The White House

Office of the Vice President

Remarks by Vice President Joe Biden in Chisinau, Moldova

Opera House Square
Chisinau, Moldova

2:15 P.M. (Local)
 
     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Mr. Prime Minister, Mrs. Filat, and most importantly, Tina, your daughter who is sitting there with my granddaughter Finnegan.  They're 12-years-old each.  I'm not sure if Finnegan is going to come home with me.  This is so beautiful.
 
     Hello, Chisinau.  (Applause.)   And hello to everyone across the street.  (Applause.)  I want to thank you all on behalf of me and Jill, my wife, and our granddaughter for according us such a great honor on such a beautiful day.
 
     And I'd like to also thank all the people of Moldova for hosting this visit.  I have heard about your hospitality, but what I heard does not do justice to the hospitality I've received.  Again, thank you very, very much.  (Applause.)
 
     On behalf of President Obama, I want to say that this is truly a special privilege -- a privilege to be here at this transformative moment in your history, and quite frankly the history of the world.  There is much, much that is changing not only here in Central and Eastern Europe, but in North Africa, in the Middle East and throughout the world.  Freedom is in the air.  (Applause.)  And democracy is emerging in countries that for generations have known nothing but authoritarian rule. 
 
     In Tunisia and Egypt, people stood up for their rights, and they're now taking their first tentative steps toward democracy.  In Libya, people are fighting for those same rights in the face of violence from their own government.  And here -- here in this region, it has been over 20 years since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the United States has worked with you for a Europe that is whole, free and at peace.  (Applause.)
 
     We're not quite there yet, but let me tell you this we will stand-by-side with you as we finish this job.  (Applause.)  I come to Moldova from Moscow.  Russia and America are partners on a wide range of global challenges.  And over the past two years, we have reset our relations and produced real benefits -- not only for the Russian people and the American people, but I believe for the people of this region and the world, as well.
 
     When I was in Russia, I spoke with the leaders of the Russian government as well as the political opposition, leaders of business as well as civil society.  I spoke with them straightforwardly about the need to fight corruption, the need to strengthen democratic institutions, the need for a judicial system that is both trusted and fair.
 
     In Georgia, we support the emergence of a strong democracy and free markets, and the integrity of Georgia's territory.  We also are working with both parties -- Russians and Georgians -- to reduce the threat of renewed conflict.  In Ukraine, the world welcomed the Orange Revolution, but there is much hard work remaining to be done to sustain its success.  The Ukrainian people want a future that is democratic and European, and we intend to help them see it through.
 
     The people of Belarus have demanded and they deserve basic rights.  We have condemned the government of Belarus for the repression of its own citizens.  We've joined the European Union in imposing sanctions against that government, and we call for the immediate release of all political prisoners.  (Applause.)
 
     I am here today to congratulate you, not only on the 20th anniversary of your independence, but for the powerful -- (Applause.)  Yes, you can clap for yourselves.  (Applause.)  But also for the powerful message your journey toward democracy has sent to millions of people beyond your border. 
 
     You should be proud -- proud of what you have done.  Your experience here in Moldova proves that political transition can be peaceful, that free and fair elections and a genuine commitment to reform can turn democratic values into reality, and that around the world -- people around the world yearn for basic rights and freedom, no matter what language they use to demand them.
 
     You know from your own experience that achieving democracy is not easy, but you also know it is worth the struggle.  (Applause.)  President Obama and I along with the American people have watched that struggle and celebrated your successes, and we are determined to help you build on your achievements.  We strongly support your commitment to political and economic reforms and taking on hard issues.
 
     While we applaud your progress, let me be clear, there can be no democracy without a transparent legal system, without a commitment to fight corruption and an end to human trafficking.  (Applause.)
 
     On Transnistria, America has supported and will continue to support a settlement -- not any settlement, but a settlement that preserves Moldova's sovereignty and territorial integrity -- (applause) -- within -- within your internationally recognized borders.
 
     Formal negotiations with a real agenda should resume as soon as possible.  Transnistria's future lies inside Moldova -- (applause) -- within -- within the community of Europe.  The people of Moldova deserve an end to a dispute that has divided this great country for far too long.  (Applause.)
 
     Folks, political change is hard.  Economic reform can be even harder, especially when unemployment is high and prices are rising.  People everywhere, including in my own country, America, worry about jobs and prices, as well.  But as you reform your economy, more foreign investment will flow into Moldova, more of Moldova's businesses will enter foreign markets.  And that will add up to higher paying jobs and more jobs.
 
     As you continue on this journey, I promise you, America will be your partner.  Over five years, the United States -- over the next five years, the United States will provide a quarter of a billion dollars -- $262 million to support your agricultural industry.  (Applause.)  This assistance, God willing, will improve your roads to help your farmers get their goods to market, will make it easier for your farmers to secure the loans they need to buy better equipment.  We will work with the Moldovan government on economic policies to grow your economy to attract foreign investment, train civil society to become more effective advocates and help improve Moldova's schools.
 
     And by the way, Moldova has made its own contributions -- significant contributions to American society and to American culture.  Let me give you two recent examples.  A fellow named Rahm Emmanuel, President Obama's former chief of staff, who is the newly elected mayor of Chicago in Illinois, America's third largest city, he says that he has inherited his legendary toughness from his Moldovan grandfather.  (Applause.)  I'm serious.  Who became a labor leader in America after emigrating to the United States.
 
     And someone we appreciate even more, Natalie Portman, who last month won an Academy Award for best actress in America, I don't know whether you know this, but she told us she carries in her wallet a picture, a photograph of her Moldovan grandmother.  (Applause.)
 
     And I know this is not on the teleprompter, but she's a heck of a lot better looking than Rahm Emmanuel.  (laughter.)
 
     Look, folks, what Moldovans -- what all of you want for your future America supports, as well: a democratic and prosperous European state, a better life for you and your families. 
 
     America will walk with you on this journey you've undertaken for a simple reason: because a successful Moldova will benefit this region; it will benefit Europe; and it will benefit the United States of America.  You're small.  You're a small country, but you are tackling large consequential issues head-on.  I believe you and your leaders are up to that challenge.  A better future is within your reach.
 
     Take a look around you.  Think about your families.  Think about your children.  Think about what you left 20 years ago.  Think about freedom, democracy and prosperity -- what it will mean to your families and your children.  When you do that, I assure you no matter how tough the road, it will never be too hard.
 
     And I'm proud -- I'm proud to have had the opportunity to stand with you today to offer my country's congratulations and support on your 20th anniversary of independence and your continued -- your continued move toward democratic institutions and becoming part of Europe.
 
     Thank you.  May God bless America and may God bless Moldova.  Thank you.  (Applause.)
 
 
 
END

2:30 P.M. (Local)

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by the President Honoring the 2010 Stanley Cup Champion Chicago Blackhawks

South Lawn

2:52 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT:  Hello, hello, hello, everybody!  Hello, Blackhawks fans!  (Applause.)  Now, we have hosted a lot of teams at the White House over the last two years, but this one is a little sweeter.  It’s pretty special.  That’s because it is the first time as President I get to say congratulations on bringing a world championship to my hometown, the city of Chicago.  (Applause.)

I want to start by recognizing Rocky Wirtz, John McDonough, and all the folks who helped make this team what it is.  Give them a big round of applause.  (Applause.)

We’re proud to have some members of Congress here today.  You guys didn’t have anything to do with it -- (laughter) -- but I know you’re big fans, so we want to acknowledge you.

Finally, I want to congratulate all the fans.  We have a proud tradition in Chicago of believing that no matter how long it takes, how much we have to endure, it’s only a matter of time before our team finally wins it all.  (Laughter.)  The waiting builds character.  We have a lot of character.  (Laughter.)   

Now, I have to say, even by Chicago standards, 49 years, that’s a pretty long time.  (Laughter.)  To put that in perspective, the last time the Blackhawks won the Stanley Cup, a movie cost 69 cents.  JFK had just moved into the White House.  I was still in diapers.  (Laughter.)  And when the legendary Glenn Hall played goalie for the Hawks, he did it with a wooden stick and no mask.

So you can understand why people were a little skeptical when, after this team’s first practice last year, Patrick Kane came off the ice and said, “We want to win the Stanley Cup.”  We had heard that before.

But this time it was different.  This was the kind of tough, talented, selfless team that Chicago had been waiting for. 

It was a team built around people like Coach Q, who brought years of experience and focus to the bench.  Players like 22-year-old captain Jonathan Toews, who lit up the ice on his way to being named playoff MVP.  (Applause.)  There’s Patrick Kane, who scored the biggest goal in franchise history in the overtime to win the Cup.  (Applause.)  And when Duncan Keith had seven of his teeth knocked out by a puck -- seven -- some of you guys there, you’re missing a few, he’s missing seven at one time -- but he bit down on some gauze, took a shot of Novocain, and headed right back out onto the ice.  (Applause.)  They did all this for their fans.  And along the way, they helped Chicago become a hockey town again. 

During the playoffs, even the Michael Jordan statue had a Blackhawks uniform on.  (Laughter.)  After this team won the Stanley Cup, 2 million people lined Michigan Avenue to see the victory parade go by.  And when the Hawks visited Wrigley Field during the Crosstown Classic, they did something even tougher than winning the Cup -- they got 40,000 Sox fans and Cubs fans to stand up and cheer at the same team.  (Laughter.)  Never happened before.

In the end, it was about more than just bringing home one of the biggest trophies in sports.  It was about a city coming together behind one team and one goal.  It was about a new generation of players and fans understanding what it feels like to be the best in the world.  It was about getting the chance to share that experience with others.

And that’s why, over the last year, members of this team have been taking the Cup on the road -- stopping everywhere from ice rinks to hospitals to let people have their moment with the trophy and help spread some of the joy.

Yesterday, for example, they took the Cup to visit wounded warriors at Walter Reed Hospital.  (Applause.)  So they helped raise the spirits of men and women who’ve sacrificed so much on behalf of our country.  Later today, they’re going to join Michelle in helping kids stay active by trying out some street hockey out on the South Lawn.  So I want to thank them for everything they’re doing to give back.

And finally, because it’s almost playoff time again, I want to wish these guys the best of luck going into the postseason.  I don’t want to jinx anything, but after winning eight of their last 10 games, I think it might be time for Patrick to start growing that playoff mullet again.  (Laughter.)  I thought it was pretty sharp.  Because I want to see you back here next year. 

And let me, yes, just say to all the Bears fans, Bulls fans, White Sox fans, and Cubs fans -- (laughter)-- I want to see all of you sometime soon, as well.

So, congratulations, guys.  Thank you.  (Applause.)

(The President is presented with an official jersey.)

Thank you so much.  Thank you.  There we go.  I think we’ve even got some blood on here.  (Laughter.)  It shows it’s authentic.  Fantastic.

PLAYER:  Do you want to put the ring on?

THE PRESIDENT:  Oh, absolutely.  I've got to try the ring out and everything.  That's what you call some bling, right there.  (Laughter.)  All right, there you go.

PLAYER:  We got this for you, too.

THE PRESIDENT:  What else do we got here?  (Laughter.) 

PLAYER:  A mini Stanley Cup -- there you go.

THE PRESIDENT:  Look at this, a mini Stanley -- now, can I say that when I first saw this I thought it looks so much bigger on TV.  (Laughter.)  But then it turned out it was just a replica.  But what a wonderful, wonderful gift this is.  Thank you so much, team.  We are proud of you.  Thank you.  appreciate you.  (Applause.)  Go, Blackhawks! 

END
3:00 P.M. EST

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

News Conference by the President

South Court Auditorium

Please note the correction to the transcript below.

THE PRESIDENT:  The answer to your second question is yes.  And so I already told Prime Minister Kan that we will provide whatever assistance that they need.  My understanding is that the main assistance that we’re going to be able to provide them is *lift capacity, the ability for us to I think help in the cleanup.

12:33 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT: Good morning, everybody. Before I begin, I want to say a few words about the terrible earthquake and tsunami that struck Japan earlier today.
 
First and foremost, our thoughts and our prayers are with the people of Japan. This is a potentially catastrophic disaster and the images of destruction and flooding coming out of Japan are simply heartbreaking. Japan is, of course, one of our strongest and closest allies, and this morning I spoke with Prime Minister Kan. On behalf of the American people, I conveyed our deepest condolences, especially to the victims and their families, and I offered our Japanese friends whatever assistance is needed.
 
We currently have an aircraft carrier in Japan, and another is on its way. We also have a ship en route to the Marianas Islands to assist as needed. The Defense Department is working to account for all our military personnel in Japan. U.S. Embassy personnel in Tokyo have moved to an offsite location. And the State Department is working to account for and assist any and all American citizens who are in the country.
 
Tsunami warnings have been issued across the Pacific, and we’ve already seen initial waves from the tsunami come ashore on Guam and other U.S. territories, in Alaska and Hawaii, as well as on -- along the West Coast. Here in the United States, there hasn’t been any major damage so far. But we're taking this very seriously, and we are monitoring the situation very closely. FEMA is fully activated and is coordinating with state and local officials to support these regions as necessary. And let me just stress that if people are told to evacuate, do as you are told.
 
Today’s events remind us of just how fragile life can be. Our hearts go out to our friends in Japan and across the region and we’re going to stand with them as they recover and rebuild from this tragedy.

Now, before I take a few questions let me say a few words about something that's obviously been on the minds of many Americans here at home, and that’s the price of gasoline.

In an economy that relies on oil, gas prices affect everybody -– from farmers and truck drivers to restaurant owners and workers as well as consumers. Businesses see rising prices affect their bottom line. Families feel the pinch every time they fill up the tank. For Americans already facing a tough time, it’s an added burden.

Of course, rising prices are not a new phenomenon. Three years ago, before the recession hit, a combination of factors, including rising demand from emerging economies like China, drove gas prices to more than $4 a gallon. The worldwide recession and the decrease in demand pushed prices back down. But over the past year, as the economy has picked up steam and global demand for oil has increased, prices have increased again. Turmoil in North Africa and the Middle East has added uncertainty to the mix and lost production in Libya has tightened supply.

Now, here’s the good news. The global community can manage supply disruptions like this. Other oil-producing nations have committed to filling any gaps –- and we will continue to coordinate closely with our international partners to keep all options on the table when it comes to any supply disruptions.

Here at home, everybody should know that should the situation demand it, we are prepared to tap the significant stockpile of oil that we have in the Strategic Petroleum Reserve. We’re also using the resources at our disposal at the federal level to monitor any possible manipulation in the oil markets. And I’m asking the Attorney General and relevant state -- relevant agencies to work with state attorneys general to monitor for price gouging to make sure that nobody is taking advantage of working families at the pump.

In addition, America is better prepared for supply disruptions than we used to be. Today, we use 7 percent less oil than we did in 2005, even as our economy has grown since then, partly because our economy as a whole is more efficient. We’re adapting. We’re producing more oil and we’re importing less. Our automakers, for example, are manufacturing more fuel-efficient cars -– some that now get more than 50 miles to the gallon –- and our consumers are driving more of these cars.

In December, Democrats and Republicans came together to pass a payroll tax cut that is already helping to grow our economy and create jobs. In the wake of rising gas prices, it should also help act as a cushion for working families. This doesn’t lessen our commitment to do everything that we can to get gas prices down, but that tax cut will total about $1,000 for the average working family this year, or an extra $80 or so showing up in your paycheck each month. And that tax relief package is a key reason that even with these higher prices, economists and investors like Warren Buffett believe we should still expect solid growth and strong private sector job creation this year.

Now, the hard truth is, is that as long as our economy depends on foreign oil, we’ll always be subject to price spikes. So we’ve got to get moving on a comprehensive energy strategy that pursues both more energy production and more energy conservation. We need to increase our access to secure energy supplies in the near term, and we’ve got to make our economy more energy-efficient and energy-independent over the long run.

Let me be more specific. First, we need to continue to boost domestic production of oil and gas. Last year, American oil production reached its highest level since 2003. Let me repeat that. Our oil production reached its highest level in seven years. Oil production from federal waters in the Gulf of Mexico reached an all-time high. For the first time in more than a decade, imports accounted for less than half of what we consumed.

So any notion that my administration has shut down oil production might make for a good political sound bite, but it doesn’t match up with reality. We are encouraging offshore exploration and production. We’re just doing it responsibly. I don’t think anybody has forgotten that we’re only a few months removed from the worst oil spill in our history. So what we’ve done is to put in place common-sense standards like proving that companies can actually contain an underwater spill. And oil companies are stepping up -- we’ve approved more than 35 new offshore drilling permits that meet these new safety and environmental standards.

There is more we can do, however. For example, right now, the industry holds leases on tens of millions of acres –- both offshore and on land –- where they aren’t producing a thing. So I’ve directed the Interior Department to determine just how many of these leases are going undeveloped and report back to me within two weeks so that we can encourage companies to develop the leases they hold and produce American energy. People deserve to know that the energy they depend on is being developed in a timely manner.

We’re also taking steps that will enable us to gather data on potential gas and oil resources off the mid- and south Atlantic, and we’re working with the industry to explore new frontiers of production, safety measures, and containment technology. We’re looking at potential new development in Alaska, both onshore and offshore. And when it comes to imported oil, we’re strengthening our key energy relationships with other producer nations, something that I will discuss with President Rousseff when I visit Brazil next week.

All these actions can increase domestic oil production in the short and medium term. But let’s be clear -– it is not a long-term solution. Even if we started drilling new wells tomorrow, that oil isn’t coming online overnight. And even if we tap every single reserve available to us, we can’t escape the fact that we only control 2 percent of the world’s oil, but we consume over a quarter of the world’s oil. T. Boone Pickens, who made his fortune in the oil business -- and I don’t think anybody would consider him unfriendly to drilling -- was right when he said that “this is one emergency we can’t drill our way out of.”

We can’t place our long-term bets on a finite resource that we only control 2 percent of -– especially a resource that’s vulnerable to hurricanes, war, and political turmoil.

So beyond increased domestic production, if we want to secure our long-term prosperity and protect the American people from more severe oil shocks in the future, the way to do it is to gradually reduce demand and then do everything we can to break our dependence on oil.

For example, last year we established a groundbreaking national fuel efficiency standard for cars and trucks. It’s going to save consumers money while conserving about 1.8 billion barrels of oil. And we’re working with automakers, autoworkers, and states to ensure that the high-quality, fuel-efficient cars and trucks of tomorrow continue to be built right here in the United States of America.

To satisfy our broader energy needs, we’re working to diversify our entire portfolio with historic investments in clean energy. Right now, all across America, our farmers are producing homegrown fuels, our scientists are looking for the next breakthroughs, and our workers are back in once shuttered factories, manufacturing wind turbines and solar panels and advanced batteries that will help our cars get hundreds of miles to the gallon. These are jobs that didn’t exist two years ago, and we want to create millions more of these jobs.

And in this year’s State of the Union address, I set a goal for America: By 2035, 80 percent of our electricity will come from a broad array of clean energy sources –- from renewables like wind and solar and homegrown biofuels, along with natural gas, clean coal, and nuclear power.

So these are just some of the steps that we’ve already taken to secure America’s energy future. And over the course of the weeks and months ahead, we will take more.

But the bottom line is this. We’ve been having this conversation for nearly four decades now. Every few years, gas prices go up; politicians pull out the same old political playbook, and then nothing changes. And when prices go back down, we slip back into a trance. And then when prices go up, suddenly we’re shocked. I think the American people are tired of that. I think they’re tired of talk. We’ve got to work together -– Democrats, Republicans, and everybody in between –- to finally secure America’s energy future. I don’t want to leave this for the next President, and none of us should want to leave it for our kids.

So, with that, let me take a few questions. And I’m going to start with Mr. Todd.

Q Thank you, Mr. President. I want to go to -- start with Libya. You had said that you want to see Qaddafi leave power, leave office. Are you prepared to use any means necessary in the United States government to make that happen? And if not, why not? I know in the cases of some of these other uprisings there’s been a careful consideration not to take sides, let the Libyan -- let the people in those countries make this decision. But in this case, it does seem we have taken sides. So what -- what’s the red line here?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, first of all, let’s take a look at what we've already done. My first priority obviously was getting out American citizens and embassy personnel out of Libya, and we got that done. The very next day we had already instituted the largest financial seizure of assets in our history. And the day after that we’d imposed sanctions and we had mobilized the international community through the United Nations, so that across the board we are slowly tightening the noose on Qaddafi. He is more and more isolated internationally, both through sanctions as well as an arms embargo.

In addition to that, we've provided a host of humanitarian aid measures to make sure that people are not adversely affected as they cross the borders into Tunisia or Egypt. And we will continue to do that.

And what we've done is we've organized in NATO a series of conversations about a wide range of options that we can take -- everything from 24-hour surveillance so that we can monitor the situation on the ground and react rapidly if conditions deteriorated, to further efforts with respect to an arms embargo, additional efforts on humanitarian aid, but also potential military options including a no-fly zone.

NATO will be meeting on Tuesday to consider a no-fly zone, and we've been in discussion with both Arab countries as well as African countries to gauge their support for such an action.

In addition, Secretary Hillary Clinton will be meeting with the opposition in the next several days, and we have determined that it’s appropriate for us to assign a representative whose specific job is to interact with the opposition and determine ways that we can further help them. And so we're going to be in close consultation with them.

So the bottom line is, is that I have not taken any options off the table at this point. I think it is important to understand that we have moved about as swiftly as an international coalition has ever moved to impose sanctions on Qaddafi. I am absolutely clear that it is in the interest of the United States, and more importantly, in the interest of the Libyan people for Mr. Qaddafi to leave. And I have not foreclosed these options.

Now, I do take very seriously making sure that any decisions I make that involve U.S. military power are well thought through and are done in close consultation with Secretary Gates, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Mullen, and all relevant personnel. Any time I send the United States forces into a potentially hostile situation, there are risks involved and there are consequences. And it is my job as President to make sure that we have considered all those risks.

It’s also important, from a political perspective, to, as much as possible, maintain the strong international coalition that we have right now.

Q Are you concerned that because you’ve called for his removal, you’ve imposed all these sanctions, that Qaddafi feels cornered, has no other option in his mind but to just keep fighting, keep fighting? And, in the words of your Director of National Intelligence, he may have the firepower to potentially win this standoff with the rebels.

THE PRESIDENT: I am concerned, absolutely. And I think that’s why it’s so important for us not to stop where we are, but to continue to find options that will add additional pressure, including sending a clear message to those around Qaddafi that the world is watching and we’re paying attention, and that there have been referrals to the International Criminal Court.

Part of what we’re going to be wanting to do is to change the balance not just militarily inside of Libya, but also to change the balance in terms of those who are around Qaddafi and are thinking about what their future prospects are if they continue down the course that they’re on.

But, Chuck, there’s no doubt that I am concerned about it. Qaddafi has a stash of weapons. He not only has some troops that remain loyal to him, but there have been reports that he’s also been hiring mercenaries. Even with the financial freeze that we’ve imposed, he still has some assets. The rebel groups are just now getting organized. And so we’re going to have to continue to apply pressure, and that’s why I say we have not taken any options off the table at this point.

Mimi Hall.

Q Thank you, Mr. President. Just to follow up on Libya, and I also have a budget question. You say you’re concerned, but is Qaddafi staying, is that an acceptable option for you ever?
 
And my question on the budget is -- there’s been some criticism from members of your own party about your leadership on negotiations on spending. And I’m wondering, given that, if you can talk about where you stand on a three-week CR, on longer-term priorities, and what you would and would not accept on cuts.

THE PRESIDENT: Sure.

Q Thank you.

THE PRESIDENT: Going back to the Qaddafi question, as I said before, it is in the United States’ interest and the interest of the people of Libya that Qaddafi leave. And we are going to do a -- we’re going to take a wide range of actions to try to bring about that outcome. When you say is it ever acceptable, I think what you’re asking is are we going to do -- engage in any potential military action to make that happen. And as I’ve said before, when it comes to U.S. military actions, whether it’s a no-fly zone or other options, you’ve got to balance costs versus benefits. And I don’t take those decisions lightly.

But let me be as clear as I can about the desired outcome from our perspective, and that is that Qaddafi step down. And we are going to continue to work with the international community to try to achieve that, and we are going to be in close consultation with these opposition groups as they get organized to see how we can bring about that outcome.

Now, with respect to the budget, I think it’s important to understand that right now the discussion is about last year’s business. We’re talking about how to fund the remainder of this fiscal year. This is an appropriations task. And we have been in very close contact with all members of Congress -- both parties. I’ve had conversations with Mr. McConnell, I’ve had conversations with Mr. Boehner, I’ve had conversations with Nancy Pelosi, and I’ve had conversations with Harry Reid about how they should approach this budget problem.

Here’s what we know: The Republicans in the House passed a budget that has been now rejected in the Senate. They are not going to get 100 percent of what they want. The Democrats have put forward spending cuts, many of them pretty painful, that give Republicans already half of what they were seeking, because they’re the right thing to do. Many of those cuts are ones that were already embodied in the budget that I proposed for 2012. Now, that’s been rejected as well.

So here’s what we know -- that both sides are going to have to sit down and compromise on prudent cuts somewhere between what the Republicans were seeking that’s now been rejected and what the Democrats had agreed to that has also been rejected. It shouldn’t be that complicated. And so what I’ve done is, every day I talk to my team, I give them instructions in terms of how they can participate in the negotiations, indicate what’s acceptable, indicate what’s not acceptable. And our expectation is, is that we should be able to get this completed.

Now, because I think neither Democrats or Republicans were in the mood to compromise until their 100-percent maximal position was voted down in the Senate, we’ve probably lost some time. And we may not be able to fully resolve this and meet next week’s deadline for the continuing resolution, which means that there may be potentially one more short-term extension.

But let me just make some broad points about this. Number one, we can’t keep on running the government based on two-week extensions. That’s irresponsible. We’ve got a war in Afghanistan going on. We’ve got a wide range of issues facing the country on a day-to-day basis. And the notion that we can’t get resolved last year’s budget in a sensible way with serious but prudent spending cuts I think defies common sense. So we should be able to get it done.

Point number two. There are going to be certain things that House Republicans want that I will not accept. And the reason I won’t accept them is not because I don’t think we’ve got to cut the budget; we do. And we’ve already put forward significant cuts in the discretionary budget, some of which have not made members of my own party happy.

But the notion that we would cut, for example, Pell Grants, when we know the single most important thing to our success as a nation long term is how well-educated our kids are, and the proposal that was coming out of the House would cut this year about $800 out of Pell Grants for 8 million kids, and if were extended into next year would cut in half the Pell Grants that they’re receiving -- that makes no sense. The notion that we would decide that, under the Republican budget proposal, to eliminate 200,000 Head Start slots that also would mean the layoffs of 55,000 teachers -- that doesn’t make sense.

The principle that I’ve tried to put forward since the State of the Union is we’ve got to live within our means, we’ve got to get serious about managing our budget, but we can’t stop investing in our people. We can’t stop investing in research and development. We can’t stop investing in infrastructure -- those things that are going to make us competitive over the long term and will help us win the future.

And so I’ve communicated directly to Speaker Boehner as well as to Republican Leader McConnell that we want to work with them to get to a sustainable discretionary budget. And we think it is important for us to stop funding programs that don’t work. But we’re going to make sure that we hold the line when it comes to some critical programs that are either going to help us out-educate, out-innovate, or out-build other countries.

Last point I’ll make on the budget. The Republican budget that passed out of the House included a whole range of what are called riders. These aren’t really budget items. These are political statements. And I want -- I’ve said, again, directly to Speaker Boehner that we’re happy to discuss any of these riders, but my general view is, let’s not try to sneak political agendas into a budget debate. If Republicans are interested in social issues that they want to promote, they should put a bill on the floor of the House and promote it, have an up or down vote, send it over to the Senate. But don’t try to use the budget as a way to promote a political or ideological agenda.

I think that’s the American people’s view as well. I think one of the messages that the American people have clearly sent is get serious about living within our means and managing our budget in a responsible way, and stop with the political bickering. And if we have that view in mind, then I think that not only can we get this short-term issue resolved, but I think we can actually solve the long-term budget issues as well.

Jake Tapper. Where’s Jake?

Q Thanks, Mr. President. Experts say they can’t recall a time when the U.S. ever had to rush assistance to a nuclear power plant in another country before. What can you tell us about how serious this is with the U.S. rushing coolant to Japan because of the nuclear plant there?

And then, a second question -- the State Department spokesman, PJ Crowley, said the treatment of Bradley Manning by the Pentagon is ridiculous and counterproductive and stupid. And I’m wondering if you agree with that. Thank you, sir.

THE PRESIDENT: On point number one, when I spoke to Prime Minister Kan, I specifically asked him about the nuclear plants and their potential vulnerability as a consequence of the earthquake. He indicated that they are monitoring the situation very closely. So far, they have not seen evidence of radiation leaks. But, obviously, you’ve got to take all potential precautions. And I’ve asked Steve Chu, our Energy Secretary, to be in close contact with their personnel to provide any assistance that’s necessary, but also to make sure that if, in fact, there have been breaches in the safety system on these nuclear plants, that they’re dealt with right away.

With respect to Private Manning, I have actually asked the Pentagon whether or not the procedures that have been taken in terms of his confinement are appropriate and are meeting our basic standards. They assure me that they are. I can’t go into details about some of their concerns, but some of this has to do with Private Manning’s safety as well.

Q Do you disagree with PJ Crowley?

THE PRESIDENT: I think I gave you an answer to the substantive issue.

Q One quick question. On the coolant, how did that happen? Why was it --

THE PRESIDENT: I don’t yet have all the details, Jake. So I’m going to have to defer that question until we get more. Obviously the tragedy just happened a few hours ago, and there’s going to be a lot of fact-finding that we’re going to have to determine.

Chip Reid.

Q Thank you, Mr. President. I’d like to go at the Libya thing in a slightly different way. In an interview with CBS News, Qaddafi’s son Saif said, “The plan” -- said the plan is “to squash the rebels with no mercy.” If he follows through, if the Qaddafi regime follows through on that, can the United States simply stand by and do nothing? And I say that in light of the fact that in the past you have said there are times when a brutal government is massacring its own citizens that the United States has a moral obligation to intervene militarily.

THE PRESIDENT: I continue to believe that not only the United States but the international community has an obligation to do what it can to prevent a repeat of something like what occurred in the Balkans in the ‘90s, what occurred in Rwanda. And so part of, for example, maintaining 24-hour surveillance of the situation there is for us to have some sort of alert system if you start seeing defenseless civilians who are being massacred by Qaddafi’s forces.

But obviously we’re going to have to look at what develops on the ground on a case-by-case basis. I don’t want to generalize right now and say that’s what’s happening and we’re prepared to step in. It’s going to require some judgment calls, and those are difficult ones. But we have sent a clear warning to the Qaddafi government that they will be held accountable, particularly when it comes to assaulting civilians. And some of the rhetoric that you’ve seen -- for example, the idea that when Qaddafi said that they’d be going door to door hunting for people who are participating in protests -- that implied a sort of lack of restraint and ruthlessness that I think raises our antenna.

But, as I said before, what I’ve got to do is make sure that we’re monitoring the situation and matching our actions with what we think will be helpful on the ground and also sustainable, and we’ve got to do so in consultation with the international community.

Q Can I follow up? Can I ask you do you agree with your top intelligence official, James Clapper, who said before Congress yesterday that it is likely that the Qaddafi regime will prevail in the long run? And did he err by saying that in public? And if so, is this something he needs to be taken to the woodshed for?

THE PRESIDENT: He was making a hardheaded assessment about military capability. And I don’t think anybody disputes that Qaddafi has more firepower than the opposition. He wasn’t stating policy.

So let me be clear, again, about what our policy as determined by me, the President of the United States, is towards the situation there. I believe that Qaddafi is on the wrong side of history. I believe that the Libyan people are anxious for freedom and the removal of somebody who has suppressed them for decades now. And we are going to be in contact with the opposition, as well as in consultation with the international community, to try to achieve the goal of Mr. Qaddafi being removed from power.

Zachary Goldfarb.

Q Thank you, Mr. President. You talked about the option of tapping the Strategic Petroleum Reserve. Can you walk through which steps or which targets have to be hit before we do that -- oil price, gas price -- and how much would you want to release in any particular moment? And secondly, can you talk about, in addition to energy shocks, what are the other two or three gravest threats to the economic recovery and what your administration is doing about it?

THE PRESIDENT: The answer to your first question is, no, I will not go through the prices that would trigger the release of the Strategic Petroleum Reserve. But what I can do is to give you a sense of how historically it’s been understood.

The idea behind the Strategic Petroleum Reserve is, if there was a severe disruption in supply -- similar to what happened in the ‘70s, for example, when you had OPEC making a decision not to sell for a while -- how would our economy continue to function, and making sure that we’ve got sufficient supplies for that. Another example would be during Hurricane Katrina, when you’ve got a whole bunch of refineries that have been impacted and production in the Gulf has been impacted. That’s another example where in a short term you can fill that hole.

Right now, what we’re seeing is not a shortage of supply; refineries are actually operating at fairly full capacity at the moment. The problem is, is a great deal of uncertainty in the oil markets -- part of it prompted by the fact that the economy is growing faster in some places than others, but you’ve got China and India and Brazil and other emerging nations that are using more and more energy as their economies advance.

We already saw that trend in 2008. Because of the worldwide recession, oil prices went back down. But to some degree, a lot of what’s happening in prices is as a consequence of economic growth and countries and economies starting to use more oil.

Part of it, though, is also uncertainty in terms of what’s happening in the Middle East. And so one of the messages that I want to send today is that we are confident about our ability to fill any potential gaps in supply. Libya, for example, does not account for a large portion of overall world production. They provide a type of oil that is highly valued and there’s a high premium on it, but basically even if Libyan oil production was suspended for a significant period of time because of the unrest there, we’d be able to fill that gap.

So a lot of this has to do with uncertainty in the market. And part of what I want to communicate to the market is, is that we’re going to do what we need to do, in consultation with both other producer nations as well as in consultation with our allies who also have reserves, to make sure that oil supplies remain stable and that economic growth is going to continue.

I do want to repeat the point that I made, though, that, look, the American people feel this pretty acutely. We can talk all we want in the abstract about world oil markets; what they’re concerned about is, this is money out of my pocket. Some of the steps that we’ve already taken are making a difference. But, obviously, if you are in a house that requires you to commute 50 miles every day to your job, you’re not going to be able to sell your house immediately, particularly in this market, and move closer. You may want to buy a fuel-efficient car, but you may not be able to afford it. And so you’re stuck with the old clunker that's getting 8 or 10 miles a gallon.

And so -- and in fact, a lot of folks who are having the toughest time, who are either unemployed or have low-wage jobs, they’re the ones that are most severely affected because they’re using a higher portion of their income just to fill up the gas tank.

So we're going to try to do everything we can not only to stabililze the market -- as I said, to the extent that we see any efforts to take advantage of these price spikes through price gouging, we're going to go after that. If we see significant disruptions or shifts in the market that are so disconcerting to people that we think a Strategic Petroleum Reserve release might be appropriate, then we'll take that step. And we're going to monitor very closely -- and obviously we have it teed up, so this isn’t a situation where it would take a big bureaucracy and several weeks for us to implement. This is something that would take several days.

With respect to the overall economy, I think my assessment and the assessment of most economists is that, although gas prices are hurting individuals right now and obviously taking some of that tax cut that we gave them and forcing them to use it on gas as opposed to buying other items -- that, in part because of the steps we took, both Democrats and Republicans, during the lame duck session, that the economic growth continues in a positive trend.

We saw that in the jobs report, which in the private sector, at least, was better than expected. We’ve seen the unemployment rate drop a full point. And so, overall, I’m positive about the fact that we’re moving slowly but surely into positive job growth over the next several months.

There are some areas we’re still concerned about. Housing is one that I just mentioned. We’ve got a lot of folks who, because housing prices have fallen so steeply, are still hurting. Some of them are threatened with foreclosure, maybe because they lost a job. In some cases, they want to sell their house so they can move to a new job and their house is underwater; essentially their mortgage is higher than what the house would sell for right now.

We have a number of steps to encourage loan modifications, to encourage banks to take steps that would alleviate some of that burden and start clearing some of those homes on the market, but it’s a slow process. It’s a five -- you’re talking about $5 trillion worth of product out there. And I mentioned that I had this conversation with Warren Buffett a couple weeks ago when I was giving him the Medal of Freedom, and his point was, look, I’m bullish about this economy; when it comes to the housing market, it just takes some time to work itself out because we had such a housing bubble. We had so much construction, particularly in certain states that are harder hit than others. That was then compounded by the overall recession. And it’s going to take some time for the housing market to improve. But we’re continuing to take a range of steps to try to strengthen that process of recovery in the housing market.

The last point I’ll make on the economy overall relates back to the budget issues that we talked about. If you looked at the last jobs report, growth in the private sector -- very strong; 220,000 jobs created. Where you lost jobs was in state and local government. And that means teachers being laid off, firefighters being laid off, police officers being laid off. Now, we were able to cushion some of that over the first two years of this recession through the Recovery Act, and it made a huge difference all across the country. But now states are continuing to cut, local governments are continuing to cut.

I think it’s very important, when we think about the budget, to understand that our long-term debt and deficits are not caused by us having Head Start teachers in the classroom. Our long-term debt and deficit are caused primarily by escalating health care costs that we see in Medicare and Medicaid that is putting huge pressure on the overall budget.

And that’s why I think it’s going to be important for us to have a conversation after we get the short-term budget done about how do we really tackle the problem in a comprehensive way. And that means not just going after Head Start or Corporation for Public Broadcasting -- that’s not where the money is. What it means is, is that we’ve got to make sure that we’re tackling defense spending; we’re tackling tax expenditures and tax loopholes; that we’re tackling entitlements; and that we’re thinking about how do we really get our arms around those things that are driving the debt and deficit, in a serious way and in a bipartisan way.

I’ll make this the last question. Hishan Bourar.

Q Thank you, Mr. President --

THE PRESIDENT: Why don’t you get a microphone so we can hear you?

Q Thank you, Mr. President. Did you have contacts with other leaders in the Middle East? And when you appraised them for reforms, are you looking at other options where other leaders in the region can be supported to stay in power in the Middle East?

THE PRESIDENT: I’m in constant contact with leaders throughout the Middle East, and I’ve had a fairly consistent message to all of them: Number one, the United States believes in the right of peaceful protests and the ability of ordinary people to express their grievances to their government. And we oppose the use of violence in response to peaceful protestors. So that’s one clear message that we’ve try to send.

The second message we’ve try to send is that it is in the interest of the entire region to reform itself -- to reform itself both politically and economically so that the incredible talents of young people throughout that region can be tapped; so that the young man whether he is in Sanaa or he’s in Tripoli, or she’s in Cairo or Amman, that they know that if they work hard, if they are getting an education, that they have an opportunity to live a better life; that they can get a job that pays a good wage and supports their family, and that they can have the basic necessities of life, and that they have personal security and they have personal freedom.

Now, each country is different and so the evolution, the process towards that vision is going to differ in each country. But my consistent message to leaders in the region is that this process of change can be a great opportunity for the Middle East -- because if you can tap into the talents of those young people, then you can start seeing the kind of economic growth in that region that you started to see in other places in the world.

And there’s no reason why countries in the Middle East shouldn’t have the same kind of growth rates that you’re seeing in China and India. There’s nothing inherent about the people in those countries that would prevent that. What’s preventing it is the fact that for many decades you’ve seen a lack of opening up that allows you to take advantage of the global economy.

And I think that, as I said, each country is going to be different and it’s going to ultimately be up to the people in those countries to determine the best form for them to seize this opportunity, but we should be on the side of those who want to seize this opportunity.

Okay.

Q Japanese press -- Mr. President, from the Japanese media?

THE PRESIDENT: From the Japanese media, because of -- because, obviously, we’re concerned about what’s happening in Japan.

Q Thank you, Mr. President. I’m Toshi Ogata with Asahi Shimbun, a Japanese newspaper. I have two questions on the tragedy in Japan. You already touched on the issue in your opening statement. I’d like to ask about your personal feeling on the situation. You went to Japan last year; you went to Kamakura. Now a tsunami hit the coast of Japan and waves washed away cars and houses, and Japanese people are devastated. I just want to ask about your personal thoughts and feelings on that.

And secondly, you also touched on the possibility of assistance from the United States to Japan. And the Japanese government publicly said that Japan asked for help from U.S. forces in Japan. Are you ready to provide those assistance?

THE PRESIDENT: The answer to your second question is yes. And so I already told Prime Minister Kan that we will provide whatever assistance that they need. My understanding is that the main assistance that we’re going to be able to provide them is life capacity, the ability for us to I think help in the cleanup.

Obviously, when you have a tsunami like this as well as an earthquake, you have huge disruptions both in the infrastructure -- you have boats and houses and cars that are washed into main thoroughfares, and that requires heavy equipment. And so, any assistance that we can provide, we will be providing.

I’m heartbroken by this tragedy. I think when you see what’s happening in Japan you are reminded that for all our differences in culture or language or religion, that ultimately humanity is one. And when we face these kinds of natural disasters, whether it’s in New Zealand or Haiti or Japan, then you think about your own family and you think how would you feel if you lost a loved one, or if your entire lifesavings were gone because of the devastation.

And the Japanese people are such close friends of ours, and I have such a close personal friendship and connection to the Japanese people -- in part because I grew up in Hawaii where I was very familiar with Japanese culture -- that that just makes our concerns that much more acute.

But I am very confident, though, obviously, that the Japanese people are so resourceful, Japan is such a powerful economy and such an advanced economy technologically, that Japan will successfully rebuild. And it has experience dealing with natural disasters. It has dealt with them before and will deal with them again. And Japan, I’m sure, will come back stronger than ever -- hopefully with our help.

Thank you very much, everybody.

END
1:20 P.M. EST

The White House

Office of the Vice President

Vice President Biden's Remarks at Moscow State University

Moscow State University
Moscow, Russia

5:33 P.M. (Local)

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Thank you, Andy.  Rector, thank you.  It’s an honor to be here at Moscow State University.  And I want to thank the AmCham chamber for sponsoring this.

To the students that are here, I apologize.  In America, we have a rule.  You don’t have to wait any longer than 20 minutes for a full professor.  And for someone who is not a full professor, you need only wait 10 minutes.  (Laughter.  I’m honored you waited at all.  I do apologize to the business community, as well as the students, for keeping you waiting.

I want to publicly as well thank President Medvedev and Prime Minister Putin for their hospitality.  We have very good meetings, very long meetings, and I hope, productive.

And I want to thank AmCham Russia for sponsoring this event, working to foster a modern business climate after the fall of communism.

And, Rector, again, thank you for hosting us here at Moscow State University, which has given Russia and the world so many and such an extraordinary array of graduates, among them eight-- if I’m not mistaken, eight Nobel Laureates, including former President Gorbachev, who I have known for some time.

In addition to my wife, Jill, I brought along my granddaughter.  Her name is -- my number two granddaughter.  Her name is Finnegan Biden.  And I brought her along to Russia, because I wanted her to see this great country with her own eyes, the country of Pushkin’s poetry and Tolstoy’s prose, the country of Tchaikovsky’s compositions, and Zhukov’s and Gagarin’s heroic feats.  It is a rich and a noble culture.  And I’m delighted she has had a chance to get a -- just a little glimpse of it.

Let me also thank our Ambassador John Beyrle, and his team, for hosting me.  As you businesspeople know, there’s an old expression if you’re in the military -- but also if you’re in the diplomatic corps.  The good news is the commanding general is coming.  The bad news is the commanding general is coming.  On the diplomatic side, the good news is the Vice President is coming, and the bad news, the Vice President is coming because I’ve created an extraordinary amount of work for John’s incredible team.

But John is one of the best America has to offer.  And anyone who doubts the ability of Americans and Russians to work together, need only examine the history of John’s family.  His father, Joe -- Joseph was a hero in both Russia and the United States, an American soldier taken prisoner by the Nazis who went on -- later when he escaped to fight with the Red Army on the Eastern Front.  And now, more than 65 years later, his son is the American envoy to Moscow.  I think that’s a remarkable, remarkable story.

And today, I also want to address -- and the main reason I’m here -- is the state of U.S.-Russian relations.  I don’t need to tell anyone in this audience that our administration, when we took office in January of ‘09, our relationship with Russia had hit a fairly low point that had accumulated over the previous eight years.

Yes, so we saw a war between Russia and Georgia played out, and played a role in that decline.  But even before that conflict erupted in August of ‘08, a dangerous drift was underway in this important relationship.  While we no longer considered each other enemies, we couldn’t always tell from the rhetoric that was flying back and forth across the continent.

Ironically, this came at a time when American and Russian interests -- on nuclear arms control, nonproliferation, stabilizing Afghanistan, fighting terrorism, opening global markets and a range of other issues -- at a time when all of them, we were more closely aligned than ever on each and every one of those issues. 

So to seize this opportunity, President Obama and I proposed forging a fresh new start by, as I said in the initial speech on our foreign policy, by pressing a restart button, reset button.  We wanted to literally reset this relationship, reset it in a way that reflected our mutual interests, so that our countries could move forward together.

The President asked me to make that “reset” the focus of our administration’s first foreign policy speech, that I delivered several weeks after our inauguration at the Munich Security Conference.  And I said then, and I quote, “the United States and Russia can disagree and still -- still -- work together where our interests coincide.  And they coincide in many places.”

Now, we know that pursuing this agenda -- we knew pursuing this agenda would be hard work, that old habits -- as we say in America, old habits die hard.  That’s why President Obama has met nearly a dozen times with President Medvedev, and why together we established a Bilateral Presidential Commission with working groups on key issues like arms control and energy, broadening the contacts between our two governments.

And in spite, in spite of what we call -- excuse me, in the spirit of what we call in America a “dual-track engagement,” we’ve also worked to deepen our ties between our countries’ business leaders, including many of the distinguished men and women in this room, as well as between our civil society groups.

Our business and civil society summits, alongside our presidential summits in 2009 and 2010, were in my view very important in strengthening these relationships.  We believed then, and still believe, in focusing on concrete outcomes that serve both countries’ interests, as President Obama puts it, “win-win,” situations.

And we reject -- we reject, the President and I -- the tired theory that our values and our interests must compete for influence over our politics.  We flat reject that notion because we believe and we will continue to stand up for our principles.  And I believe those principles make all of us, Americans and Russians alike, more secure, more prosperous, and more free.

Two years since we pressed that reset button, I would argue the benefits of this approach to both our countries are absolutely clear on issue after issue.

Arms control:  We signed and ratified a New START Treaty, which will reduce our deployment of strategic weapons while ensuring that we maintain stable and predictable verification. 

The two countries with the largest nuclear arsenals showed the world that they are serious about arms control and strengthening global nonproliferation.  And that gave us even more credibility to deal with the most egregious violators of their international commitments.

Iran:  With our partners in the so called P5 plus 1, we -- Russia and the United States -- gave Tehran a chance for meaningful dialogue based on mutual interests and mutual respect to develop peaceful nuclear means.  They simply rejected it.  So Russia and the United States, along with our partners on the U.N. Security Council, adopted what is known as Resolution 1929, the most extensive package of sanctions Iran has ever faced. 

And Moscow, on its own and to its own -- as costing it in dollars and rubles -- Moscow took another important step:  It canceled its contract to sell to Iran S-300, air-defense missile systems, which was an unambiguous sign -- an unambiguous sign -- of international resolve that Iran must address the concerns that we have over their nuclear program.

North Korea -— working closely with Russia and our other international partners on the threat posed by Pyongyang, we adopted another U.N. resolution, referred as 1874, which authorized inspections -- almost unprecedented, authorized inspections of vessels -- Korean vessels -- suspected of carrying nuclear materials into or out of their country.  And the nations of the world have cooperated.

I would argue it’s because Russia and the United States were leading in this effort.

Afghanistan -- we’re cooperating on what we call the Northern Distribution Network, which now brings vital supplies to the ISAF, International Security Forces, including American soldiers and civilians into Afghanistan. In addition to rail cars rolling through Russia with supplies, over 800 flights have carried nearly 120,000 passengers over Russian territory to Afghanistan.  That would have been thought impossible four years ago.

And Russia is also providing badly needed military equipment and training to the Afghan National Security Forces.  We’re also cooperating on drug eradication.

European security -- using America’s improved relationship with Russia as a model, we also reset relations between Russia and NATO during last year’s Lisbon Summit, and a great deal of credit goes to President Medvedev.  And we identified missile defense as a common project.  I’ve talked extensively with your leaders on this issue.  It will be difficult, but it will be a game-changer if we can get it done.  It will say to the world, the two largest superpowers in the world are mutually developing the ability to have missile defenses, which I would argue would have an extremely important impact on dissuading so many of the countries who are contemplating becoming nuclear powers from doing so.

This year, we’ll seek agreement on an ambitious work plan for cooperation on this once contentious issue.  And we’ll also pursue an agreement on negotiations to modernize and strengthen the Conventional Forces in Europe Treaty.  I’ve been around a long time -- the CFE Treaty has been something we’ve been working on since the late ‘70s.  We have an opportunity to make more progress.

Central Asia -- we’re working together to foster a stable  -- a stable, democratic government -- a stable, democratic government -- and I might add a great deal of the credit goes to your President -- in Kyrgyzstan, combating drug traffickers, eradicating polio -— steps that suggest we can move beyond the so-called “Grand Game” and “spheres of influence,” a Cold War relic in my view.

Cooperation on each of these important issues has made America more secure -- and I would argue, presumptuous of me, but I believe it’s made Russia more secure.

But the reset has also produced more subtle signs of progress, again ones that would not have been contemplated even four years ago.  Russian helicopters used for relief efforts in Sudan.  California firefighters helping to fight wildfires in central Russia.  American and Russian drug officers working side-by-side in Afghanistan, the world’s largest producer of heroin and opium as a consequence of it.  Student body presidents from American universities discussing democracy and human rights with Kremlin advisors.  And we’re very pleased that are here today in the audience.

These things clearly would have been hard to imagine amid the mistrust and ill will a little over two years ago.  And to some of you, they may sound small.  But having been involved in this relationship for over 36 years, they are more than the sum of their parts.

And if you think I’m exaggerating and overstating the case, consider the following statistics -- or polling.  In December of 2008 -- December of 2008, one month before we were sworn in as President and Vice President, polling showed that only 17 percent of all Russians had a positive opinion of the United States -- 17 percent.  This year, that number has jumped to over 60 percent.  Our goal is to have it continue to climb.

That same year, Americans ranked Russia as one of the top five countries threatening American security -- two years ago.  This year, only 2 percent of the entire American population say they view Russia as a threat.  All of this leads to one very important conclusion in the mind of one Vice President that I think is now beyond dispute: the reset is working.  Working for all of us, working for Russia.  And I would presumptuously suggest working for the world.

But there is still, still much work to be done to enhance our security cooperation and our closeness.

On the Caucasus -- we have a genuine disagreement not only with your leadership but with the vast majority of the Russian people over Georgia.  But there’s a larger principle at stake here in our view -- and I want to be straightforward because if friends cannot be straightforward with friends, it really isn’t friendship based on mutual trust.

We think there’s a larger principle at stake here.  As I said when I announced the reset at Munich I said, “It will remain our view that sovereign states have the right to make their own decisions and choose their own alliances.”

And further:  “We will not recognize any state having a sphere of influence.”  And almost regardless of the difficulty, we don't support any state deciding through force changing the leadership of an elected -- democratically elected individual.

We have also worked closely, though, with both Russia and Georgia to reduce the threat of further conflict.  As a result, Georgia recently restarted its commitment -- restated its commitment to non-use of first use of -- non-use of force, and commercial flights have resumed between Moscow and Tbilisi.  But we must do more to assist those displaced by the 2008 conflict and enable normal travel and commerce to occur.

Our joint diplomacy was essential and is essential in ending conflicts in other areas.  Excuse me -- Nagorno-Karabakh, where I would again commend President Medvedev for his tireless work for a peaceful and permanent settlement there.  

But the next frontier in our relationship -— and the main area in my view and the President of the United States’ view of future opportunities and challenges -— will be building stronger ties of trade and commerce that match the security cooperation we have accomplished over the last two years and hopefully will continue to grow.

In the 20th Century, the wealth of a nation was measured by the abundance of its natural resources, the expanse of its landmass or the size of its army.  Russia had all of those things.

But in the 21st Century, the true wealth of a nation is found in the creative minds of its people and their ability to innovate.  There, too, Russia is remarkably blessed.  Unleashing Russia’s full potential will be a boon and an opportunity not only for the United States and for Russians, but again for international commerce and peace and justice.

Already, our economic relationship is moving to center stage.  Pepsico has made a multi-billion dollar investment in Russia -- Russia’s leading juice and dietary producer.  Imagine five years ago, the likelihood that an American company could buy, in effect, the largest of anything in Russia.

Chevron and ExxonMobil recently announced major new deals with Russian partners.  General Electric is undertaking a major expansion of its operations here.  And John Deere last year opened a major manufacturing center in Moscow -- in the Moscow region -— and is already -- I met with the President -- I think he may be here -- yesterday -- they're already doubling its capacity and as a consequence, employment.  

And Alcoa is working closely -- very closely -- with a nanotechnology firm, Rusnano, on an array of high-tech products that are the future.

This week a coalition of public and private sector partners in Russia and the U.S. announced a new program, as well, supported by an American company, Johnson & Johnson.  That program will provide pregnant women and new mothers with health information via text messages -— a great example of how civil society, government, and the private sector can work together to find innovative solutions to shared challenges -- real challenges to real people, ordinary people.

And just yesterday, I witnessed the signing of a $2 billion sale of eight Boeing 777 aircraft to Aeroflot, expanding last year’s agreement to sell 50 737s to Russian Technologies.  These contracts were able to be done and the plane was able to be built I might add because of Russian titanium, ingenuity and the engineers here; as well as the brilliant engineers and workface back in the United States.  These contracts will create or sustain tens of thousands of jobs in Russia and in the United States.

On his visit to Silicon Valley last year, President Medvedev made clear Russia’s desire to bolster our partnership in the innovation economy -— a priority the United States shares, and the President of the United States has announced as the hallmark of what we’re attempting to do.

Yesterday, I had the opportunity to -- Skolkovo -- to be in Skolkovo -- a high-tech hub on the outskirts of Moscow that has the promise of becoming the Silicon Valley of Russia.

Closer cooperation will allow American companies to benefit from greater access to Russia’s deep pool of talented engineers, mathematicians and computer scientists.

Mr. President, if you’ll forgive me to -- I will not mention the context, but yesterday we had this discussion -- a roundtable discussion of American businesses and CEOs from Russian business.  A Russian businessman said something that was true.  He said the reason why it’s good to be here in Russia and investing -- the United States -- is because of its market.  An interesting comment from the chairman of the board of Boeing in Russia, he said, with all due respect to my good friend, that may be true, but that's not the reason we’re here.  Other countries have four, five, six and seven times the capacity to purchase our planes in terms of their needs.  But we’re here.  He said let me tell you why we’re here.  We’re here because the best engineers in the world are here.  Many educated at this great university.

We’re also providing -- not as a gift.  When I say providing it sounds like we’re providing a gift -- we’re also -- American venture capitalists and other foreign investment is flowing into the Russia’s economy to allow it to diversify beyond your abundant natural resources -- metals, oil and gas -- and help Russia -- Russian start-ups get their ideas to market. 

Those of you who are studying business know that it’s one thing to have an idea, it’s another thing to get to market.  It takes people willing to make a gamble, make an investment, make a bet.

Already, several of America’s leading firms have shown their support for this vision, by committing to invest in the case of several venture capitalists over $1 billion dollars -- already committed -- investing in Russian high-tech industry. 

But despite these steps, our trading and investment relationship is not what it should be.  As a matter of fact, it was higher years ago than it is now.  Russia was America’s 37th largest export market in 2010.  The value of the goods that cross our border, the United States border with Canada and Mexico every few days exceeds the annual value of our trade with Russia.  We’ve got to do better.  We’ve got to do better.  And I believe we can.

This is one of the reasons the President and I so strongly support Russians accession to the World Trade Organization.  Accession will enable Russia to deepen its trade relations not only with the United States, but the rest of the world.  And it will give American companies a greater and more predictable -- important word, predictable -- access to Russia’s growing markets, expanding both U.S. exports and employment.

The renewed energy that Russian negotiators have brought to the table in this accession effort and Moscow’s political will to get the job done are for the first time in a long time genuinely moving things forward.

We’re making progress on these issues that have caused so much friction in the past.  We’re making progress on agricultural trade, sanitary regulations, enforcement of intellectual property rights, though we still have more work to do.

So let me make this as clear as I possibly can:  President Obama and I strongly support and want to see Russia in WTO.  We’ve made that clear to the Congress; we’ve made that clear the world; and we’ve made that clear to anybody who is willing to listen.

It’s better for America -- and presumptuous of me to say this, never tell another man his business or another country their interest -- but it’s better for America, and I believe better for Russia to be able to trade with each other under predictable and transparent rules.  And that’s also why we’re going to work with Congress to terminate the Jackson-Vanik amendment.

These steps are critical components to our Administration’s trade agenda.  There used to be a bank robber in America in the ‘30s.  His name was Willie Sutton.  And they once asked Willie Sutton, why do you rob banks, Willie.  He said, that’s where the money is.  (Laughter.)  We’re not doing Russia a favor.  This is in the overall best interest, we think, of Russia, but we know for the United States.  We know for our unemployment -- our employment to grow, trade, exports have to grow as well. 

So we expect Russia’s leaders to continue working with us to move the processes along.  But you in this room know as well as anyone that even if liberalizing our trading relationship, Russia’s business and legal climate quite frankly is going to have to continue to improve because right now for many companies it presents a fundamental obstacle.

In early 2008, President Medvedev described Russia as, and I quote, “a country of legal nihilism,” -- not my quote, his quote -- and he prescribed a set of reforms.  

The simple fact is this:  Pragmatic businessmen, particularly -- and women -- particularly those who are not so big that they can go directly to each of our governments to resolve their differences -- they want to invest where they can expect a reasonable return and an absolute assurance that the legal system in the country they're investing in will provide due process.

I don't think it’s reasonable to expect Americans, or Europeans, or Russians themselves, to invest confidently where  -- in a country in which there are infamous cases in which property rights were violated and not protected.  It may be unfair, but it is a perception. 

A country in which investors -- Russian and American -- can lose when they succeed -- lose when they succeed -- in fact, have lost fortunes because of legal abuses.

A country which -- a company which can be seized, or an owner imprisoned on a politician’s whim; in which a lawyer like Sergei Magnitsky -- I hope I pronounced that correctly -- can be arrested after accusing the police of fraud and then die in detention before being tried. 

No amount of government cheerleading or public relations or U.S. support or rebranding will bring wronged or nervous investors back to a market they perceive to have these shortcomings.  Only bold and genuine change.  I’m not here to lecture.  I’m not here to preach.  I’m not here to tell Russia what to do.  But I know from my experience, almost every country I visit, particularly smaller ones, not great countries like Russia, the first thing they’ll tell me is, can you encourage, Mr. Vice President, American businesses to invest here.

And there’s the same answer:  Get your system right.  Don't make it a gamble.  Have certainty.

Over the past few months alone, our Administration has spoken out against allegations of misconduct in the trial of -- excuse me -- Khodorkovsky -- you can tell I didn't do very well in Russian -- and of the beating and detention of “Strategy 31” demonstrators.

Some of you may say, well, how can you say those things out loud, Mr. Vice President, and expect to have a better relationship.  They're necessary to have a good relationship.   We should not have to make choices.  (Applause.)  We will continue to object when we think human rights are violated or democracy and the rule of law is undermined. 

For us, these are matters of principle, but I would argue they’re also matters of pragmatism.  History shows that in industrialized societies, economic modernization and political modernization go hand-in-hand.  You don't get one without the other.  Or put it this way, you don't get industrial modernization without political modernization.  And I realize -- I realize -- it’s been a short journey -- a short journey since, as we say in the West, the wall came down.  And I realize there is an awful lot that’s been accomplished.  But -- but -- modernization in every way is essential.

I think that’s why so many Russians now call on their country to strengthen their democratic institutions.  Courts must be empowered to uphold the rule of law and protect those playing by the rules.

Non-governmental watchdogs should be applauded as patriots, not traitors.  As a famous American jurist once said, a Supreme Court justice, he said, sunlight is the best disinfectant -- sunlight is the best disinfectant.  In today’s society, we’d probably say transparency is the best lubricant.

Journalists must be able to publish without fear of retribution.  In my country it was a newspaper, not the FBI, or the Justice Department, it was a newspaper, the Washington Post that brought down a President for illegal actions.

Thomas Jefferson said that if he only had a choice of a free press or what we had.  He said he’d choose a free press.  It’s the greatest guarantee of freedom there is, the so-called Third Estate.  And believe me to the American press up there, they drive me crazy.  (Laughter.)  It’s not like they say nice things about me all the time.  But I really mean it:  It is the single best guarantee of political freedom. 

And viable opposition -- and public parties that are able to compete is also essential to good governance.  Just as competition between top athletes produces better players and better teams, it’s also true that that works as well among firms who provide better services and better products.  Political competition means better candidates, better politics and most importantly, governments that better represent the will of their people.

In my view, the Russian people already understand this. Polls shows that most Russians want to choose their national and local leaders in competitive elections.  They want to be able to assemble freely, and they want a media to be independent of the state.  And they want to live in a country that fights corruption.

That’s democracy.  They're the ingredients of democracy.  So I urge all of you students here:  Don't compromise on the basic elements of democracy.  You need not make that Faustian bargain.

And it’s also the message I heard recently when President Medvedev said last week -- and I quote him -- “freedom cannot be postponed.”  Joe Biden didn't say that.  The President of Russia said that.

And when Deputy Premier and Finance Minister Kudrin said that “only fair elections can give the authorities the mandate of trust we need to help implement economic reforms.”  That's a Russian leader, not an American leader.

Russia and America both have a lot to gain if these sentiments are turned into actions, which I am hopeful they will be.

Now, there are some in Russia who say we hold your country to an unreasonably high standard.  It is true our expectations are high, but it’s because we’ve learned during the Cold War just how capable the Russian people are.  When you launched Sputnik we had to marshal our greatest intellectual talents to begin to meet the challenge.  And we had no illusions ever about the capacity of our then-adversary.

And in this new era of partnership, our respect for the Russian people as innovators, as thinkers remains undiminished.  Unleashing the intellectual capacity of this country is not only in Russia’s interest but it’s in America’s national interest; and I would argue the world’s interest.  This is no longer a zero-sum game.

Folks, as you well know, we’ve already come a long way.  I visited Moscow for the first time in ’73, but in the summer of ’79, I was asked by then President Carter, some 30 years ago, to lead a delegation of United States Senators who were uncertain about the SALT Talks, SALT II -- Strategic Arms Limitation Talks.  And I was a strong supporter of that treaty. 

But there were a group of new senators who were not familiar with the treaty, and agnostic on it.  And I was asked to bring nine of them to Russia.  And we sat across -- I sat across a table -- a conference table in the Kremlin, across the table from Leonid Brezhnev.  To his left was Defense Minister Ustinov and to his right was Premier Kosygin.

And to state the obvious, it was a very different time.  And I recall President Brezhnev was sicker than we thought then.  And he excused himself and left the meeting early and turned it over to Kosygin, Premier Kosygin, who in his opening statement said the following -- I will never forget it -- he said:  Before we begin our discussion, Senator, let's agree that we do not trust you, and you do not trust us.  And we both have good reason.  (Laughter.)  Literally.

He was absolutely right back then.  But he would be absolutely wrong today.  Russians and Americans inside and outside of government have worked extremely hard to overcome decades of mistrust, to identify common ground, to fashion a more secure and more prosperous future for both countries.

And in the second decade of this new century, the United States and Russia no longer have good reason not to trust one another.  There is no good reason not to trust one another.

It’s legitimate to be skeptical as you are in dealing with any nation because their self-interest may be different to you.  But it’s not -- does not translate into:  We cannot trust.

If two great nations that for 40 years stood on the opposite sides of the 20th century’s deepest divide can stand side-by-side facing the 21st century challenges, it will benefit not just the American people and the Russian people, but all people. 

That future is not just the stuff of which dreams are made of.  We are already moving in that direction.  Yes, it can be knocked off course.  But we are already moving in that direction.  And I say to you young people in this audience, it’s incumbent upon you and incumbent upon the young people of my country to not allow us to get off that path, to stay in this direction.

And I know that for many of you here today, this will be a joint effort -- that you’ll join us.  There’s much to overcome, but there’s much we’ve done.  And I would argue that based on what we’ve recently done, it’s a clear indication we can fundamentally change this relationship on a permanent basis.

Thank you all for being so gracious waiting and even more gracious listening.  Thank you.  (Applause.)

END
6:14 P.M. (Local)

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by the President and First Lady at the White House Conference on Bullying Prevention

East Room

10:25 A.M. EST

MRS. OBAMA:  Good morning.  Thank you.  (Applause.)  Everyone, please.  Good morning, and welcome to the White House.

I want to thank all of you for joining us here today to discuss an issue of great concern to me and to Barack, not just as President and as First Lady, but as a mom and a dad.  And that is the problem of bullying in our schools and in our communities. 

As parents, this issue really hits home for us.  As parents, it breaks our hearts to think that any child feels afraid every day in the classroom, or on the playground, or even online.  It breaks our hearts to think about any parent losing a child to bullying, or just wondering whether their kids will be safe when they leave for school in the morning.

And as parents, Barack and I also know that sometimes, maybe even a lot of the time, it’s really hard for parents to know what’s going on in our kids’ lives. 

We don’t always know, because they don’t always tell us every little detail.  We know that from Sasha.  Sasha’s response is -- “What happened at school today?”  “Nothing.”  (Laughter.)  That’s it.  It’s like, well, we’re taking you out of that school.  (Laughter.)

So as parents, we know we need to make a real effort to be engaged in our children’s lives, to listen to them and be there for them when they need us.  We need to get involved in their schools and in their activities so that we know what they’re up to, both in and out of the classroom.  And when something is wrong, we need to speak up, and we need to take action.

That’s just what Jacqui Knight did.  She’s a mom from Moore, Oklahoma, who’s here with us today.  We got a chance to spend some time with her before.  But when her child was bullied, she got together with other parents and planned community meetings where parents and students could share their stories.  They also held meetings for the public to raise awareness about bullying.  And they’ve been meeting with the school board and superintendent to discuss steps that they can take to keep their kids safe.

But parents aren’t the only ones who have a responsibility.  We all need to play a role -- as teachers, coaches, as faith leaders, elected officials, and anyone who’s involved in our children’s lives.  And that doesn’t just mean working to change our kids’ behavior and recognize and reward kids who are already doing the right thing.  It means thinking about our own behavior as adults as well. 

We all know that when we, as adults, treat others with compassion and respect, when we take the time to listen and give each other the benefit of the doubt in our own adult lives, that sets an example for our children.  It sends a message to our kids about how they treat others. 

So we all have a lot of work to do in this country on this issue.  And I hope that all of you, and everyone who is watching online, will walk away from this day, from this conference, with new ideas and solutions that you can all take back to your own schools and your own communities.  And I hope that all of us will step up and do our part to keep our kids safe, and to give them everything they need to learn and grow and fulfill their dreams.

So with that, it is my pleasure to introduce this guy here -- (laughter) -- my husband and our President, President Barack Obama.  (Applause.) 

THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  (Applause.)  Thank you, everybody.  Thank you.  Thank you, everybody.  Thank you.  Well, welcome to the White House.  I want to thank Michelle for her introduction, and for marrying me -- (laughter) -- and for putting up with me. 

I want to reiterate what Michelle said.  Preventing bullying isn’t just important to us as President and First Lady; it’s important for us as parents -- something we care deeply about.

We’re joined here by several members of Congress who’ve shown real leadership in taking up this cause.  We’ve got a number of members of my administration with us today who are going to help us head up the efforts that come out of the White House on this issue.  And I want to point out Judge Katherine O’Malley, the First Lady of Maryland.  She is right here -- Katherine.  (Applause.)  Thank you for being here.  Thank you all for being here.  You have a chance to make an enormous difference, and you already have.

Bullying isn’t a problem that makes headlines every day.  But every day it touches the lives of young people all across this country.  I want to thank all of you for participating in this conference.  But more importantly, I want to thank you for being part of what’s a growing movement -- led by young people themselves -- to put a stop to bullying, whether it takes place in school or it’s taking place online. 

And that’s why we’re here today.  If there’s one goal of this conference, it’s to dispel the myth that bullying is just a harmless rite of passage or an inevitable part of growing up.  It’s not.  Bullying can have destructive consequences for our young people.  And it’s not something we have to accept.  As parents and students, as teachers and members of the community, we can take steps -- all of us -- to help prevent bullying and create a climate in our schools in which all of our children can feel safe; a climate in which they all can feel like they belong.

As adults, we all remember what it was like to see kids picked on in the hallways or in the schoolyard.  And I have to say, with big ears and the name that I have, I wasn’t immune.  (Laughter.)  I didn’t emerge unscathed.  But because it’s something that happens a lot, and it’s something that’s always been around, sometimes we’ve turned a blind eye to the problem.  We’ve said, “Kids will be kids.”  And so sometimes we overlook the real damage that bullying can do, especially when young people face harassment day after day, week after week.

So consider these statistics.  A third of middle school and high school students have reported being bullied during the school year.  Almost 3 million students have said they were pushed, shoved, tripped, even spit on.  It’s also more likely to affect kids that are seen as different, whether it’s because of the color of their skin, the clothes they wear, the disability they may have, or sexual orientation.

And bullying has been shown to lead to absences and poor performance in the classroom.  And that alone should give us pause, since no child should be afraid to go to school in this country.  

Today, bullying doesn’t even end at the school bell -- it can follow our children from the hallways to their cell phones to their computer screens.  And in recent months, a series of tragedies has drawn attention to just how devastating bullying can be.  We have just been heartbroken by the stories of young people who endured harassment and ridicule day after day at school, and who ultimately took their own lives.  These were kids brimming with promise -- kids like Ty Field, kids like Carl Walker-Hoover -- who should have felt nothing but excitement for the future.  Instead, they felt like they had nowhere to turn, as if they had no escape from taunting and bullying that made school something they feared.  I want to recognize Ty’s mom and dad who are here today; Carl’s mother and sister who are here today.  They’ve shown incredible courage as advocates against bullying in memory of the sons and the brother that they’ve lost.  And so we’re so proud of them and we’re grateful to them for being here today.  (Applause.)

No family should have to go through what these families have gone through.  No child should feel that alone.  We’ve got to make sure our young people know that if they’re in trouble, there are caring adults who can help and young adults that can help; that even if they’re having a tough time, they’re going to get through it, and there’s a whole world full of possibility waiting for them.  We also have to make sure we’re doing everything we can so that no child is in that position in the first place.  And this is a responsibility we all share -- a responsibility we have to teach all children the Golden Rule:  We should treat others the way we want to be treated. 

The good news is, people are stepping up and accepting responsibility.  They’re refusing to turn a blind eye to this problem.  The PTA is launching a new campaign to get resources and information into the hands of parents.  MTV is leading a new coalition to fight bullying online, and they’re launching a series of ads to talk about the damage that’s done when kids are bullied for the color of their skin or their religion or being gay or just being who they are.  Others are leading their own efforts here today.  And across the country, parents and students and teachers at the local level are taking action as well.  They’re fighting not only to change rules and policies, but also to create a stronger sense of community and respect in their schools.

Joining this conference today is a young man I just had a chance to meet, Brandon Greene from Rhode Island.  Brandon is 14 years old.  Back in 6th grade, when he was just a kid, he did a class project on bullying.  Now, two years later, it’s a school-wide organization with 80 members.  They do monthly surveys in their school to track bullying rates.  And what they realized is that stopping bullying isn’t just about preventing bad behavior -- it’s also about working together and creating a positive atmosphere.  So Brandon and his fellow committee members are now also doing activities like coat drives and community service at their school.  And it’s making a real difference.  So we’re very proud of Brandon and the great work he’s doing.  (Applause.) 

There are stories like this all across the country, where young people and their schools have refused to accept the status quo.  And I want you all to know that you have a partner in the White House.  As the former head of Chicago’s public schools, nobody understands this issue better than my Education Secretary, Arne Duncan.  He’s going to be working on it, along with our Health Secretary, Kathleen Sebelius.  Arne is going to head up our administration’s efforts, which began last year with a first-of-its-kind summit on bullying.

And we’re also launching a new resource called stopbullying.gov, which has more information for parents and for teachers.  And as part of our education reform efforts, we’re encouraging schools to ask students themselves about school safety and how we can address bullying and other related problems -- because, as every parent knows, sometimes the best way to find out what’s happening with our kids is to ask, even if you have to -- if it’s in the case of Sasha, you have to keep on asking.  (Laughter.)  

Now, as adults, we can lose sight of how hard it can be sometimes to be a kid.  And it’s easy for us to forget what it was like to be teased or bullied.  But it’s also easy to forget the natural compassion and the sense of decency that our children display each and every day -- when they’re given a chance. 

A couple other young people that I just had a chance to meet -- Sarah and Emily Buder, who are here from California.  They’re right here next to the First Lady.  And Sarah and Emily, they read a story about a girl named Olivia in a nearby town -- this is a girl they didn’t know -- who had faced a lot of cruel taunting in school and online because she had had an epileptic seizure in class.  So they decided to write Olivia a letter, and asked their friends to do the same. 

They figured they’d send Olivia about 50 letters. But in the months that followed, thousands and thousands of letters poured in from every corner of the country -- it really tapped into something.  A lot of the letters were from young people, and they wanted to wish Olivia well, and let her know that somebody out there was talking -- was thinking about her, and let her know that she wasn’t alone.  And because those children treated Olivia with that small measure of kindness, it helped Olivia see that there was light at the end of the tunnel.
    
The fact is, sometimes kids are going to make mistakes, sometimes they’re going to make bad decisions.  That’s part of growing up.  But it’s our job to be there for them, to guide them, and to ensure that they can grow up in an environment that not only encourages their talents and intelligence, but also their sense of empathy and their regard for one another. 

And that’s what ultimately this conference is all about.  And that’s why all the issues that we’re talking about really matter.  And that’s how we’re going to prevent bullying and create an environment where every single one of our children can thrive.

So thank you for the good work that you’re already doing, and I’m sure you’re going to come up with some terrific ideas during the course of this conference.  Thank you very much.  (Applause.) 

END
10:40 A.M. EST

The White House

Office of the Vice President

Remarks by Vice President Joe Biden and Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin

The White House
Moscow, Russia

12:46 P.M. (Local)

PRIME MINISTER PUTIN: (As translated.)  Mr. Vice President -- (inaudible) -- there are quite a few things to enjoy in Moscow.  And you haven't been here for quite a while.  Since you've been here last time, and over this period of time, Moscow and Russia has changed a lot, and for the better I might add.

VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN:  I would agree.

PRIME MINISTER PUTIN:  (As translated.)  You might be interested in getting to know Russia better, visiting other sights and cities.  And on top of that, the relationship between our two countries has been developing quite well.  Last year, the (inaudible) Russia has grown by 29 percent. 

Turning -- we have completed several important things, including seeding for and verification of START III, and the peaceful use of nuclear energy.  And the major American companies are doing business in Russia and are doing well.  To name a few, General Electric, Boeing and Chevron -- virtually all the biggest companies are here.

And it is especially pleasing for us to witness the rise of the presence of big Russian investments between -- again, we are very pleased and very thankful to you for the fact that this has been -- (inaudible) -- and very sensitive areas such as I referred to earlier, use of nuclear energy.  And I'm pleased with the fact that all of it has been passed through the procedures of the Foreign Investment Commission, and we are grateful for you for that to happen.

Again, it was very obvious to see the (inaudible) between the U.S. and Russian people is on the right track.

Currently, we are in the process of negotiating the possibility of the visa-free exchange between Russia and the countries of the European Union.  The fact of the matter is, the U.S. enjoys this visa-free regime of exchange with virtually all of those countries in Europe.

This will be an important step in development of the Russia-U.S. relationship if we work first to introduce this visa-free regime of exchange between U.S.-Russia rather than European Union and Russia.

VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN:  Good idea.

PRIME MINISTER PUTIN:  (As translated.)  Let's look to break all the outdated stereotypes concerning Russia and the U.S.  Thus we have turned over a very substantial part of our history during this stage and we have started to have everything new.  That would support absolutely before the -- in the relationship between Russia and the U.S.

And with this positive relation on your part, Distinguished Mr. Vice President, such an important person in the U.S. administration with clout (inaudible).

VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN:  Mr. Prime Minister, in case you haven't noticed, there's a real difference between being President and Vice President.  The very good news is the President and I agree 100 percent on the need to continue to establish a closer and closer relationship.

That's why the very first foreign policy annunciation our administration made was when I made the speech in Munich that it was time to push the reset button and change the atmosphere.

I would view the previous eight years -- did not take advantage of the opportunities that exist for both our countries.  It does not really matter how -- it's in our self-interest and I hope in the self-interest of Russia to have our relationship grow.

I've made one observation the last two years, when other countries around the globe have a problem they either go to Moscow or Washington.  They don't want to go to the other capitals. 

We have an opportunity to build on this over the years.  Not only on New START, cooperation in Afghanistan, cooperation on drugs, cooperation in -- a whole range of other areas -- now is the time to focus on the economy.

You mentioned Boeing; yesterday, I met with a group of American and Russian CEOs -- conference.  A Russian -- the chairman of a Russian organization, I'll not state it, said that there was reason for American companies to be here because the markets are here and named some other reasons why it was in the interest of American companies. 

The chairman of Boeing USA in Russia said, I beg to disagree with my friend.  He said the market in China for aircraft is seven times bigger.  He said let me tell you why we're here.  Russia has the best engineers in the world.  Russia has intellectual capital.  Russia is a great nation.  Your titanium lets the planes fly that you buy. 

PRIME MINISTER PUTIN:  (As translated.)  Allow me to make a point, we have the largest in the world engineering center here in Moscow.

VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN:  There's a reason.  Mr. Prime Minister, I've been around a long time.  The first time I was here -- the second time I was here, I was here meeting with President Brezhnev.  We were trying to pass SALT II --

END
12:58 P.M. (Local)

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by the President in Announcing Secretary Locke as New Ambassador to China

Diplomatic Reception Room

10:55 A.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT:  Good morning, everybody.  As many people know, our current Ambassador to China, Jon Huntsman, has decided to step down from his current job.  During his tenure, Jon has been an outstanding advocate for this administration and for this country.  He made a real sacrifice in moving his family out of the state that they loved and has helped to strengthen our critical relationship with the Chinese government and the Chinese people.  And so I am very grateful for his service. 

In replacing Ambassador Huntsman, I can think of nobody who is more qualified than Gary Locke.  More than 100 years ago, Gary’s grandfather left China on a steamship bound for America, where he worked as a domestic servant in Washington State.  A century later, his grandson will return to China as America’s top diplomat. 

In the years between these milestones, Gary has distinguished himself as one of our nation’s most respected and admired public servants.  As our country’s first Chinese-American governor, he worked tirelessly to attract jobs and businesses to Washington State, and he doubled exports to China. 

Two years ago, I asked Gary to continue this work as Commerce Secretary.  I wanted him to advocate for America’s businesses and American exports all around the world, make progress on our relationship with China, and use the management skills he developed as governor to reform a complex and sprawling agency. 

He has done all that and more.  He’s been a point person for my National Export Initiative, and last year, Gary’s department led an historic number of trade missions that helped promote American businesses and support American jobs.  He’s overseen an increase in American exports, and particularly exports to China, a country we recently signed trade deals with that will support 235,000 American jobs. 

As Commerce Secretary, Gary oversaw a Census process that ended on time and under budget, returning $2 billion to American taxpayers.  He’s earned the trust of business leaders across America by listening to their concerns, making it easier for them to export their goods abroad, and dramatically reducing the time it takes to get a patent.  When he’s in Beijing, I know that American companies will be able to count on him to represent their interests in front of China’s top leaders.

As one of the world’s fastest-growing economies, our relationship with China is one of the most critical of the 21st century.  Over the last two years we worked hard to build a relationship that serves our national interest -– addressing global security issues and expanding opportunities for American companies and American workers.  Continued cooperation between our countries will be good for America, it will be good for China, and it will be good for the world. 

As the grandson of a Chinese immigrant who went on to live the American Dream, Gary is the right person to continue this cooperation.  I know he will bring the same skills and experience that he brought to Commerce Secretary to this new position that he’s about to embark on. 

I want to thank him and I also want to thank his gorgeous and extraordinary family, who’s standing here -- Mona, Emily, Dylan, and Maddy.  It’s always tough to move families.  Maddy just turned 14 today, so I was commiserating --

SECRETARY LOCKE:  Emily.

THE PRESIDENT:  Emily just turned 14 today, so I was commiserating with her as somebody who moved around a lot when I was a kid as well.  I assured her it would be great 10 years from now.  (Laughter.)  Right now it’s probably a drag.  But I'm absolutely confident that this is -- we could not have better representative of the United States of America in this critical relationship than we're going to get from the Locke family.

And, Gary, I wish you all the best of luck in Beijing.  Thank you so much.

SECRETARY LOCKE:  Thank you, Mr. President.  Well, thank you very much, Mr. President.  And I'm deeply humbled and honored to be chosen as your next ambassador to China.

It was a little over a century ago that my grandfather first came to America to work as a houseboy for a family in the state of Washington in exchange for English lessons.  And he went back to China, had a family, and so my father was also born in China, and came over as a teenager a few years later.  He then enlisted in the United States Army just before the outbreak of World War II, became part of that “greatest generation,” and saw action on the beaches of Normandy and on the march to Berlin, and then came back to Seattle to raise a family and start a small business.

My father never imagined that one of his children could ever serve as the Secretary of Commerce in the United States of America.  And he was beaming with pride, Mr. President, the day you presided over my swearing-in ceremony.  Sadly, Dad passed away this past January.  But I know that if he were still alive, it would be one of his proudest moments to see his son named as the United States ambassador to his ancestral homeland.

I'm going back to the birthplace of my grandfather, my father, my mom and her side of the family, and I'll be doing so as a devoted and passionate advocate for America, the country where I was born and raised.

As Commerce Secretary, I’ve helped open up foreign markets for American businesses so they can create more jobs right here in America.  And I’m eager to continue that work in China and to help you, Mr. President, manage one of America’s most critical and complex diplomatic, economic, and strategic relationships.

I’m excited to take on this new challenge, as is my wife and our children -- to varying degrees among the kids.  (Laughter.)  And we’ll be leaving Washington, D.C., with great memories and many new friends.

Being Commerce Secretary has been one of the best jobs I’ve ever had, thanks to the immensely talented and dedicated men and women within the Department of Commerce, in the White House, and within the Cabinet.  And I’m proud of the work that we’ve done at the Commerce Department, delivering services faster, serving the needs of U.S. businesses and workers, saving taxpayers billions of dollars by being more efficient in everything that we do.  And I’m confident that these accomplishments will stand the test of time.

Mr. President, I’m eager to assume this new position.  And it’s a privilege and a solemn responsibility to serve you and the American people as the next United States ambassador to China.  Thank you for the confidence and the trust that you’ve placed in me.  Thank you.

THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  Thank you so much.

END
11:02 A.M. EST

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by the President at a DCCC Fundraiser in Boston, Massachusetts

Museum of Fine Arts
Boston, Massachusetts
March 8, 2011

6:33 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you so much.  Everybody please have a seat.  Have a seat.

Ed Markey, thanks for your extraordinary service and thanks for the very kind introduction.  There are a few other people I want to make sure to introduce.  First of all, our chief host, the outstanding mayor of this great city of Boston, Tom Menino.  (Applause.)  We’ve got Lieutenant Governor Tim Murray in the house as well.  (Applause.)  State senate president Therese Murray is here.  (Applause.)  The DCCC chairman Steve Israel.  (Applause.)  Somebody who has been just an extraordinary partner for me over the last several years, somebody who’s going to go down as one of the greatest Speakers in our history, Nancy Pelosi.  (Applause.)  And also, I’ve just got to point out, even though she’s going to blush and wave me off, a dear friend, somebody who I’ve just come to love, Vicki Kennedy is here.  (Applause.) 

And thank you to the museum for this spectacular setting.  We have had quite a wild ride over the last two years.  Many of you were early supporters of Nancy’s, early supporters of mine.  Back in 2008, we were absolutely convinced that the country was moving in the wrong direction and we had a vision to make it right.

And when I first was sworn into office, I think a lot of us still didn’t fully understand the magnitude of the difficulties that this country was going to be going through.  We lost 4 million jobs in the six months before I was sworn into office, and another 4 million before any of our economic policies had a chance to be put into place.  And so when the rubble had cleared, when the dust had settled, this country was going through as tough a time economically, as tough a time financially, as any period since the 1930s.  And it meant that we had to make a series of quick decisions, and oftentimes very unpopular decisions.  And in that circumstance, there would have been an enormous temptation to resort to the expedient -- to look at the polls, to put your finger out to the wind, and to put political security over America’s long-term security.

And nowhere was that more true than in the House of Representatives.  This museum is filled with artifacts of America’s history.  And as many of you know, the theory has always been the Senate is the saucer that cools the passions of the polity, and the House of Representatives, well, it’s boiling hot all the time.  And because when you’re running for the House of Representatives you get a two-year term, you are very vulnerable to the spikes, the ups and downs of politics at any given moment. 

And that’s why when I say I think Nancy is going to go down as one of our finest Speakers, when I say publicly “thank you” to an Ed Markey or a Steve Israel, I mean what I say.  Because over the last two years, not only were we able to yank this economy out of a recession, not only were we able to get the economy growing again so that over the last 15 months we’ve seen the private sector add jobs.  Not only were we able to help states and cities -- and I think Mayor Menino will swear by the fact that all the work we did with the Recovery Act made a huge difference in terms of putting people back to work here in Boston and in the region on construction jobs and making sure that teachers weren’t laid off and police officers and cops were still doing their jobs -- but under Nancy’s leadership, we were able to achieve historic health care legislation that over the next 10, 15, 20 years will end up benefiting millions of families all across the country and give them the kind of security that they could never imagine without it.

We were able to get “don’t ask, don’t tell” repealed.  (Applause.)  We were able to expand our investments in clean energy.  We were able to make sure that we had the largest investment in infrastructure since Dwight Eisenhower.  We were able to make sure that we had the largest investment in education.  We expanded Pell Grants to provide access to our kids -- for our kids to their college educations. 

So we didn’t just rescue the economy -- we put it on a stronger footing for the future.  And along the way, we saved the auto industry and a few other things.  (Applause.) 

On foreign policy, we kept a promise to end combat in Iraq.  (Applause.)  And by the end of this year, our troops will be coming home.  We put a plan in place to make sure that we begin transitioning in Afghanistan so that Afghans take the lead -- (applause) -- and that our young people are not the only ones carrying the burden of freedom in that region. 

A busy docket, a lot on our plate, but leaders like Steve and Ed and Nancy were able to make that happen.

Now, here’s the good news.  Because of these historic efforts, we are now turning the corner.  We saw last week’s job report.  We saw today confidence among small businesses the highest level that it’s been in three years.  We can feel in pockets across the country the economy getting stronger -- not as strong as it needs to be; there’s still millions of folks out there who are out of work; hundreds of thousands of people who are worried about losing their homes -- but you can feel a sense of growing optimism, at least in the short term.

But Steve, Ed, Nancy, they didn’t run, they didn’t make all the sacrifices that they’ve made just for the short term, because we had problems even before this financial crisis.  We’re looking towards the long term.  And it’s the long-term battle for the heart and soul of this country that we’re going to be fighting over the next couple of years.

I just came from a wonderful school with Mayor Menino -- TechBoston in Dorchester.  (Applause.)  And what a spectacular turnaround we’ve seen in this school.  I mean, you’ve got kids from a tough neighborhood who were working on -- what was it -- spectrophotometry.  And they were doing experiments in light spectrums and they were explaining this and that and the other, and we were nodding our heads pretending like we understood what they were talking about.  (Laughter.)

Eighty-five percent of these kids are now intending to go to college.  (Applause.)  And the reason for this change is, first, a wonderful founder and principal of this school who’s recruited these extraordinary teachers.  The Gates Foundation chipped in.  You’ve got companies from around the region that have gotten involved.  They’re focusing entirely on math and science and technology -- although I was also in an AP government class where they were asking me about a wide range of Supreme Court decisions.

You could not be more impressed with the quality of these kids and the quality of the teaching.  And you walked in the classroom and you could just feel this is a place where kids are learning.

Now, money alone was not enough to make that happen.  So it’s absolutely critical if we’re going to change our schools so that our kids can compete in the 21st century that we’re reforming those schools as well.  And we can’t just settle on the status quo.
    
But money made a difference.  Every kid in that school has a laptop, and when we went into that science lab they were all on Google Science because, as they explained to me, a lot of the Internet information is not accurate and so they’ve got to go to this particular site in order to get the best information.  And those laptops cost money.  These kids have a longer school year and longer days.  Each class is 60 minutes long so that they can absorb all the information that they need.  And some of them stay in school in July and August to make sure that they’re keeping up.  That costs money.

So we as a country are going to have a series of decisions that we’ve got to make not just over the next two years but over the next 10 years, over the next 20 years, about what our priorities are, what our values are.  Now, we’ve been living beyond our means as a country for too long, and we’re going to have to make some tough decisions about getting rid of programs that don’t work, about revamping government.  Some of that will be painful.  There will be some occasions where Democratic constituencies aren’t happy with us because we’re having to rationalize government.  But it’s necessary. 

But we’ve got to make sure that in that process of living within our means and driving down the deficit and driving down the debt, that we continue to invest in the American Dream; that we continue to invest in our kids; that we make sure that every young person in America is going to get the best-quality education, are going to be going to college, are going to be able to get a good job at the end of it.

We’re going to have to make an investment to make sure that research and development, the cutting-edge technologies that drive our economy, continue to happen right here in Boston.  You go over to MIT, you go over to Harvard, and they’ll be the first ones to tell you if we don’t have federal research grants, a lot of the work we do is not going to happen.  And if it’s not happening there, then all those biotech firms, all those medical advances aren’t going to be taking place here, or along Route 128.

We’re going to have to invest in infrastructure.  I’ve been preaching this, and I know that I’m preaching to the choir when I talk to the mayor.  We used to have the best stuff -- best airports, best roads, best bridges, best ports.  We don’t anymore.  Anybody who’s gone through Beijing airport or ridden on a train in Europe, you know that we don’t have the best infrastructure.  We’re way behind countries like South Korea in broadband and wireless.  That’s not a recipe for the future.

And so part of our argument, part of why it is so important for Nancy and Ed and Steve to have you as allies over the next several years -- this is not a matter of power, it’s not a matter of who’s up and who’s down in Washington.  This has to do with whether the decisions we make now ensure the American Dream is strong and vibrant for the next generation and the generation after that.  That’s what’s at stake. 

I do not want us to look back 20 years from now and say, you know what, this is -- this was the moment when we started thinking small instead of thinking big.  When we started to turn on each other instead of coming together.  Where we decided, you know what, there’s only so much, and so the job of politics is making sure that the haves have -- keep their stuff and keep the have-nots at bay.  That’s not an America that I envision for Malia and Sasha.  That’s not the America that you envision for your kids and your grandkids.  And so we’re going to have a lot of work to do.

Now, let me say this, I was with -- after -- while I was at TechBoston, what we’ve been doing is going around the country and organizing forums with young people.  And we had college Democrats and college Republicans and other college leaders, because we just want them to be involved.  My theory is, you get young people involved in civic life, you get young people involved in politics, something good is going to come out of it.  (Applause.)  That’s my belief.

And what was interesting, first of all, was how smart and civil they were to each other.  So I was thinking about maybe sending them up to -- (laughter) -- Capitol Hill to see if we could learn some things.  But somebody asked me how do we reinvigorate the population, the voter, after two very tough years -- two and a half very tough years.  How are we going to get them involved in the 2012 cycle when a lot of folks maybe feel disillusioned after the midterm elections?  How do we recapture that magic that got so many young people involved for the very first time in 2008?  And I had a series of suggestions.  I said, look, if you want to get voters involved the first thing you need to do is listen, not talk, and find out what people care about and what they’re thinking about.  And so much of what we call apathy is actually people just not caring about the things we think they should care about, and so we need to pay a little attention to how they’re thinking.  But the other thing I said to these young people is part of the reason folks get disillusioned is because we think somehow that compromise means you’re unprincipled.

We’ve lost that sense that in a vibrant, robust democracy like this, there are going to be some vigorous arguments, and sometimes you’re not going to get 100 percent of what you want.  In fact, you’re probably never going to get 100 percent of what you want; you’re going to get 80 percent of what you want, or 70 percent of what you want.  And so because this is a room dominated by Democrats, I want everybody to understand that Ed, Steve, Nancy, just as they did over the last two years, over the next two years, there are going to be times where we’ve got to try to find common ground to solve problems.  Not everything is a fight.  Not everything has to be a battle to the death.  There have to be times when we step back for a moment, and we say, you know what, we’re thinking as Americans and not as partisans.  And that, too, is going to be I think a formula for our success in 2012, because when I’m proudest of our party is because I think our party is a practical party. 

I think it’s a party of common sense.  It’s a party whose origins are with working people who are thinking in practical, commonsense ways.  And so on a whole range of issues, I think there’s nothing -- there’s no weakness in us trying to reach out and seeing if we can find common ground.  Now, there are going to be times where we can’t.  I was born in Hawaii, what can I say?  (Laughter.)  I mean, I just -- I can’t -- (applause) -- I can’t change those facts.  (Laughter.) 

And in these budget battles, I mean, there are going to be some things that we will not do because we think it’s wrong for the country, and we’re going to have some big fights about it.  (Applause.)  But I want to make sure everybody understands here that the choices we make now are so important for the country that we’re going to have to, wherever we can, try to build consensus and make decisions based not necessarily just on short-term politics, but also what’s good for the country in long term.  And I think that when we do that, ultimately, that will be good politics.  And when people look back on this era of politics, I hope that just as they do when they visit this museum and they see these portraits, they say, you know what, here were a group of leaders who weren’t just thinking short term, but were thinking long term in this long, extraordinary experiment we’ve had with democracy.

So let me just close by saying this:  I could not be more confident about the future of this country.  And part of the reason that I’m so confident are those kids that I met at TechBoston and those college students that I met in that roundtable.  But part of the reason that I couldn’t be more confident is because of you. 

I know a lot of the people in this room and the extraordinary contributions you’ve made in your own communities, starting businesses, helping on a whole range of civic efforts, and it gives me confidence to know that you are behind the DCCC and you’re behind Nancy Pelosi and you’re behind me.  (Applause.)  Because if we’ve got you behind us, I promise you we’re going to keep this thing going, not just for the next two years, but the next two years after that, the next two years after that, and we’re going to be leading America into a bright and prosperous future.  Thank you, everybody.  God bless you.

END
6:55 P.M. EST

The White House

Office of the Vice President

Remarks by Vice President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. at a Roundtable Discussion with American and Russian Business Leaders

Moscow School of Management Skolkovo
Moscow, Russia

3:20 P.M. (Local)

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Thank you, Deputy Prime Minister.  I can assure you our support is real.  What you're being told by our European friends and others is true.  We are working very hard to make WTO a reality for Russia and for us.  It's very much in our interest as it is in Russia's.

I want to thank you all for being here and giving me the opportunity to have a chance to have a conversation with you.  Resetting our relationships with Russia has in the view of the President and my view, as well, provided the momentum for some improved cooperation on a whole range -- a whole range of issues including arms control and nuclear proliferation, Afghanistan, Iran, North Korea.  But one area which we need to do more -- excuse me, I have a cold -- one area which we have to do more is to fully realize the potential -- and there's real potential -- in our relationship which lies in bilateral trade and investment. 

And the primary purpose of my visit is to explore how we can resolve the remaining challenges in our economic relationship -- because they must be resolved.  To begin with -- I'll say it again -- the United States strongly supports Russia's accession to the WTO.  And we are working with Russian negotiators in Geneva to move this process forward.  And I think we're making real progress.  We're making real progress on bilateral issues that have caused friction in the past such as agricultural trade and enforcement of intellectual property rights.

And our administration also strongly supports -- I want to make this clear -- strongly supports the lifting of Jackson-Vanik.  And we are aware of the benefits that will flow to U.S. companies from a freer and more open trade regime between the United States and Russia and quite frankly worldwide.  But we also know -- we've often told Russian leaders that investors and companies are looking not just for better trade policies but for assurances that the legal system that exists in each of the countries in which they wish to invest, the legal system treats them fairly and acts on their concerns swiftly.

That is why we're working with you, Mr. Deputy Prime Minister, and your colleagues to improve the investment climate, to promote the rule of law and to tackle some endemic corruption.  The Bilateral Presidential Commission is an important venue for our intergovernmental efforts.  And we are using it to develop a more adept cadre of managers on both sides of the Atlantic, to improve our procurement systems, and to address issues that you and your colleagues have raised such as the difficulty of obtaining visas.

But beyond negotiations between our governments, we're also relying heavily quite frankly on the emerging connections that all of you around this table represent between Russian and American business leaders and leaders in civil society.

Contacts among citizens are critical, almost as critical as the contacts between our governments, in fostering greater understanding and building our societies together.

And finally, I want you to know that we fully support President Medvedev's vision of a nation powered by innovation and human capital, and that we have a deep respect -- a deep respect -- for the pool of talent and the passion of the Russian people.  Indeed, we share a similar vision for our own nation.

So I want to thank you all for being here, and I'd like to open this for discussion.  And maybe with your permission, Mr. Deputy Prime Minister, we obviously want to see this new venture succeed.  It's an impressive facility, and with a great deal of promise.  And I look forward -- I've been visiting Russia since 1973, I look forward to come back when this a rival of Silicon Valley.  It would benefit all of us were that occur.

And it's an impressive building, but one of the questions that I think we -- I'd like to ask all you business leaders, particularly you Russian CEOs, is how can we help.  How can we help?  How can each of our governments help?

We understand the free enterprise system is the engine that's going to ultimately create -- make this a success, but we also know from our own experience in Silicon Valley that government can either be an impediment or it can be a help.  I would argue that Stanford University wasn't an impediment.  I would argue that the hundred of billions -- millions of dollars we invested in Stanford wasn't an impediment.  And so the question is what can we do to help.

And my observation -- and I have a bad habit of being straightforward -- my observation is if a company is big enough and successful enough and has deep enough pockets, it can weather the difficult terrain that sometimes exists in doing business here and in other places.

But the SMEs -- the capricious nature of the system, sometimes is viewed as a real impediment to the small- and medium-sized enterprises.  So I hope we can have an open discussion about how each of our governments can be a positive influence in realizing what again is in the mutual self-interest of both our countries, and that is the success of this venture and the growing success and relationship between American and Russian businesses and enterprises.

So again, I thank you all very, very much for being here.

END
3:27 P.M. (Local)

The White House

Office of the First Lady

Remarks by the First Lady at International Women's Day Reception

“Creating new jobs and new opportunities in a fiercely competitive world demands policies that encourage and support American innovation and ingenuity.  So I’m pleased that, on a bipartisan basis, the Senate has passed the most significant patent reform in over half a century.  This long-overdue reform is vital to our ongoing efforts to modernize America’s patent laws and reduce the backlog of 700,000 patent applications – which won’t just increase transparency and certainty for inventors, entrepreneurs and businesses, but help grow our economy and create good jobs.  I want to thank Senators Leahy, Grassley and Hatch for their leadership on this issue, and I look forward to working with the House of Representatives to pass patent reform legislation I can sign into law.”East Room
 
5:32 P.M. EST
 
     MRS. OBAMA:  Oh, well.  I’m done.  I don’t have to do anything else.  (Laughter.)  
 
     AUDIENCE MEMBER:  We love you!
 
     MRS. OBAMA:  Oh, my goodness.  I love you all.  This is an exciting, exciting day -- exciting.  We had a fabulous morning at the State Department.  And I hope you all are having just a lot of fun here this evening.
 
     We are just honored and delighted to have you here to celebrate International Women’s Day and Women’s History Month here at the White House.  Yes.  (Applause.)
 
     I have to start by thanking Aissatou for that beautiful, beautiful introduction and for all her hard work.  C’est très bien.  Merci.  (Laughter.)  We have to give her another round of applause.  (Applause.)
 
     And also Shannon for her inspiring way of being, and for introducing our choir and for her extraordinary achievements.  So let’s give her a round of applause as well.  (Applause.)
 
     And I got to hear a little bit of that fabulous choir, the Washington Performing Arts Society.  (Applause.)  We have to thank them for that inspirational performance as well.  
 
And I know that we have so many wonderful people here.  We have some members of Congress who are here -- I see some faces scattered around.  And I want to thank all of you for all the work that you do, the leadership that you provide, the time that you have taken out in your lives to fight for the issues that mean so much, not just for women and girls here in this country but around the world.  We are proud of you.  I am proud of you.  Thank you so much.  
 
And finally, I want to recognize all of the extraordinary women who are gathered here tonight, because there are so many sprinkled about, including our wonderful Women of Courage Award recipients, all of whom I got to spend time with earlier today.  (Applause.)  These are women who work tirelessly, all of you, every day, to make not just countries more fair, more equal and more free, but often many of these women risk themselves and their families to get this work done.
 
We have young women here like Shannon and Aissatou who are serving as peacemakers and ambassadors and community leaders here in America and around the world.  And I see so many activists and advocates, pioneers who have devoted their careers to improving the lives of women.  We are celebrating you all today.
 
     And tonight, I just want to say to all of you that your journeys, that your achievements and your very presence in this room are a perfect illustration of the progress that we’ve made since this day was first celebrated 100 years ago.  We’ve come a long way, ladies!  (Applause.)
 
And we are celebrating those accomplishments here in America.  Women are now the majority of graduates of colleges and universities.  We make up nearly half of America’s workforce.  We got to get paid more for it.  (Applause.)  But we do.  Women are thriving in every sector of our society.  We are leading businesses.  We’re serving at the highest levels of government and the armed forces.  We’re breaking barriers and succeeding in careers that our mothers and grandmothers never could have imagined.
 
And as more opportunities have become open to women, that hasn’t just enriched our own lives.  As we all know, it’s enriched the life of this nation.  And that’s one of the reasons why we have to do this, because we need to remind ourselves and our country that we’re here because of us.  Because we as a nation benefit from every girl whose potential is fulfilled; from every woman whose talent is tapped.  We benefit as a nation.  We as a nation benefit from their intelligence, from their hard work, from their creativity, from their leadership.  
 
And that’s not just true here in America.  Time and again, we have seen that countries across the globe are more prosperous, they’re more peaceful when women are more equal and have the rights and opportunities they deserve.  (Applause.)
 
And that is why women and girls are a core focus of America’s engagement with the world, including our diplomatic and development work, and our work to prevent and respond to conflict.  And that’s why here at home we continue our work to close the pay gap once and for all, to get that done.  That’s why we continue our work here at home to bring women into fields like math and science.  Keep studying your math.  (Laughter.)  We’re still under-represented.  So we still have work to do.  
 
We continue our work to promote entrepreneurship and workplace flexibility so that women can contribute as fully as possible to our economy.  And while we’ve made some important strides, all of you in this room know better than anyone else that this work is far from finished.  We have so, so much more to do.  You all know better than just about anyone that change is hard, and change is slow.  Many of you might not win the battles you’re fighting or see the progress you’re fighting for in your lifetimes.  You know that.  But I’m thinking tonight of a quote from the author Alice Walker, who once wrote, “So our mothers and grandmothers have more often than not anonymously handed on the creative spark, the seed of the flower they themselves never hoped to see.”  
 
And that is why all of you keep on fighting.  That’s why all of you keep on leading and working toward a better day for all of us.  You do it so that our daughters and granddaughters and, just as importantly, our sons and grandsons can have the opportunities that many of us only dreamed of.  You do it because you know that your work could be the spark or that seed for the dreams and aspirations of girls like Aissatou and Shannon generations from now.  This is why we do this work.  We do it for you.  We do it for you.
 
So I want to close tonight by simply saying thank you.  This is a small -- very small way for me, for my husband, for this administration to let you know just how proud we are of all that you do for women and girls.  Our work is so far from done.  But 100 years ago, we would have never imagined that we’d be standing here in the East Room of the White House -- (laughter) -- celebrating this day with this administration.  So we have reason to celebrate.  (Applause.)
 
So thank you all for your commitment.  Thank you for your passion.  I am so honored to have you here tonight.  Enjoy.  Eat.  Drink.  Dance.  I am only standing on your shoulders.  So please enjoy, and God bless.  We have more work to do.  Thanks so much.  (Applause.)
 
END

5:40 P.M. EST