations, and to respect the signed agreements and international legitimacy resolutions in order to provide for the requirements of launching the peace process and achieving the two-state solution -- Palestine and Israel. 

We are also serious in ending the division and achieve the Palestinian reconciliation, which constitutes an additional source of power for us to continue our march towards making peace, security and stability in the region. 

I have renewed confidence that the United States, represented by his excellency President Obama and Mr. John Kerry, shall intensify its efforts to remove the obstacles ahead of the efforts to achieve a just peace, which the peoples of the region have long awaited. 

Here I wish to thank the President for his continuous confirmation of the U.S. commitment to provide support to the Palestinian people, and to thank him and his administration for the support that has been provided during the past years -- various forms of support -- to the Palestinian treasury, to development projects, and to the UNRWA. 

Mr. President, once again you are welcome in Palestine.  Thank you.  (Applause.)

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Marhaba.  Thank you, President Abbas, for your generous words and for welcoming me to Ramallah.  I was last here five years ago, and it's a pleasure to be back -- to see the progress that's happened since my last visit, but also to bear witness to the enduring challenges to peace and security that so many Palestinians seek.  I’ve returned to the West Bank because the United States is deeply committed to the creation of an independent and sovereign state of Palestine. 

The Palestinian people deserve an end to occupation and the daily indignities that come with it.  Palestinians deserve to move and travel freely, and to feel secure in their communities. Like people everywhere, Palestinians deserve a future of hope -- that their rights will be respected, that tomorrow will be better than today and that they can give their children a life of dignity and opportunity.  Put simply, Palestinians deserve a state of their own.

I want to commend President Abbas and his Prime Minister, Salam Fayyad, for the progress that they’ve made in building the institutions of a Palestinian state.  And the United States is a proud partner in these efforts -- as the single largest donor of assistance that improves the lives of Palestinians, both in the West Bank and Gaza.  As your partner, we salute your achievements and we mourn your losses.  We offer condolences, in particular, over the loss of your fellow Palestinians last weekend in the tragic accident in Jordan.

Ramallah is a very different city than the one I visited five years ago.  There’s new construction.  There's new businesses, new start-ups, including many high-tech companies, connecting Palestinians to the global economy.  The Palestinian Authority is more efficient and more transparent.  There are new efforts to combat corruption so entrepreneurs and development can expand.  Palestinian security forces are stronger and more professional -- serving communities like Bethlehem, where President Abbas and I will visit the Church of the Nativity tomorrow. 

Moreover, this progress has been achieved under some extremely challenging circumstances.  So I want to pay tribute to President Abbas and Prime Minister Fayyad for their courage, for their tenacity, and for their commitment to building the institutions upon which a lasting peace and security will depend. 
I would point out that all this stands in stark contrast to the misery and repression that so many Palestinians continue to confront in Gaza -- because Hamas refuses to renounce violence; because Hamas cares more about enforcing its own rigid dogmas than allowing Palestinians to live freely; and because too often it focuses on tearing Israel down rather than building Palestine up.  We saw the continuing threat from Gaza again overnight, with the rockets that targeted Sderot.  We condemn this violation of the important cease-fire that protects both Israelis and Palestinians -- a violation that Hamas has a responsibility to prevent.

Here in the West Bank, I realize that this continues to be a difficult time for the Palestinian Authority financially.  So I’m pleased that in recent weeks the United States has been able to provide additional assistance to help the Palestinian Authority bolster its finances.  Projects through USAID will help strengthen governance, rule of law, economic development, education and health.  We consider these to be investments in a future Palestinian state -- investments in peace, which is in all of our interests.

And more broadly, in our discussions today I reaffirmed to President Abbas that the United States remains committed to realizing the vision of two states, which is in the interests of the Palestinian people, and also in the national security interest of Israel, the United States, and the world.  We seek an independent, a viable and contiguous Palestinian state as the homeland of the Palestinian people, alongside the Jewish State of Israel -- two nations enjoying self-determination, security and peace. 

As I have said many times, the only way to achieve that goal is through direct negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians themselves.  There is no shortcut to a sustainable solution.

In our discussion with President Abbas, I heard him speak eloquently about the difficult issues that cannot be ignored -- among them, problems caused by continued settlement activities, the plight of Palestinian prisoners, and access to holy sites in Jerusalem.  I understand that the status quo isn’t really a status quo, because the situation on the ground continues to evolve in a direction that makes it harder to reach a two-state solution.  And I know that the Palestinian people are deeply frustrated. 

So one of my main messages today -- the same message I’m conveying in Israel -- is that we cannot give up.  We cannot give up on the search for peace, no matter how hard it is.  As I said with Prime Minister Netanyahu yesterday, we will continue to look for steps that both Israelis and Palestinians can take to build the trust and the confidence upon which lasting peace will depend.  And I very much appreciate hearing President Abbas’s ideas on what those steps could be. 

I want both sides to know that as difficult as the current situation is, my administration is committed to doing our part. And I know that Secretary of State John Kerry intends to spend significant time, effort, and energy in trying to bring about a closing of the gap between the parties.  We cannot give up on the search for peace.  Too much is at stake. 

And if we’re going to succeed, part of what we’re going to have to do is to get out of some of the formulas and habits that have blocked progress for so long.  Both sides are going to have to think anew.  Those of us in the United States are going to have to think anew.  But I’m confident that we can arrive at our destination to advance the vision of two nations, two neighbors at peace -- Israel and Palestine. 

If given the chance, one thing that I’m very certain of is that the Palestinians have the talent, the drive, and the courage to succeed in their own state.  I think of the villages that hold peaceful protests because they understand the moral force of nonviolence.  I think of the importance that Palestinian families place on education.  I think of the entrepreneurs determined to create something new, like the young Palestinian woman I met at the entrepreneurship summit that I hosted who wants to build recreation centers for Palestinian youth.  I think of the aspirations that so many young Palestinians have for their future -- which is why I'm looking forward to visiting with some of them right after we conclude this press conference. 

That's why we can't give up, because of young Palestinians and young Israelis who deserve a better future than one that is continually defined by conflict.  Whenever I meet these young people, whether they're Palestinian or Israeli, I'm reminded of my own daughters, and I know what hopes and aspirations I have for them.  And those of us in the United States understand that change takes time but it is also possible, because there was a time when my daughters could not expect to have the same opportunities in their own country as somebody else's daughters. 
What's true in the United States can be true here as well.  We can make those changes, but we're going to have to be determined.  We're going to have to have courage.  We're going to have to be willing to break out of the old habits, the old arguments, to reach for that new place, that new world.  And I want all the people here and throughout the region to know that you will have the President of the United States and an administration that is committed to achieving that goal. 

Thank you very much.  (Applause.)

Q    After you meet leaders from both sides, is there any chance to resume peace talks as soon as possible?  And do you think that the two-state solution is still valid in this policy of expanding settlements is continuing going on?  And my last question -- did you raise the freezing of settlement activity with Prime Minister Netanyahu when you met him?  Thanks.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Based on the conversations that I've had with Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas, I do think the possibility continues to exist for a two-state solution.  I continue to believe it is our best, and indeed, in some ways, our only chance to achieve the kinds of peaceful resolution of old conflicts, but also the opening up of new opportunities for peoples on both sides to thrive, to succeed, for both Israel and a state of Palestine to be incorporated into the global economy.

One of the striking things, one of the ironies of this conflict is that both the Israeli people and the Palestinian people are extremely entrepreneurial.  They have a keen business sense.  They could be hugely successful in helping to lift up the economy of the region as a whole. 

I was with President Peres this morning before I came here, looking at a high-tech exhibit that was taking place in Jerusalem.  And there was actually a program that U.S. -- a U.S. company, Cisco, had set up, where it was hiring young Arab engineers and Palestinian engineers because they were so well qualified, so talented and there was a great hunger for those kinds of skills.  Well, imagine if you have a strong, independent state that’s peaceful -- all the talent that currently is being untapped that could be creating jobs and businesses and prosperity throughout this area.

So I absolutely believe that it is still possible.  But I think it is very difficult.  I think it’s difficult because of all sorts of political constraints on both sides.  I think it’s difficult, frankly, because sometimes, even though we know what compromises have to be made in order to achieve peace, it’s hard to admit that those compromises need to be made, because people want to cling on to their old positions and want to have 100 percent of what they want, or 95 percent of what they want, instead of making the necessary compromises.

And as a politician, I can say it’s hard for political leaders to get too far ahead of your constituencies.  And that’s true for Prime Minister Netanyahu; I’m sure it’s true for President Abbas as well. 

But if we can get direct negotiations started again, I believe that the shape of a potential deal is there.  And if both sides can make that leap together, then not only do I believe that the Israeli people and the Palestinian people would ultimately support it in huge numbers, but I also think the world and the region would cheer.  There would be some who would be upset because they benefit from the current conflict.  They like the status quo, they like the arrangement as it is.  But I actually think that there are majorities out there who right now don’t feel helpful but still would strongly support both Palestinian and Israeli leadership that made the necessary effort and compromises for peace.

Now, one of the challenges I know has been continued settlement activity in the West Bank area.  And I’ve been clear with Prime Minister Netanyahu and other Israeli leadership that it has been the United States’ policy, not just for my administration but for all proceeding administrations, that we do not consider continued settlement activity to be constructive, to be appropriate, to be something that can advance the cause of peace.  So I don’t think there’s any confusion in terms of what our position is. 

I will say, with respect to Israel, that the politics there are complex and I recognize that that’s not an issue that’s going to be solved immediately.  It’s not going to be solved overnight.
On the other hand, what I shared with President Abbas and I will share with the Palestinian people is that if the expectation is, is that we can only have direct negotiations when everything is settled ahead of time, then there’s no point for negotiations. 

So I think it’s important for us to work through this process, even if there are irritants on both sides.  The Israelis have concerns about rockets flying into their cities last night. And it would be easy for them to say, you see, this is why we can’t have peace because we can’t afford to have our kids in beds sleeping and suddenly a rocket comes through the roof.  But my argument is even though both sides may have areas of strong disagreement, may be engaging in activities that the other side considers to be a breach of good faith, we have to push through those things to try to get to an agreement -- because if we get an agreement then it will be very clear what the nature of that agreement is:  There will be a sovereign Palestinian state, a sovereign Jewish State of Israel.

And those two states I think will be able to deal with each other the same way all states do.  I mean, the United States and Canada has arguments once in a while, but they’re not the nature of arguments that can’t be solved diplomatically.  And I think we can keep pushing through some of these problems and make sure that we don’t use them as an excuse not to do anything.

Q    Mr. President, President Abbas, on behalf of all my colleagues, I want to get a little bit more specific on the question of settlements and the overall peace process.  Mr. President, when you started your administration, you called for a halt of new settlement activity.  That held up for a while, then dissipated.  And then late last year when the Israeli government announced very sensitive settlement activity in the E1 zone, your administration put out a statement that many in this region thought was either tepid or completely nonresponsive.  What would you say here, in Ramallah, Mr. President, to those entrepreneurial Palestinians you referenced who believe you’ve either been equivocal or nonresponsive to the issue of Israeli settlements? 

And do you, President, Abbas, do you believe it is necessary for the peace process to start with a declaration publicly from the Israeli government that it will either slow down or stop entirely new settlement activity? 

And broadly, on the peace process itself, Mr. President, you talked about thinking anew.  Historically, the theory has been nothing is agreed to until everything is agreed to.  Are you,
Mr. President Obama and President Abbas, open to a theory that would say if things are agreed to, they shall be implemented, to build confidence on both sides and restart the peace process?  Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, Major, I think I answered the question previously about settlements.  You mentioned E1, in particular.  I think that is an example of at least a public statement by the Israeli government that would be very difficult to square with a two-state solution.  And I’ve said that to Prime Minister Netanyahu.  I don’t think that’s a secret.

With respect to whether there’s a requirement for a freeze or moratorium, I want to repeat what I just said earlier, which is if the only way to even begin the conversations is that we get everything right at the outset, or at least each party is constantly negotiating about what's required to get into talks in the first place, then we're never going to get to the broader issue, which is how do you actually structure a state of Palestine that is a sovereign, contiguous, and provide the Palestinian people dignity, and how do you provide Israel confidence about its security -- which are the core issues.

The core issue right now is, how do we get sovereignty for the Palestinian people, and how do we assure security for the Israeli people?  And that's the essence of this negotiation.  And that's not to say settlements are not important.  It is to say that if we solve those two problems, the settlement problem will be solved. 

So I don't want to put the cart before the horse.  I want to make sure that we are getting to the core issues and the substance, understanding that both sides should be doing what they can to build confidence, to rebuild a sense of trust.  And that's where, hopefully, the U.S. government can be helpful.

On your last point, I think that part of my goal during this trip has been to hear from both President Abbas and Prime Minister Netanyahu about what they would need and how they would see a potential path -- how it would be structured.  And so I think it's premature for me to give you an answer to the question you just posed.  I think it was a good one; I think it was a legitimate one, but I'm still hearing from them.  And me, Secretary Kerry, others, we're going to go back and look at what we've heard from both sides and make a determination as to what has the best prospect for success.

I will say this, that I think incremental steps that serve to delay and put off some of the more fundamental issues, rather than incremental steps that help to shape what a final settlement might look like, are probably not going to be the best approach, because it's not clear that that would, in fact, build trust.  If you have a situation where it looks like the incremental steps replace the broader vision, as opposed to incremental steps in pursuit of a broader vision, then I think what you end up getting is four more years, 10 more years, 20 more years of conflict and tension, in which both sides are testing boundaries of those incremental agreements. 

Whereas if we can get a broad-based agreement that assures the Palestinians that they have a state, and you have a comprehensive approach that ensures Israel the kind of security that they need, the likelihood of that deal holding and, ultimately, the sense of trust that comes from people-to-people relations, not just governmental relations, I think that's much more likely to occur. 

PRESIDENT ABBAS:  Regarding the issue of settlements, it is not only our perception that settlements are illegal, but it is a global perspective.  Everybody considers settlements not only a hurdle, but even more than a hurdle, towards the two-state solution. 

We mentioned and we remember that the Security Council, during the '70s and '80s, had issued more than 13 resolutions not only condemning settlements, but demanding ending them and removing them because they are illegal.  We are asking for nothing outside the framework of international legitimacy.  Hence, it is the duty of the Israeli government to at least halt the activity so that we can speak of issues.  And when we define our borders and their borders together, each side will know its territory in which it can do whatever it pleases. 

So the issue of settlement is clear.  We never give up our vision, whether now or previously, but we continue to maintain this vision, and we believe the settlements are illegal and that settlement activity is illegal.  We hope that the Israeli government understands this.  We hope they listen to many opinions inside Israel itself speaking of the illegality of settlements. 

We spoke about this with Mr. President and we clarified our point of view on how we can reach a solution.  Many Palestinians, when they see settlements everywhere in the West Band -- and I don’t know who gave Israel that right -- they do not trust the two-state solution or vision anymore.  And this is very dangerous that people and the new generation reaches the conviction that it’s no more possible to believe in the two-state solution. 

We continue to believe in the two-state solution on the 1967 borders, and consequently, if peace between us and the Israelis is achieved, the Israelis will know very well that the Arab and Islamic world all together, which means 57 Arab and Muslim states, shall immediately recognize the State of Israel according to the road map and the Arab initiative.

Thank you.

END   
2:05 P.M. IST