The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
March 09, 2010

Remarks by the President Honoring Greek Independence Day

East Room

6:06 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you so much.  Well, good evening, everybody, and welcome to the White House.  I can’t imagine a better way to celebrate the independence of Greece than with the Prime Minister of Greece.  (Laughter.)  So, Prime Minister Papandreou, to your lovely wife, Mrs. Papandreou, we are honored by your presence here today.  And we are pleased that you were able to bring your extraordinary delegation from Athens. 

Now, like his father and his grandfather before him, the Prime Minister is leading Greece through challenging times.  But as I told him during our meeting in the Oval Office today, whether in good times or in bad times, the people of Greece will always have a friend and a partner in the United States of America.  (Applause.) 

Thank you, Your Eminence, for your very kind introduction, and for the wisdom and compassion that has always defined your ministry.  Archbishop Demetrios marks his second decade guiding the Greek Orthodox Church and community in America, four decades as a bishop, and, recently, his 82nd birthday.  And he is looking really good.  (Applause.)  I need to find out what he’s eating.  (Laughter.)   

Last year, His Eminence tried to compare me with Alexander the Great.  I thought this would get me more respect from Michelle and the girls.  (Laughter.)  It did not.  (Laughter.)  They reminded me instead that Greek literature is full of very strong women.  (Laughter.)              

I want to acknowledge the fact that we’re joined by leaders who have strengthened the bonds between us, including our Ambassador Kaskarelis, and from Cyprus, Ambassador Kakouris.  Please stand up.  (Applause.) 

We have some outstanding members of Congress who are here, and we’ve got at least one potential member of Congress -- Alexi, stand up -- from the state of Illinois.  (Applause.)  We’ve got in fact, in addition to Alexi, we’ve got a lot of Greek American friends here who’ve been great friends and supporters of mine, including folks here from Chicago.  I think we’ve got just about all of Greektown here.  (Laughter.)  And we also have some of the outstanding Greek Americans who are serving in my administration.

Now, Greek Independence Day isn’t for another few weeks.  But I’ll be on a trip to Asia, so I appreciate you coming early  -- not that Greeks have ever needed an excuse to celebrate, let’s face it.  (Laughter.)  But on that day, we’ll remember how 189 years ago another bishop stood up, in a monastery in the mountains, raised the Greek flag, declared independence and began the struggle to restore democracy to its birthplace. 

But on that day we’ll not only celebrate a singular moment in time, we’ll be reminded of the spirit that has defined Greece and its people for all time.  There’s a concept that captures it, and it doesn’t translate easily; it doesn’t really have an equivalent in English.  But it’s a virtue that all of you know well, because it’s the very essence of being Greek -- and you will forgive if my pronunciation is just so-so -- philotimo.  (Applause.)  Right?  Philotimo.  Literally, it translates as “love of honor.”  I love that concept -- love of honor.  But, of course, it means much more than that.

It’s a sense of love, to family, and to community, and to country -- the notion that what we’re here on this Earth to do is to be all in this together.  We all have obligations to each other and to work together.  And so it was that the democratic example of a small group of city states more than 2,000 years ago could inspire the founding generation of this country, that led one early American to imagine that “the days of Greece may be revived in the woods of America.”

It’s the sense of nobility and morality written in the pages of those timeless Greek texts, which have instructed students -- and tormented them -- (laughter) -- down the ages, in every corner of the world.  Indeed, when I was living in Indonesia as a child, when my mother would wake me up early in the morning to teach me, among the books that she used to pull off the shelf were the legends of Greek mythology.

Philotimo -- it’s a sense of right and wrong and a duty to do what’s right.  And so, 189 years ago, Americans of Greek origin crossed the oceans and fought for Greek independence.  Greek Americans, in turn, served and fought to preserve our Union.  And through two world wars and a long Cold War, America stood with our Greek allies and friends.      

And since the Prime Minister is here, let me acknowledge Greece’s efforts to extend the security and stability in our time -- toward a just and final settlement in Cyprus, fully integrating the Balkans into Europe, and the Prime Minister’s personal work to improve relations with Turkey.  We thank you for your leadership.  (Applause.)

And let me commend Greece, our close NATO ally, for standing up for the security and opportunity of people around the world -- from the Balkans to Afghanistan, where Greek service members are helping to give people who have know too much war the chance to live in peace and security. 

This solidarity continues today —- whether it’s the close counterterrorism efforts between our governments or the deep partnerships between our people.  Indeed, as the Prime Minister and I discussed this afternoon, Greece’s participation in the Visa Waiver Program will strengthen security in both our countries -- and whether it’s to do business or visit family and friends, it will now be easier for our Greek friends to visit the United States.  (Applause.)

And philotimo is a sense of dignity and respect, as well.  It’s the determination that has driven generations of Greek Americans, like those here tonight, to struggle and sacrifice for the same things that all Americans want -- to pursue our dreams, to realize our God-given potential, and to give our children an even better life.

That’s the simple hope that caused a bishop to raise that flag on a mountaintop so many years ago.  That’s the profound sense of friendship that will guide our work in the years ahead. Because what one patriot of Greek independence wrote to John Quincy Adams nearly 200 years ago remains true today:  We are “friends, co-patriots and brothers.”

So thank you all for coming.  God bless you.  God bless America.  And zito I ellas.  (Applause.)

END
6:14 P.M. EST

The White House

Office of the Vice President

For Immediate Release
March 09, 2010

Remarks by Vice President Biden at Yad Vashem Memorial

Jerusalem
Tuesday, March 9, 2010

 VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN:  I want to thank our hosts for showing us through Yad Vashem.  As a young father, when I introduced each of our sons -- who are grown men now -- to Europe at age 15, I took them first to Dachau for them to understand as young men the human capacity -- ability of mankind to be so brutal.  But also, I took my son here to Israel to let him know that the indomitable spirit of the human being is not able to be snuffed out.

What I wrote in the book is as a fan of the Irish poet William Butler Yeats.  Writing about his Ireland, he said, “Too long a suffering makes a stone of the heart.”  What I wrote here is that every day, Israel makes a lie of the poet’s words -- ”too long a suffering makes a stone of the heart” -- because for world Jewry, Israel is the heart.  For world Jewry, Israel is the light.  For world Jewry, Israel is the hope.  If anyone ever wondered about that, they ought to take the tour of the museum.  They would not doubt it again.  The word -- phrase “never again” is used so often it almost has lost its meaning.  But, again, all you have to do is walk through -- walk through Yad Vashem and understand how incredible -- how incredible the journey has been and the spirit a world Jewry and that Israel is such a central part to its existence.

Thank you.

The White House

Office of the First Lady

For Immediate Release
March 09, 2010

Remarks by the First Lady at the Inaugural Gown Smithsonian Unveiling

Museum of American History, Washington, D.C.

10:42 A.M. EST

MRS. OBAMA:  Thank you, everyone.  Thanks so much.

Well, clearly, it’s a pleasure and an honor to be here with all of you today.

Let me begin by thanking Secretary Clough for that generous introduction.  I want to thank him and his wife Anne for their dedication to the mission of the Smithsonian.

And I want to thank our hosts from the National Museum of American History -– Dr. Brent Glass and John Rogers.  Thank you for making these museums such wonderful places for people of all ages to learn and to explore.

And I have to also do my part in recognizing our very special guests, the students and the teachers from Huntington High School, who made the trip all the way from New York to be here.  You all please stand so we can see you.  (Applause.)  Now, there’s a special reason why I invited these students here.  They sent me this book of beautifully designed inaugural gowns of their own creations, and I had so much fun looking through all the designs.  You all are obviously a very talented and beautiful and handsome group of people.  And I am so pleased to be able to share this special day with you.  You make us proud.  And thank you for the gifts.

And, finally, I also want to thank all the board members, the staff, the supporters of these museums, all of you, for the work that you do every day, and for being here and sharing this moment with me, as well.

So, here we are.  It’s the dress.  (Laughter.)  And I have to say, to be honest, I am very honored and very humbled, but I have to say that I’m also a little embarrassed by all the fuss being made over my dress.  Like many of you, I’m not used to people wanting to put things I’ve worn on display.  (Laughter.)  So, all of this is a little odd, so forgive me.

But, at the same time, I truly recognize the significance of this day.  This gown –- and all of the items that we’ll see in this wonderful exhibit –- help us connect with a moment in history in a very real way.

When we look at the gown that Jackie Kennedy wore 50 years ago, or the one that Mary Todd Lincoln wore more than a hundred years before that, it really takes us beyond the history books and the photographs, and it helps us understand that history is really made by real live people.

The detail of each gown –- the fabric, the cut, the color –- tells us something much more about each single First Lady.  It’s a visual reminder that we each come from such different backgrounds, from different generations, and from different walks of life.

Each gown places us right in the moment and makes us wonder about the intimate details of that evening, like how did she feel in the dress?   Did her feet hurt in those shoes?  (Laughter.)  How many times did her husband step on that train?  (Laughter.)  But, more importantly, these gowns and this exhibit uniquely define a moment in our American history.

When I look at my gown –- which I, in fact, have not seen since the day that I took it off –- memories of that moment truly come rushing back.  I remember that it was freezing cold in Washington.  I know we all remember that.  Yet, despite the frigid temperatures, hundreds of thousands of people flooded the Mall.  Nothing was going to stop them from being part of history.

That day was so hectic for us.  And I remember the inaugural parade and how the President and I stood and we waved until every last band walked by.

Then we only had less than an hour -- ladies, if you can believe that -- (laughter) -- all of my friends left us in the stands, by the way.  (Laughter.)  “See ya, good luck!”  (Laughter.)  I was like, “Yeah, thanks.”  (Laughter.)  “We have to get ready for the ball.”  (Laughter.)  Like, “Yeah, so do I.”  (Laughter.)  So at the time I wasn’t really focused on what I was wearing that evening -– I was really just trying to stay warm.

But I’ll never forget the moment that I slipped on this beautiful gown.  I remember how just luscious I felt as the President and I were announced onto the stage for the first of many dances.  And I’ll cherish that moment for the rest of my life.

And now that the crowds are gone, and the Mall is silent, and our family has settled into our new home, the White house, this gown is one of the most tangible things I have left to remember that day.  And that’s why it will always hold a special place in my heart.

And today, when I look at the dress, I remember all of the incredible people that we met along our journey and on that day, and how warmly -- welcome they received us.

I remember the joy on the faces of so many young people who devoted so much time to getting us to that point.

I remember the wonderful letters we received from folks who were there and others who watched the event from home; people who told us about how much that day meant for them and their families -- letters from octogenarians who told us how they never thought they’d live to see the day.

I remember all the men and women who worked so hard and so long to make sure that every single detail was just perfect.

And I remember the time we shared with Americans from every corner of this nation.

And one of the people who made that day possible is the creator of this beautiful gown, Jason Wu, a young man who, not so long ago, was just an aspiring designer like many of you students here.  When Jason was just five years old, growing up in Taiwan, his parents would take him to the bridal shops so that he could sketch the gowns in the windows.  He started making clothes for dolls when he was 16, and after studying under some of the best designers in the world, he opened his own shop four years ago with the money he had saved.

And Jason’s dress, as you can see -- this gown is a masterpiece.  It is simple, it’s elegant, and it comes from this brilliant young mind, someone who is living the American Dream.

The countless hours that you can see that he spent sewing this piece made my night even more special, and now I am proud that millions of visitors will be able to see just how talented this young man is.

Thank you, Jason.  Thank you for your vision and for your hard work, because, in the end of the day, today is about much more than this gown.  It’s also about how, with enough focus and with enough determination, someone in this room could be the next Jason Wu.  Someone in this room could be the next Barack Obama.  It’s about how the American story is written by real people –- not just names on a page.  And it’s about how something you create today –- whether it’s a dress, or a painting, or a story or a song –- can help teach the next generation in a way that nothing else can.

Thank you all so much.  (Applause.)

END
10:50 A.M. EST

The White House

Office of the Vice President

For Immediate Release
March 09, 2010

Remarks by Vice President Biden and Prime Minister Netanyahu in a Joint Statement to the Press

Prime Minister's Residence, Jerusalem

12:36 P.M. (local)

PRIME MINISTER NETANYAHU:  Vice President Biden, Joe, welcome to Israel and welcome to Jerusalem.  We’ve been personal friends for almost three decades.  Can you believe it has been that long? 

VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN:  No.  You’re getting older, Bibi, I don’t know how.

PRIME MINISTER NETANYAHU:  But you remain younger all the time.  (Laughter.)  And in all that time, you’ve been a real friend to me, and a real friend to Israel and to the Jewish people.  And you’ve come to Israel many times since you came here first on the eve of the Yom Kippur.  But now, you’re coming as the Vice President of the United States of America.  And this is deeply appreciated and, for me, deeply moving. 

President Obama has said in Cairo, and he has repeated this many times since, that the bonds between Israel and the United States are unbreakable.  And he has shown that in the last year in things that are known to the public and some things that are not known to the public.  In pursuing, for example, the joint military exercises for military defense between the Israeli army and the American military; in securing Israel’s qualitative military edge; and in many other activities along the world’s scene, including the battle against the infamous Goldstone report.  I think that the bonds -- exactly as President Obama has said, the bonds are unbreakable.  And your visit demonstrates how strong they are.

I think this unbreakable bond will help our two countries meet the two historic challenges that we face today in the Middle East.  The first and foremost among them is the need to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons, and the second is the need to advance a secure peace between Israel and our Palestinian and other Arab neighbors.

I very much appreciate the efforts of President Obama and the American government to lead the international community to place tough sanctions on Iran.  The stronger those sanctions are, the more likely it will be that the Iranian regime will have to choose between advancing its nuclear program and advancing the future of its own permanence.  I think that the international community and the leading countries in the international community have to join the American effort.  And Israel has been helping out with key countries and continues to do so.

I also appreciate the administration’s effort to advance peace in the region.  I know that this has been difficult and has required a great deal of patience.  But I’m pleased that these efforts are beginning to bear fruit.  And we have to be persistent and purposeful in making sure that we get to those direct negotiations that will enable us to resolve this conflict. 

I look forward to working with President Obama, and with you and your entire administration, to forge a historic peace agreement in which the permanence and legitimacy of the Jewish state of Israel is recognized by our Palestinian neighbors, and in which Israel’s security is guaranteed for generations to come. 

Again, Vice President -- my friend, Joe, it’s a pleasure to welcome you to Jerusalem.  Welcome.

VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN:  Thank you very much.  Mr. Prime Minister, it’s a pleasure to be back.  It’s been too long between visits here.  And it is true that you and I have been friends a long, long time.  And as a matter of fact, when each of us were in the minority, we’d -- occasionally, I’d find -- get a phone call at home and I’d call you as well to get a sense of what’s going on.  Our friendship is real, but it is -- what’s even deeper is the relationship between the United States and Israel. 

But Prime Minister, I’m sure you’d agree we’ve had a -- we had a very productive discussion spanning a wide range of issues that affect both our nations.  The relationship between Israel and the United States has been, and will continue to be, a centerpiece -- a centerpiece of American policy.  And it’s been that way since Israel’s founding in 1948.  And, quite frankly, it was a major focus of my work for all those years as a United States Senator and chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee.

Our two countries are bound by historic and cultural ties, and so many shared interests, that it would take too long to enumerate, and also by a wide range of deep-seated personal relationships and friendships that span the time even before 1948.  Our ties have been strengthened by our deep cooperation in many fields including science and economic development, and a range of other policy areas as well. 

But the cornerstone of the relationship -- the cornerstone of the relationship is our absolute, total, unvarnished commitment to Israel’s security.  Bibi, you heard me say before, progress occurs in the Middle East when everyone knows there is simply no space between the United States and Israel.  There is no space between the United States and Israel when it comes to Israel’s security.  And for that reason, and many others, addressing Iran’s nuclear program has been of -- one of our administration’s priorities.

We’re determined -- we’re determined to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons.  And we’re working with many countries around the world to convince Tehran to meet its international obligations and cease and desist.  Iran must also curb its other destabilizing actions in the region, well beyond their desire to acquire nuclear weapons.  And that is their continued support for terrorist groups that threaten Israel, and I might add, our interests as well.

President Obama and I strongly believe that the best long-term guarantee for Israel’s security is a comprehensive Middle East peace with the Palestinians, with the Syrians, with Lebanon and leading eventually to full and normalized relationships with the entire Arab world.  It’s overwhelmingly in the interest of Israel, but it’s also overwhelmingly of interest to the Arab world.  And it’s in our interest, as well.

And so, Mr. Prime Minister, toward that end I am very pleased that -- that you and the Palestinian leadership have agreed to launch indirect talks.  We hope that these talks will lead, and they must lead, eventually to negotiations and direct discussions between the parties.  The goal is, obviously, to resolve the final status issues and to achieve a two-state solution with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and security.  And historic peace is going to require both parties to make some historically bold commitments.  You have done it before, and I’m confident for real peace you would do it again.

Over the last year, Mr. Prime Minister, you have taken significant steps including the moratorium that has limited new settlement construction activity.  And you have significantly increased freedom of movement across the West Bank.  Palestinian leaders are beginning to make progress on their determined willingness to -- especially in their efforts to reform their institutions of government and with their security force -- their security forces becoming much more reliable. 

It’s easy to point fingers, particularly in this part of the world, at what each side has not done.  But it’s also important to give credit where things have been done in order to be able to move forward.  Mr. Prime Minister, the United States will always stand with those who take risks for peace.  And you’re prepared to do that.  And I am hopeful.  And I’ll be having discussions with Palestinian leaders.  It is my hope and expectation that they will be prepared, as well. 

The proximity start -- talks are just that, a start.  They’re not designed to finish the process.  And so, Mr. Prime Minister, I thank you for all the time you have given me.  And it’s just, quite frankly, good to be back in your company and see you again. 

PRIME MINISTER NETANYAHU:  Thank you.  Thank you, Joe.  I have one thing to offer you right now, and it’s broken glass.  (Laughter.)  So what I’m going to do is I’m going to sign -- but I need a pen.  Thank you. 

VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN:  Don’t cut yourself.

PRIME MINISTER NETANYAHU:  Now, this is a significant piece of paper.  I will say that agreements are dependent on the arrangements not on paper but on the ground.  Here is a piece of paper that reflects an arrangement on the ground.  We have planted a circle of trees in Jerusalem in memory of your mother, Catherine Eugenia Finnegan Biden, because you have said many times that she was a source of immeasurable strength, which I recognize in you, Joe.  So we planted a tree to serve as a tribute -- a circle of trees next to the leaders of the nations.  We have a forest of the leaders of the nations, and right next to it are the trees that we have planted in memory of your mother as a tribute to her immeasurable strength.  And I want to offer it to you on your visit to Israel.

VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN:  Well, thank you very much.  If you don’t mind my saying, Mr. Prime Minister, my love for your country was watered by this Irish lady, who was proudest of me when I was working with and for the security of Israel.  So that’s a great honor.  Thank you very much.

END
12:50 P.M. (local)

The White House

Office of the Vice President

For Immediate Release
March 09, 2010

Remarks by The Vice President and President of Israel Shimon Peres at an Expanded Group Meeting

Presidency
Jerusalem

9:16 A.M. (local)

PRESIDENT PERES: Well, I want to express our profound appreciation for your visit, not just because you are the Vice President of the United States and the most senior person to visit our region at the time; because for us you are a stoic friend, a man with profound judgment. You were the youngest senator in the United States. And from that age, so to speak, you showed friendship, understanding, and judgment, which we appreciate to this day. We think you are coming on a mission of peace. You understand there are two sides to the mission. And I dont see, I think, any contradiction in between being friendly and understanding to the two sides. And since the mission is peace, we are following the same mission.

I want to say that Im not impressed by the perception of the agreement about the proximity talks, because the situation is both more serious and also maybe more promising. If I compare the present situation with the previous situations, I can see three major changes, which I want to mention briefly.

One, the Palestinians started to build a state. Lets not underestimate it. And we learned from early age, from the early beginning felt that better build a state without borders than negotiate borders within every state, so to this very day, in our declaration of independence, there is no borders. I think if the Palestinians started to negotiate about borders and postponing building a state, its a mistake from their side, because the problem with borders here is there was never a Palestinian state -- we didnt have a precedent like we had with the Jordanians and with Egypt and so we didnt have borders as we did have with the Jordanians, Egyptians, Lebanese, and Syrians and also because in that case borders have a holy aspect to it, as well. Jerusalem does not trust a territorial border.

So the effect that the United States, the Israeli government, the Palestinian Authority -- all of them agreed to build a state is an innovation and a very promising process that we have to support and enlarge. And I do not see much difficulties in continuing to do so. I think we have to be, all of us, more generous, more compromising and to supply the Palestinians with the necessary means to build their own home.

If it would -- we do just that, they would say we are escaping the negotiations. We are not. So the building of a state is not instead of the negotiations, but in addition to it. The negotiations, its very hard to open it and all of us know there will be -- as it is always -- a difference between the opening position and the fall-back position. The opening position is tougher and everybody emphasizes the difference. Anyway, I dont know a way -- how can you start with the fall-back positions. Even in Hollywood, the happy end is at the end; you dont begin negotiations with the happy end.

So the present declarations on both sides are very careful, and everybody wants to shop as much as he can his own position. And I think we have accepted, as a matter of fact -- and I dont think it will save us the difficulties, but lets not see in it the end of the negotiations or the end of the day. Thats the second thing that I believe why its better to have it.

The third change which I see is the Iranian presence. I think the tone and extremacy of Ahmadinejad against Israel is a cover up of his own ambition to create hegemony in the Middle East, since he doesnt want to appear as a Shiite or a Sunnite. He wants to appear as an anti-Israel, which gives him an entry to other countries. And that way, everybody is using Israel as an excuse or a cover up for their real positions. I believe the higher-ups are aware that Iran is a danger to them. More than a thousand years of history in the Middle East -- there is thousand years, 900 years the Arabs were under occupation of empires, and Muslims as well. Its only in the last 100 years they have had any independence. And they dont want to give up, rightly so, their independence.

And understand that in the name of religion, Iran is trying to establish a super structure of the Iranians in the Middle East. But at the same time, short of President Mubarak who stood up and some other leaders, theyre reluctant to declare their real position because of the conflict between us and the Palestinians. Everybody uses the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a cover up. And I think its a strange situation over the world that the secret relations are better than the open relations, that the relations among the different intelligence organizations are better than the diplomatic one. The reason is diplomacy covers and intelligence discovers, because today to win the fight against the terrorists is not a victory but a discovery. If you discover them ahead of time, you win it.

But I think we -- sorry -- we have had many problems in the domain of, I think, terrorists. In our own domain, we are very successful and that should serve as an example. And that is the model of our relations or the relations between Jordan and ourselves. No matter what the political mood is, the two countries decided not to permit terrorists to play on. And the Jordanians are the most quiet border -- all the time between us and the Jordanians, understanding that today its not a total war, but a war against the terrorists.

I want to make a short remark about Iran as I see it. First of all, the United States should lead the Iranian policy -- there is nobody else in the world. The United States, with whatever criticism you may have, you are the most serious, the most organized, and the most analytical approach to the Iranian. And we have trust in President Obama. I dont envy neither you nor him. You have inherited an extremely difficult situation worldwide and otherwise. And its easy to give advice. I know it. Its more difficult to face the trials that are coming from uninvited angles, and participation.

I believe that the best policy vis--vis Iran, and Im speaking of -- from our perspective -- I cannot suggest to do it in my advice -- should comprise three major efforts -- one, which is major, and that is the moral code. I think moral sanctions are not less important than economic sanctions. A person like Ahmadinejad that calls openly to destroy the state of Israel cannot be a full member of the United Nations. A man that calls for acts in terror and who hangs people in the streets, not just because of the Israeli conflict -- and as Hillary described him as a military dictator. I think he should be placed in his proper definition. He cannot go around almost like a cultural hero.

However, President Obama considers Niebuhr as his philosophical preference. I like to listen to the lectures of Reinhold Niebuhr. The subject was the Judeo-Christian heritage. The first six lectures were about Judeo-Christians. I never heard anything more profound or more moving than that. But he said one word which I believe fits the present situation. He says all of us have to stand up against moral corruption. But moral corruption is more dangerous even than financial corruption. And the first code, in my judgment, is to voice a real struggle against the moral corruption. From an Israeli standpoint, we are totally surprised. They try to de-legitimize us. Were a democratic country. Nobody is being hanged in Israel. We try to make peace. We give back land. We are in a difficult situation, but still on a moral foundation. So he tries to de-legitimize us or you. We are the Satan; he is the Lord. So I think that must be done in a strong and clear voice.

It will also help the people of Iran, the Persians, to continue their struggle to defend their culture. They are ashamed of him. In my judgment, this should be done strongly, clearly, vocally. Then the economic sanctions, which I dont have to advise.

Maybe I would like to see a third point, and that is to surround Iran with an envelope of self-defense -- the Palestinians side, as well -- against their missiles and nuclear trap. And nobody knows exactly what theyre going to do. But self-defense will be an additional weight in limiting the danger of Iran. Again, only you can do it.

Thats one point. And I want to say about the Palestinians, there is a way to increase the help to the Palestinians to build their state. I know that our government is ready to continue the dismantling of different checkpoints to free the movement. The Palestinians have never had a state in their history, and now theyre beginning to taste what does it mean to build a city or to plan trees or to introduce an economy. On all this, we as the immediate neighbor -- you as the guiding the party, and the Europeans, and the Russians, everybody -- can participate in helping them to build a state, which I want to say must be affluent. And its not to build another poor state; that would be a mistake. If we are going to build, lets build it a modern state. And I believe that the Palestinians have already leaders. The person that built the city, Bashar Masri, for example, is an extremely intelligent man, up to date -- Rawabi is the new city of the Palestinians.

And we have to introduce hi-tech. They cannot make a living just on land. The problem today is not the land, but the level of knowledge. Agriculture went down only to two or three percent. And Israel is an example of making a living out of knowledge, out of hi-tech. We are ready to share. And I believe that they can be providing those of -- money. I want to identify immediately. I wont ask from you today money. But I think the Monetary Fund is willing and able to provide serious amounts of money. I spoke with the head of the Monetary Fund. They say that they can support trends; they dont have to support enterprises, contrary to the World Bank. And if the trend is peace, they are ready to invest seriously. In uniting, you have to take them in the picture.

Thats number one. Now, in the negotiations itself, I know the mood. I know that among the Palestinians there is mistrust vis--vis Israel and our government. We are aware of it. What Im asking -- and why is that? Because there isnt -- if Israel would be against a Palestinian state, would we permit you to build an economy, a police force, institutions? Why are we doing it? And I believe that as things will progress, we can handle the responsibilities for security wherever and whenever they will be ready. For example, if Jenin can police herself, our army will be glad to hand over the security to them. And if there are six or seven cities, lets go.

We suggested, like in the road map to recognize the Palestinian state with provisional borders. But the Palestinians didnt like it, and Mubarak told me leave it alone. They are getting angry with it. Okay. So we dont need lines. We dont need -- okay, I shall stop here, because –

VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN: No, Im anxious -- I love hearing you speak. (Laughter.) I really do. Ive told you, Mr. President, you are the most articulate statesman I have ever known. And I have been around for a long, long time. I always -- I always enjoy not only your knowledge, but your wisdom. I mean that sincerely. You know I have told you that over the years.

PRESIDENT PERES: I know. I keep it –

VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN: Well, let me just briefly respond.

PRESIDENT PERES: Yes.

VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN: First of all, you know you talked about my being a friend of Israel from the time I was a young senator.

PRESIDENT PERES: What was it, 32?

VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN: Thirty years old -- 29, actually. But I arrived at the Senate educated by a righteous Christian, my father, who -- we spent our dinner table -- we assembled at our dinner table in the evening to have discussions and incidentally eat rather than eat and incidentally have discussions. And -- but Israel captured my heart. I make no bones about it. That does not mean I do not understand and have a great empathy for the circumstances of the Palestinians, but Israel captured my heart and my imagination.

And my first visit here as a young senator, I sat before the desk of Golda Meir as she was chain smoking and pulling maps up and down behind me, explaining to me the Six Day War. And there was a young man sitting to my right, his name was Rabin. So I have had the great privilege of not only knowing you, but knowing every Prime Minister and President since the days of Golda Meir.

I think your observation is one that more of the world should understand, because as you pointed out, there is an international attempt to isolate Israel and -- right now. And sometimes, we are our own worst enemy and playing into the hands of those who wish to do that. The peace process, as you pointed out, has two components to it, it always has: the actual definition of a state by borders and sovereign immunity and sovereign capabilities, but also the actual stuff of which a state is made. Institutions, everything from security forces to tax collection capability and everything in between. And that is underway.

And I hope -- notwithstanding the mistrust you referenced, I hope the beginning of what I referred to as these indirect or proximity talks, I hope it is a vehicle, a vehicle by which we can begin to allay that layer of mistrust that has built over the last several years. Because if you look at the region, there is obviously a great deal more that should be uniting the Palestinians and the Israelis than any time since Ive been involved for 36 years. You point out that the great Persian people have had their history besmirched by the presence of the -- Mr. Ahmadinejad and the theocracy.

But I would point out, Mr. President, that the moral sanctions you refer to have begun -- and need not have been imposed by us, theyre being imposed by their own people. The people of Iran are making that argument clearly, engaging in their own form of morally sanctioning their government as we have and as the rest of the world is. I remote -- since our administration has come to power, I would point out that Iran is more isolated -- internally, externally -- has fewer friends in the world. One of the reasons why President Obama insisted on engaging was in the -- was with eyes wide open. The hope was that there would be some movement. But the reality was -- the reality was so that we could in a sense point out to the rest of the world we need to deal with many of the things you mentioned.

But let me conclude in my very brief response here that I -- I think this -- we are at a moment of real opportunity. And I think that the -- the interest of both the Palestinians and the Israeli people are -- if everyone will just step back and take a deep breath -- are actually very much more in line than they are in opposition. And when I first came here, my first 10 or 12 trips, the idea that we would speak with certitude about a two-state solution wasnt so obvious. So Id like to focus with you -- if we have a chance to speak privately, Id like to focus with you on how we -- how we take advantage of this moment for the security of Israel.

I just want to conclude by saying one thing that I know you understand -- I know you understand about me and I know you understand it about President Obama -- theres absolutely no space between the United States and Israel in terms of Israels security and our mutual security -- none, none at all. Thats the basis in which this starts. Theres a lot we can do. But Im really flattered you would see me. And I’m anxious to –

PRESIDENT PERES: We were waiting for you. (Laughter.)

VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN: Well, its good to be home. (Laughter.)

END
9:45 A.M. (local)

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
March 08, 2010

Declaraciones del Presidente Obama y el Presidente Funes de el Salvador tras Reunión

Oficina Oval

3:56 P.M. EST

PRESIDENTE OBAMA: Saludos a todos. Quiero darles la bienvenida al Presidente Funes y la Primera Dama de El Salvador a Estados Unidos. Bienvenidos. Nos sentimos muy agradecidos y honrados por su visita. Me he mantenido al tanto del Presidente desde su elección hace nueve meses, y he quedado muy impresionado por las medidas que está tomando para tratar de reducir las divisiones políticas en su país y avanzar con un espíritu de progreso y concentrándose en la prosperidad a todo nivel de la sociedad salvadoreña.

Obviamente, la amistad entre nuestros dos países se debe en parte a los 2 millones de salvadoreños que están aquí en Estados Unidos, trabajando, enviando remesas a El Salvador. Esos vínculos proporcionan una base sobresaliente para la continua cooperación entre nuestros dos países.

Esa cooperación se debe basar en los intereses y respeto mutuos. Hemos hablado sobre maneras en que podemos continuar mejorando nuestra relación comercial. Más de la mitad de las exportaciones de El Salvador se destinan a Estados Unidos y más de un tercio de sus importaciones provienen de Estados Unidos, por lo que ya contamos con fuertes vínculos económicos. Pero aplaudo mucho la visión del Presidente de que el crecimiento en El Salvador debe ser equilibrado y llegar a todos los componentes de la sociedad salvadoreña; debe incluir todo nivel social. Y queremos ayudar de todas las maneras posibles a asegurar que haya crédito e infraestructura adecuados, y otras herramientas que puedan propiciar la prosperidad a largo plazo dentro de El Salvador.

Y hay excelentes proyectos multilaterales que podemos llevar a cabo. Por ejemplo, sé que Estados Unidos, Brasil y El Salvador están interesados en tomar conjuntamente medidas adicionales que pueden aumentar el desarrollo de biocombustibles y energía que podrían beneficiar a los tres países.

También hablamos sobre asuntos de seguridad en la región. Pienso que se han alcanzado logros en Centroamérica, pero aún tenemos inquietudes, obviamente, sobre el narcotráfico, sobre pandillas. Los desafíos de seguridad evidentemente están relacionados a los desafíos económicos dentro de la región, y queremos apoyar no sólo haciéndoles frente a los síntomas que vemos en términos de criminalidad, sino también a las causas fundamentales, y sé que eso es algo en lo que también el Presidente está profundamente interesado.

Y finalmente, quiero felicitar al Presidente Funes por el liderazgo que ha demostrado tanto a nivel regional como internacional. Su enfoque pragmático y sensato respecto a la situación en Honduras, en mi opinión, ayudó a aportar una solución que promete estabilidad y paz a largo plazo para ese país. La generosidad del pueblo salvadoreño hacia Haití tras el terrible terremoto, a mi parecer, es un ejemplo más de su visión para una región que se apoya mutuamente.

Entonces, mi principal objetivo hoy es transmitir lo interesado que está Estados Unidos en continuar siendo socio a igualdad de condiciones de El Salvador y otros países en la región, mantener una relación basada en intereses mutuos y respeto mutuo. Y le deseo todo lo mejor mientras continúa sus esfuerzos por un Salvador más próspero y seguro.

PRESIDENTE FUNES: Muchas gracias. Bueno, amigas y amigos, estoy altamente sorprendido porque pensé que yo podía hacer una mejor síntesis de lo conversado, por mis 20 años de ejercicio periodístico, pero el Presidente Obama, sin haber sido periodista, ha hecho una mejor síntesis de lo que yo puedo plantearles a ustedes de lo conversado en casi una hora.

Pero quiero agregar dos o tres cosas nada más: En primer lugar, le he dicho al Presidente Obama que comparto sus valores democráticos y la nueva visión que está intentando construir en la relación con el hemisferio, con el continente americano, pero particularmente, con la región centroamericana.

Tradicionalmente, cuando se ve a Centroamérica desde los Estados Unidos, se le ha visto como un problema, sobre todo migratorio, por la importante cantidad de centroamericanos que viven y trabajan en este país. Hemos coincidido con el Presidente Obama en que la mejor política migratoria sale desde nuestros países, en la medida en que en Centroamérica y, en el caso de El Salvador, se generen las oportunidades para jóvenes y mujeres que no encuentran empleo, que no encuentran educación, que no encuentran salud en Centroamérica y la vienen a buscar acá, en la medida en que generemos esas oportunidades en nuestros propios países, se reduce considerablemente el flujo migratorio.

Por eso, le hemos planteado al Presidente Obama que, como gobierno, queremos construir una alianza estratégica, no sólo para enfrentar problemas comunes que hemos debido de padecer a lo largo de las últimas décadas, como es el narcotráfico y todas las formas de expresión del crimen organizado. La alianza más importante que debemos de construir es una alianza para sacar a nuestros países de la pobreza, de la marginalidad, de la exclusión.

Le planteaba al Presidente Obama que este esfuerzo tiene que ser regional; tenemos que construir una política social integral a nivel de región, y por eso es que es importante que Estados Unidos se convierta en un parcero, un socio estratégico para sacar a nuestros pueblos de la pobreza y lograr mayores niveles de bienestar social. Si logramos eso, el narcotráfico y cualquier otra forma de crimen organizado no encontrarán terreno fértil en Centroamérica para afincarse.

Yo no vengo a pedirle al Presidente Obama que haga por El Salvador y por Centroamérica lo que nosotros no hemos sido capaces de hacer por nosotros mismos todo este tiempo. Lo que vengo a decirle es que nosotros hemos tomado el desafío de hacer la parte que nos corresponde de la tarea. Tenemos que aumentar nuestra carga tributaria en nuestros pueblos para hacerles llegar más recursos a los gobiernos y que permitan atender las necesidades sociales insatisfechas y acumuladas a lo largo de muchas décadas. Tenemos que asegurarles financiamiento y crédito a los pobres, a los empresarios, especialmente a los pequeños y medianos empresarios, para reconstruir nuestro tejido productivo.

Y esto requiere, por lo tanto, una visión diferente de las relaciones con Estados Unidos. Ya no podemos seguir culpando a los Estados Unidos de los problemas de nuestros países. Tenemos que ver a los Estados Unidos como un socio estratégico, como un socio, como él lo decía, ni mayor ni menor, sino como un socio eficaz.

Y estamos convencidos de que bajo la Presidencia del Presidente Obama, justamente por su apuesta a lograr un mundo mejor que sólo se puede construir si Estados Unidos es mejor, estamos seguros que podemos contar con esa parcería, estamos seguros de que podemos contar con esa alianza.

PRESIDENTE OBAMA: Bien, gracias a todos.

                     END              4:12 P.M. EST
 

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
March 08, 2010

Remarks by the President and the First Lady at International Women's Day Reception

East Room

4:52 P.M. EST

MRS. OBAMA:  Thank you so much.  So I get to speak first while he stands and watches.  I love this.  (Laughter.)  Look at me adoringly.  (Laughter.)

THE PRESIDENT:  I can do that.

MRS. OBAMA:  With sincerity.  (Laughter.)  Anyway.

I’m thrilled to see everybody here.  Welcome, welcome.  This is a wonderful event as we celebrate Women’s History Month at the White House.  It’s so exciting.  (Applause.)

And let me start by recognizing all of the amazing leaders who have taken time out of their very busy days and schedules to be here with us today.  We have our Cabinet Secretaries, congresswomen and other leaders who are serving as such powerful role models for the next generation.

But we have some of the members of the next generation here, as well, and I want to take a moment to acknowledge some of them, as well.  We’ve got young people here from the Girl Scouts, from Mount Vernon.  (Applause.)  From Mount Vernon and Hayfield Secondary in Virginia.  (Applause.)  From High Point High School in Maryland.  (Applause.)  From Eastern High School.  (Applause.)  And Georgetown Visitation here in D.C.  (Applause.)  All of you stand.  Everybody stand.  (Applause.)

I had a chance to meet with each and every one of them, to get a hug and a picture, and we talked.  They are beautiful, they are inquisitive -- yes, it was a hug, it was a good hug.  (Laughter.)  And what I told them is that they should make sure they take advantage of this evening by making sure that they take time out to meet all of you extraordinary women, right; that they come up and introduce themselves with confidence; and that you make sure you have a little fun, right?  So you’re going to make that promise.

Make sure you get to meet everyone here today, because today all of you are joining the long line of incredible women who have graced these halls both as visitors and as residents, from admirals and actresses to civil rights pioneers -- my good friend, Dorothy Height, is here.  (Applause.)  Nobel Prize Winners -- you name it, this house has hosted some of the most accomplished women and some of the most accomplished Americans in the history of this country.

But we’re here today not just to pay tribute to leaders and icons and household names.  During Women’s History Month we’re also here to honor the quiet heroes who’ve shaped this country from the very beginning.  We honor the women who traveled those lonely roads to be the first ones in those courtrooms, to be the first ones in those boardrooms, to be the first ones on those playing fields, and to be the first ones on those battlefields.

We honor women who refused to listen to those who would say that you couldn’t or shouldn’t pursue your dreams.  And we honor women who may not have had many opportunities in their own lives, and we all know women like that:  Women who poured everything they had into making sure that their daughters and their granddaughters could pursue their dreams; women who, as the poet Alice Walker once wrote, “knew what we must know without knowing it themselves.”

All of us are here today because of women like these who came before us.  And during this Women’s History Month, may we recommit ourselves to carrying on their work for our own daughters and granddaughters, and also for our sons and our grandsons too.

Now, speaking of sons, it is my pleasure to introduce one of the few men in the room -- (laughter and applause) -- my husband, and the President of the United States, Barack Obama.  (Applause.)

THE PRESIDENT:  That would be me.  Thank you, everybody.  Thank you.  Thank you.  Thank you very much.  Thank you.  Thank you, everybody.  Please, have a seat.  Let me begin by just thanking some of the people who are participating here today.  Michelle mentioned my outstanding Cabinet members, the extraordinary members of Congress and people who are in our senior White House team.  I also want to thank Ms. Kerry Washington for emceeing today.  Give Kerry a big round of applause.  Where is she?  There she is.  (Applause.)

Ms. Katharine McPhee, who’s going to be performing a song in the program.  Where’s Katharine?  She’s around -- she’s practicing.  (Applause.)  She’s here, I just saw her.

Secretary Madeline Albright is here today.  (Applause.)  and Ms. Mozhdah Jamalzadah is also going to be here performing a song in the program, so we want to thank her, give her a big round of applause.  (Applause.)

And then there’s this lady here.  (Laughter.)  FLOTUS, that’s what we call her -- FLOTUS.  (Laughter.)  She is -- I’m biased, I acknowledge; but I think she’s a pretty good First Lady.  (Applause.)  Don’t you think?  She’s pretty good.  (Applause.)  And I’m very sincere when I look at you adoringly.  (Laughter.)

The story of America over the past 200 years -- past 233 years is one of laws becoming more just, of a people becoming more equal, of a union being perfected.  It’s a story of captives being set free and a movement to fulfill the promise of that freedom.  It’s a story of waves of weary travelers reconsecrating America as a nation of immigrants.  It’s a story of our gay and lesbian brothers and sisters making the most of that most American of demands –- to be treated the same as everybody else.  And it’s a story of women, from those on the Mayflower to the one I’m blessed to call my wife, who looked across the dinner table, and thought, I’m smarter than that guy.  (Laughter.)

The story of America’s women, like the story of America itself, has had its peaks and valleys.  But as one of our great American educators once said, if you drew a line through all the valleys and all the peaks, that line would be drawn with an upward curve.  That upward curve –- what we call progress –- didn’t happen by accident.

It came about because of daring, indomitable women.  Women like Abigail Adams, who brought on the ridicule of her husband John by advising him to “remember the ladies” in our founding documents.  Women like the pioneers and settlers who, in the words of one, said, “I thought where he could go, I could go.”  Women like Dorothy Height and Sylvia Mendez and Betty Friedan and Gloria Steinem and Sandra Day O’Connor and Madeline Albright, upending assumptions and changing laws and tearing down barriers.  Women like Hillary Rodham Clinton, who, throughout her career, has put millions of cracks in America’s glass ceiling.  (Applause.)  It’s because of them –- and so many others, many who aren’t recorded in the history books –- that the story of America is, ultimately, one of hope and one of progress, of an upward journey.

But even as we reflect on the hope of our history, we must also face squarely the reality of the present -– a reality marked by unfairness, marked by hardship for too many women in America.  The statistics of inequality are all too familiar to us -- how women just earn 77 cents for every dollar men make; how one in four women is the victim of domestic violence at some point in her life; how women are more than half the population, but make up only 17 percent of the seats in Congress, and less than 3 percent of Fortune 500 CEOs.

These, and any number of other facts and figures, reflect the fundamental truth that in 2010, full gender equality has not yet been achieved; that the task of perfecting America goes on; and that all of us, men and women, have a part to play in bending the arc in America’s story upward in the 21st century.

I’m proud of the extraordinary women -- and the extraordinary Americans -- I’ve appointed to help take up this task.  In addition to our outstanding Secretary of State, we’ve got Hilda Solis serving where the first female Cabinet Secretary, Frances Perkins, once served, at the Labor Department.  (Applause.)  We’ve got Kathleen Sebelius leading our Health and Human Services Department; Janet Napolitano running the Department of Homeland Security.  Susan Rice is our ambassador to the United Nations.  The chair of my Council of Economic Advisors is Christy Romer.  We got Lisa Jackson, who’s doing great work at the EPA.

We have just extraordinary talent all across this administration.  And from health insurance reform, to climate and energy, to matters of domestic policy, I’m seeking the counsel of brilliant women.  And that list doesn’t include, by the way, the Justice I appointed to the Supreme Court –- Ms. Sonia Sotomayor.  (Applause.)

So, yes, I’m very proud to have appointed so many brilliant women to so many essential posts in our government.  But I’m even prouder of what each of them is doing –- and what all of us are doing –- to make life better in America and around the world, because lifting up the prospects of our daughters will require all of us doing our part.  And that’s why we’ve established a new White House Council on Women and Girls, chaired by my friend and senior advisor, Valerie Jarrett, that will help make sure that every part of our government is working to address the challenges faced by women and girls.

At a time when women are on the verge of making up the majority of America’s workforce, the very first bill I signed into law -– a bill named after Lilly Ledbetter -– was designed to help keep America’s promise:  If you do the same work as a man, you ought to be paid the same wage as a man.  (Applause.)  To help parents balance work and family, we’re offering states more support for quality, affordable child care and paid family leave.

At a time when we are waging two wars and fighting a global network of hatred and violence, we need the service of all those patriotic Americans who are willing to do their part.  And that’s why Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Mullen and top Navy officers decided to end an old barrier against women, so our skilled and brave Navy women, as well as men, can serve on submarines.

At a time when it’s still legal for health insurance companies to discriminate against the victims of domestic violence in eight states plus the District of Columbia, we’re seeking health insurance reforms that would finally rein in the worst practices of the insurance industry.  And I’m also proud to note that I’ve appointed the first White House Advisor on Violence against Women, Lynn Rosenthal.  (Applause.)

At a time when the jobs of tomorrow will go to workers with the knowledge and skills to do them, we’re ramping up efforts to educate our young people in science and technology, engineering and math, and we’re making a special effort to recruit women to those fields -– because I want to see more teenage astronomers like Caroline Moore.  In fact, Transportation Secretary Ray LaHood has launched a new partnership with Spelman College to train women engineers and help put them to work rebuilding our highways and our infrastructure.

And since today happens to be International Women’s Day, it’s also worth mentioning what Secretary Clinton, and Ambassador Rice, and this administration are doing on behalf of women around the globe.  We lifted what’s called the global gag rule that restricted women’s access to family planning services abroad.  (Applause.)

We’re pursuing a global health strategy that makes important investments in child and maternal health.  We sponsored a U.N. resolution to increase protection for women and girls in conflict-torn countries –- to help make it possible for more women like Mozhdah, who traveled from Afghanistan to join us here today -- to reach for their dreams.  We created the first Office of Global Women’s Issues at the State Department, and appointed Ambassador Melanne Verveer to run it.  (Applause.)  We’re investing $18 million -- we’re investing $18 million to combat the unconscionable cruelties being committed against girls and women in the Democratic Republic of Congo.  And next month, I’ll host an entrepreneurship summit to help fulfill a commitment I made in Cairo; a summit that will focus, in part, on the challenges facing women entrepreneurs in Muslim communities around the world.

We’re doing all of this not only because promoting women’s empowerment is one of the best ways to promote economic development and economic success.  We are doing it because it’s the right thing to do.  I say that not only as a President, but also as the father of two daughters, as a son and a grandson, and as a husband.

Growing up, I saw my mother dedicate most of her life to promoting the rights and well-being of women overseas; to empowering them to take more control over their economic lives and be able to empower their families as well.  I saw my grandmother work her way up to become vice president at a bank in Hawaii, starting as a secretary, never had more than a high school education.  But I also saw how she hit a glass ceiling, and had to watch as men, no more qualified than she was, rise up the corporate ladder.

Before we got to the White House, where we are grateful for the extraordinary support that we receive from the White House staff, I’d see the challenges Michelle faced as a working mom.  And as usual, she handled it with grace and skill, but she’d be the first one to tell you it wasn’t always easy balancing the responsibilities of being a hospital executive with those of being a mother, and sometimes worrying about the girls when she was at work, and sometimes worrying about work when she was with the girls.

And today, as I see Sasha and Malia getting older, I think about the world that they -– and all of America’s daughters -– will inherit.  And I think about all of the opportunities that are still beyond reach for too many young women and too many of our brothers and sisters -- too many of our sisters and mothers and aunts -- all of the glass ceilings that have yet to be shattered.

We have so much more work to do, and that’s why we’re here today.  I think about this because it reminds me of why I’m here.  I didn’t run for President so that the dreams of our daughters could be deferred or denied.  I didn’t run for President to see inequality and injustice persist in our time.  I ran for President to put the same rights, the same opportunities, the same dreams within the reach for our daughters and our sons alike.  I ran for President to put the American Dream within the reach of all of our people, no matter what their gender, or race, or faith, or station.

If we can stay true to that cause, if we can stay true to our founding ideals, then I’m absolutely confident that the line that runs through America’s story will, in the future, as it has in the past, be drawn with an upward curve.  And I’m especially pleased that these young ladies are here today because they’re the ones who are going to help bend that curve towards justice and equality.

Thank you very much, everybody.  God bless you.  God bless the United States of America.  (Applause.)

END
5:11 P.M. EST

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
March 08, 2010

Remarks by President Obama and President Funes of El Salvador after Meeting

Oval Office

3:56 P.M. EST

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Hello, everybody.  I want to welcome President Funes and the First Lady of El Salvador to the United States.  Bienvenido.  We are very grateful and honored by his visit.  I’ve been following the President since his election nine months ago and have been very favorably impressed by the steps that he’s taking to try to break down political divisions within the country and move it forward with a spirit of progress and focusing on prosperity at every level of Salvadorian society.

Obviously the friendship between our two countries in part is the result of the 2 million Salvadorians who are here in the United States working, sending remittances back to El Salvador.  Those ties provide an outstanding foundation for continuing cooperation in our two countries.

That cooperation has to be based on mutual interest and mutual respect.  We’ve discussed ways that we can continue to improve our trading relationship.  Over half of El Salvador’s exports go to the United States and over one-third of its imports come from the United States, so we already have strong economic ties there. But I very much applaud the President’s vision that growth in El Salvador has to be balanced and reach all aspects of Salvadorian society; that it has to be socially inclusive.  And we want to assist in any way we can in making sure that there’s adequate credit and infrastructure and other tools that can bring about the long-term prosperity within El Salvador.

And there are some wonderful projects that we can do multilaterally.  For example, I know the United States, Brazil and El Salvador jointly are interested in pursuing additional measures that can expand biofuels and energy development that could be good for all three countries.

We also discussed security issues in the region.  I think that there has been progress within Central America, but we still have concerns, obviously, about drug trafficking, about gangs.  The security challenges obviously are connected to the economic challenges within the region and we want to be supportive not only in addressing the symptoms that we see in terms of crime, but also the root causes, and I know that’s something that the President cares deeply about as well.

And finally, I want to congratulate President Funes in the leadership that he’s already shown both regionally and internationally.  His pragmatic and wise approach to the situation in Honduras I think helped to contribute to a solution in that country that promises long-term stability and peace.  The generosity of the Salvadorian people towards Haiti in the aftermath of the terrible earthquake there I think is another example of his vision for a region that supports each other.

And so my main goal today is communicating how interested the United States is in continuing to be an equal partner with El Salvador and other countries in the region -- a relationship based on mutual interest and mutual respect.  And I wish him all the best as he continues to pursue his goals for a more prosperous and secure El Salvador.

PRESIDENT FUNES:  (As translated.)  And to the press, I am extremely surprised about this excellent summary.  After 20 years of being a journalist, I thought that I could summarize our interview of more than an hour in a better way, but President Obama has surprised me in how he has summarized the meeting.

I would like to talk about two or three things.  I have spoken to President Obama about this, and I want to commend him because he shares the same democratic values, and his new vision of how he is dealing with the hemisphere and particularly in Central America.

Traditionally Central America has been seen as a migratory problem for the United States.  But Central America, and in particular El Salvador, needs to generate the opportunities of work in order to be able to keep people back in El Salvador.  And as they have a better job generation, and people have better health and education, people will be able to remain in countries and have a better life.

We have spoken with President Obama about how to make a strategic alliance and face common problems that we have in the nation, such as drug traffic and organized crime.  And the alliance that we wish to make is in order to combat poverty and to get people out of marginal situations and out of the exclusion.  This has to be a regional effort and we have to -- and they have social policies that we need to build together.

The U.S. needs to be a strategic -- or we hope it will be a strategic partner for our country.  And in this way, the people will have better social well-being and we will be able to combat drug traffic, organized crime, because they will not find -- as we have new policies, they will not find fertile grounds.

I’m not here to ask President Obama to do for us what we haven’t been able to do for such a long time.  We have a big challenge on our hands, and one of our challenges is to have better tax collection in order to have more resources for the use of our government.  This has been going on for many decades, but basically what we're looking for is funding for the poor and small and medium enterprises in order to be able to create a better economic situation in El Salvador.

We have to re-strengthen the productive network, and we have to have a different vision.  But we definitely cannot blame the United States for the situation that we are in.  And instead, we are looking for the United States to become a strategic partner, as President Obama so well said; not a bigger partner or a lesser partner but an equal partner and an efficient partner.

And as President Obama’s administration, we hope that there will be a good alliance and it will be a better world for us and for all -- and a better administration.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  All right, thank you, everybody.

END
4:12 P.M. EST

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
March 08, 2010

Remarks by the President Honoring the 2009 BCS National Champion Alabama Crimson Tide

East Room

1:59 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT:  Hello, everybody!  (Applause.)  Please, have a seat, have a seat.  Have a seat, Crimson Tide.  Go Tide.  (Laughter.)  Well, welcome to the White House, and congratulations on your 13th -- let me check that -- 13th National Championship –- the first in 17 years.  I think it's safe to say that the Tide is back. 

  I've got to tell you, everyone was really excited about this team coming today -– except for my Press Secretary, Robert Gibbs -- (laughter) -- because he was born and raised in Auburn.  He's hiding in his office right now.  (Laughter.)  But we do have some Tide fans here that are worth a little bit of acknowledgment. 

I want to start by thanking Robert Witt, the president of the University of Alabama.  I also want to acknowledge the mayor of Tuscaloosa, Walter Maddox.  You can give them a round of applause.  (Applause.)  I want to recognize Senator Shelby and Senator Sessions, who are here.  Stand up, please.  (Applause.)  And our terrific Surgeon General who’s an Alabama native, Regina Benjamin is in the house.  Where’s Regina?  There she is over there.  (Applause.) 

And to all those who make this program what it is -– the students and the trainers and the staff and the ticket takers, fans in Tuscaloosa and all across the country, you should all be very proud, and I want to congratulate you. 

Obviously I want to congratulate Coach Saban and thank him and his wife Terry for being with us today.  There's no question that this team is here in large part because of what Coach Saban has done.  There aren't too many coaches in the country who have the knowledge, the motivational skills, the program discipline to win two national championships in six years –- let alone at two different schools.  And I think it’s a testimony to his incredible skills as a coach.  (Applause.) 

I've got to congratulate Mark Ingram for becoming the first Heisman Trophy winner in Alabama history.  (Applause.)  Mark rushed for over 1,500 yards last season -- the most ever by a Crimson Tide running back.  And I know his selflessness and dedication has made his team and his family very, very proud.

I also want to recognize your captains -– Rolando McClain, Mike Johnson, and Javier Arenas –- and all the upperclassmen for their leadership on this team.  Congratulations to all of you.  (Applause.)  I especially want to congratulate Rolando for winning the Butkus Award as the nation's top linebacker.  And I know that part of Rolando's talent comes from his intelligence and his judgment.  In fact one of his teammates was asked to describe him -- he said, "Just picture Coach Saban being huge and being able to play football."  (Laughter.) 

Now, one of the trademarks of this team has always been its unwavering focus on what's important.  And I know shortly after the 2008 season ended, Coach hung a picture of the Florida Gators winning the national championship in the locker room -- not too subtle what he was saying.  He asked his players if they wanted to work hard enough to beat their teammates in a drill, or if they wanted to work hard enough to be the best team in the country.  And it's pretty clear what choice they made.

That's the kind of tone this team sets, both on and off the field.  It's why these young men -- and this is something I’m very proud of -- had the second highest graduation rate of any team ranked in the top 25.  It shows that these guys have their priorities straight.  (Applause.)  Together, they contributed more than 3,500 hours of community service that Alabama students -- student athletes performed last year. 

And that spirit continued earlier today, when the team met with a group of kids from one of D.C.'s roughest neighborhoods, and helped teach them about the importance of staying in school and making healthy choices.  That's how champions act -– in football and in life.  As Coach Bryant once said, "I think the most important thing of all for any team is a winning attitude." I think this team would make him proud, because they’ve got that winning attitude.

So congratulations to all of you.  The best of luck next season.  I know spring practice starts on Friday -- woo, man.  (Laughter.)  Next Friday, huh?  So enjoy these last few days off. And congratulations to all of you for just an extraordinary season.  Roll Tide.  (Applause.)

END
2:05 P.M. EST

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
March 08, 2010

Remarks by the President on Health Insurance Reform

Arcadia University
Glenside, Pennsylvania

11:23 A.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT:  Hello, Pennsylvania!  (Applause.)  Thank you.  Thank you very much.  Thank you.  This is a nice crowd.  (Applause.)  Thank you very much.  Thank you.  Well, what a wonderful crowd.

AUDIENCE MEMBER:  I love you!

THE PRESIDENT:  Love you back.  (Applause.)  I am -- I'm kind of fired up.  (Applause.)  I'm kind of fired up.  (Applause.)  So, listen, we -- this is just an extraordinary crowd and I --

AUDIENCE MEMBER:  We love you!

THE PRESIDENT:  I love you back.  (Applause.)  I want -- there's some people I want to point out who are here who've just been doing great work.  First of all, give Leslie a great round of applause for her wonderful introduction.  (Applause.)

Somebody who's been working tirelessly on your behalf, doing a great job -- the Secretary of Health and Human Services, Kathleen Sebelius is in the house.  (Applause.)  One of the finest governors in the country, Ed Rendell is in the house.  (Applause.)  Everybody notice how good Ed is looking, by the way? He's been on that training program, eating egg whites and keeping his cholesterol down.  (Laughter.)

Your senior senator who has just been doing outstanding work in the Senate, Arlen Specter is in the house.  (Applause.)  One of my great friends, somebody who supported me when nobody could pronounce my name, Bob Casey is in the house.  (Applause.)  Your congressman, the person who gave me confidence that I could win even though nobody could pronounce my name -- Chaka Fattah is in the house.  (Applause.)  I figured if they could elect a "Chaka" -- (laughter) -- then they could elect a "Barack."  (Laughter.)

A couple other outstanding members of Congress -- first of all, from Pennsylvania, Allyson Schwartz is in the house.  (Applause.)  Somebody who rendered outstanding service to our nation before he was in Congress, Joe Sestak is in the house.  (Applause.)  One of the sharpest members of Congress -- technically not his state but he's just from right next door, New Jersey, so he's practically -- (applause.)  See, we've got some Jersey folks here.  (Applause.)  Rob Andrews is in the house.  (Applause.)  And the great mayor of Philadelphia, Mike Nutter.  (Applause.)

It's a little hot, I think.  (Applause.)  And to Arcadia University -- (applause) -- thank you, thank you guys for hosting us.  (Applause.)

I was asking about that castle on the way in, by the way.  (Applause.)  That's a -- I thought the White House was pretty nice, but that castle, that's -- (laughter.)

Well, it is great to be back here in the Keystone State.  It's even better to be out of Washington, D.C.  (Laughter.)  First of all, the people of D.C. are wonderful.  They're nice people, they're good people; love the city, the monuments, everything.  But when you’re in Washington, folks respond to every issue, every decision, every debate, no matter how important it is, with the same question:  What does this mean for the next election?  (Laughter.)  What does it mean for your poll numbers?  Is this good for the Democrats or good for the Republicans?  Who won the news cycle?

That’s just how Washington is.  They can’t help it.  They’re obsessed with the sport of politics.  And so that’s the environment in which elected officials are operating.  And you’ve seen all the pundits pontificating and talking over each other on the cable shows, and they’re yelling and shouting.  They can’t help themselves.  That’s what they do.

But out here, and all across America, folks are worried about bigger things.  They’re worried about how to make payroll. They’re worried about how to make ends meet.  They’re worried about what the future will hold for their families and for our country.  They’re not worrying about the next election.  We just had an election.  (Applause.)  They’re worried about the next paycheck, or the next tuition payment that’s due.  (Applause.) They’re thinking about retirement.

You want people in Washington to spend a little less time worrying about our jobs, a little more time worrying about your jobs.  (Applause.)

Despite all the challenges we face -- two wars, the aftermath of a terrible recession -- I want to tell everybody here today I am absolutely confident that America will prevail; that we will shape our destiny as past generations have done.  (Applause.)  That’s who we are.  We don’t give up.  We don’t quit.  Sometimes we take our lumps, but we just keep on going.  That’s who we are.  But that only happens when we’re meeting our challenges squarely and honestly.  And I have to tell you, that’s why we are fighting so hard to deal with the health care crisis in this country; health care costs that are growing every single day.

I want to spend some time talking about this.  The price of health care is one of the most punishing costs for families and for businesses and for our government.  (Applause.)  It’s forcing people to cut back or go without health insurance.  It forces small businesses to choose between hiring or health care.  It’s plunging the federal government deeper and deeper and deeper into debt.

The young people who are here, you’ve heard stories -- some of you guys still have health care while you’re in school, some of you may still be on your parents’ plans, but some of the highest uninsurance rates are among young people.  And it’s getting harder and harder to find a job that’s going to provide you with health care.  And a lot of you right now feel like you’re invincible so you don’t worry about it.  (Laughter.)  But let me tell you, when you hit 48 -- (laughter) -- you start realizing, things start breaking down a little bit.  (Laughter.)

And the insurance companies continue to ration health care based on who’s sick and who’s healthy; on who can pay and who can’t pay.  That’s the status quo in America, and it is a status quo that is unsustainable for this country.  We can’t have a system that works better for the insurance companies than it does for the American people.  (Applause.)  We need to give families and businesses more control over their own health insurance. And that’s why we need to pass health care reform -- not next year, not five years from now, not 10 years from now, but now.  (Applause.)

Now, since we took this issue on a year ago, there have been plenty of folks in Washington who’ve said that the politics is just too hard.  They’ve warned us we may not win.  They’ve argued now is not the time for reform.  It’s going to hurt your poll numbers.  How is it going to affect Democrats in November?  Don’t do it now.

My question to them is:  When is the right time?  (Applause.)  If not now, when?  If not us, who?

Think about it.  We've been talking about health care for nearly a century.  I’m reading a biography of Teddy Roosevelt right now.  He was talking about it.  Teddy Roosevelt.  We have failed to meet this challenge during periods of prosperity and also during periods of decline.  Some people say, well, don't do it right now because the economy is weak.  When the economy was strong, we didn’t do it.  We’ve talked about it during Democratic administrations and Republican administrations.  I got all my Republican colleagues out there saying, well, no, no, no, we want to focus on things like cost.  You had 10 years.  What happened? What were you doing?  (Applause.)

Every year, the problem gets worse.  Every year, insurance companies deny more people coverage because they’ve got preexisting conditions.  Every year, they drop more people’s coverage when they get sick right when they need it most.  Every year, they raise premiums higher and higher and higher.

Just last month, Anthem Blue Cross in California tried to jack up rates by nearly 40 percent -- 40 percent.  Anybody’s paycheck gone up 40 percent?

AUDIENCE:  Nooo --

THE PRESIDENT:  I mean, why is it that we think this is normal?  In my home state of Illinois, rates are going up by as much as 60 percent.  You just heard Leslie, who was hit with more than a hundred percent increase -- 100 percent.  One letter from her insurance company and her premiums doubled.  Just like that. And because so many of these markets are so concentrated, it’s not like you can go shopping.  You’re stuck.  So you’ve got a choice:  Either no health insurance, in which case you’re taking a chance if somebody in your family gets sick that you will go bankrupt and lose your home and lose everything you’ve had -- or you keep on ponying up money that you can’t afford.

See, these insurance companies have made a calculation.  Listen to this.  The other day, there was a conference call that was organized by Goldman Sachs.  You know Goldman Sachs.  You’ve been hearing about them, right?  (Laughter.)  So they organized a conference call in which an insurance broker was telling Wall Street investors how he expected things to be playing out over the next several years, and this broker said that insurance companies know they will lose customers if they keep on raising premiums, but because there’s so little competition in the insurance industry, they’re okay with people being priced out of the insurance market because, first of all, a lot of folks are going to be stuck, and even if some people drop out, they’ll still make more money by raising premiums on customers that they keep.

And they will keep on doing this for as long as they can get away with it.  This is no secret.  They’re telling their investors this:  We are in the money; we are going to keep on making big profits even though a lot of folks are going to be put under hardship.

So how much higher do premiums have to rise until we do something about it?  How many more Americans have to lose their health insurance?  How many more businesses have to drop coverage?  All those young people out here, after you graduate you’re going to be looking for a job.  Think about the environment that’s going to be out there when a whole bunch of potential employers just tell you, you know what, we just can’t afford it.  Or, you know what, we’re going to have to take thousands of dollars out of your paycheck because the insurance company just jacked up our rates.

How many years -- how many more years can the federal budget handle the crushing costs of Medicare and Medicaid?  That’s the debt you’re going to have to pay, young people.  When is the right time for health insurance reform?

AUDIENCE:  Now!

THE PRESIDENT:  Is it a year from now or two years from now or five years from now or 10 years from now?

AUDIENCE:  No!

THE PRESIDENT:  I think it’s right now.  And that’s why you’re here today.  (Applause.)

Leslie is a single mom -- just like my mom was a single mom -- trying to put her daughter through college.  She knows that the time for reform is now. 

Natoma Canfield -- self-employed cancer survivor from Ohio  -- she wrote us a letter.  Last year her insurance company charged her over $6,000 in premiums; paid about $900 worth of care.  Now they’ve decided to jack up her rates 40 percent next year.  So she’s had to drop her insurance, even though it may cost her the house that her parents built.  Natoma knows it’s time for reform.

Laura Klitzka -- this is a friend of mine, somebody I met when I was campaigning in Wisconsin -- Green Bay, Wisconsin.  She’s a young mother; she’s got two kids.  She thought she had beaten her breast cancer but later discovered it had spread to her bones.  She and her husband had insurance, but their medical bills still landed them with tens of thousands of dollars worth of debt.  And now she spends her time worrying about that debt when all she wants to do is spend time with her children.  I just talked to Laura this past weekend, and let me tell you, she knows that the time for reform is right now.

So what should I tell these Americans?  That Washington is not sure how it will play in November?  That we should walk away from this fight, or do something -- do something like some on the other side of the aisle have suggested, well, we’ll do it incrementally; we’ll take baby steps; we’ll do --

AUDIENCE:  No!

THE PRESIDENT:  So they want me to pretend to do something that doesn’t really help these folks.

We have debated health care in Washington for more than a year.  Every proposal has been put on the table.  Every argument has been made.  I know a lot of people view this as a partisan issue, but both parties have found areas where we agree.  What we’ve ended up with is a proposal that’s somewhere in the middle -- one that incorporates the best from Democrats and Republicans, best ideas.

Think about it along the spectrum of how we could approach health care.  On one side of the spectrum there were those at the beginning of this process who wanted to scrap our system of private insurance and replace it with a government-run health care system, like they have in some other countries.  (Applause.) Look, it works in places like Canada, but I didn’t think it was going to be practical or realistic to do it here.

On the other side of the spectrum, there are those who believe that the answer is just to loosen regulations on insurance companies.  This is what we heard at the health care summit.  They said, well, you know what, if we had fewer regulations on the insurance companies --

AUDIENCE:  Boo!

THE PRESIDENT:  -- whether it’s consumer protections or basic standards on what kind of insurance they sell, somehow market forces will make things better.  Well, we’ve tried that.  I’m concerned that would only give insurance companies more leeway to raise premiums and deny care.  (Applause.)

So the bottom line is I don’t believe we should give government or insurance companies more control over health care in America.  I believe it’s time to give you, the American people, more control over your own health insurance.  (Applause.)

And that’s why my proposal builds on the current system where most Americans get their health insurance from their employer.  If you like your plan, you can keep your plan.  If you like your doctor, you can keep your doctor.  But I can tell you, as the father of two young girls, I don’t want a plan that interferes with the relationship between a family and their doctor.  So we’re going to preserve that.

Essentially, my proposal would change three things about the current health care system.  Listen up.  First, it would end the worst practices of insurance companies.  Within the first year of signing health care reform, thousands of uninsured Americans with preexisting conditions would suddenly be able to purchase health insurance for the very first time in their lives, or the first time in a long time.  (Applause.)

This year, insurance companies will be banned forever from denying coverage to children with preexisting conditions.  (Applause.)  This year, they will be banned from dropping your coverage when you get sick.  (Applause.)  And they will no longer be able to arbitrarily and massively hike your premiums -- just like they did to Leslie or Natoma or millions of others Americans.  Those practices will end.  (Applause.)

If this reform becomes law, all new insurance plans will be required to offer free preventive care to their customers starting this year -- free check-ups so that we can catch preventable illnesses on the front end.  (Applause.)  Starting this year, there will be no more lifetime or restrictive annual limits on the amount of care that you can receive from your insurance companies.  There’s a lot of fine print in there that can end up costing people hundreds of thousands of dollars because they hit a limit.

If you’re a young adult, which many of you are, you’ll be able to stay on your parents’ insurance policy until you’re 26 years old.  (Applause.)  And there will be a new, independent appeals process for anybody who feels they were unfairly denied a claim by their insurance company.  So you'll have recourse if you're being taken advantage of.  (Applause.)  So that’s the first thing that would change and it would change fast –- insurance companies would finally be held accountable to the American people.  That's number one.

Number two, second thing that would change about the current system is this:  For the first time in their lives -- or oftentimes, in a very long time -- uninsured individuals and small business owners will have the same kind of choice of private health insurance that members of Congress get for themselves.  (Applause.)  If it’s good enough for Congress, it should be good enough for the people paying Congress its salary  -- that's you.  (Applause.)

Now, the idea is very simple here, and it's one -- (audience interruption) -- I'm sorry, go ahead.  (Applause.)  Let me explain how this would work, because it's an idea that a lot of Republicans have embraced in the past.  What my proposal says is that if you aren’t part of a big group, if you don't work for a big company, you can be part of a pool which gives you bargaining power over insurance companies.  It's very straightforward.  Suddenly, just like the federal employees -- there are millions of them so they can drive a harder bargain with insurance companies -- you, as an individual or a small business owner, could be part of this pool, which would give you more negotiating power with the insurance companies for lower rates and a better deal.  (Applause.)  Right?

Now, if you still can’t afford the insurance that's offered -- even though it's a better deal than you can get on your own, but you still just can't get it, then what we're going to do is give you a tax credit to do so.  And these tax credits add up to the largest middle-class tax cut for health care in history.  (Applause.)  Because the wealthiest among us, they can already afford to buy the best insurance there is; the least well off are already covered through Medicaid.  It’s the middle class that gets squeezed.  That's who we need to help with these tax credits.  (Applause.)  That’s what we intend to do.  (Applause.)

Now, I want to be honest.  Let’s be clear.  This will cost some money.  It’s going to cost about $100 billion per year.  Most of this comes from the nearly $2.5 trillion a year that America already spends on health care.  It’s just that right now a lot of that money is being wasted or it’s being spent badly.  So with this plan, we’re going to make sure that the dollars we spend go to making insurance more affordable and more secure.

So I'll give you an example.  We’re going to eliminate wasteful taxpayer subsidies that currently go to insurance and pharmaceutical companies.  (Applause.)  They are getting billions of dollars a year from the government, from taxpayers, when they’re making a big profit.  I'd rather see that money going to people who need it.  (Applause.)

We’ll set a new fee on insurance companies that stand to gain as millions of Americans are able to buy insurance.  They’re going to have 30 million new customers; there’s nothing wrong with them paying a little bit of the freight.  And we’ll make sure that the wealthiest Americans pay their fair share of Medicare, just like everybody else does.  (Applause.)

So the bottom line is this:  Our proposal is paid for.  All the new money generated in this plan goes back to small business owners and individuals in the middle class who right now are having trouble getting insurance.  It would lower prescription drug prices for seniors.  (Applause.)  It would help train new doctors and nurses to provide care for American families and physicians assistants and therapists.  I know there are -- got great programs here at Arcadia.  (Applause.)  I was hearing about the terrific programs you have at Arcadia in the health care field.  Well, you know what, we’re going to need more health care professionals of the sorts that are being trained here, and we want to help you get that training.  And that’s in this bill.  (Applause.)

So I’ve mentioned two things now:  insurance reform and making sure the people who don't have health insurance are able to get it.

Finally, my proposal would bring down the cost of health care for millions -– families, businesses, and the federal government.  (Applause.)  As I said, you keep on hearing from critics and some of the Republicans on these Sunday shows say, well, we want to do more about cost.  We have now incorporated almost every single serious idea from across the political spectrum about how to contain the rising cost of health care –- ideas that go after waste and abuse in our system, including in programs like Medicare.  But we do this while protecting Medicare benefits, and we extend the financial stability of the program by nearly a decade.

Our cost-cutting measures mirror most of the proposals in the current Senate bill, which reduces most people’s premiums and brings down our deficit by up to $1 trillion over the next decade because we’re spending our health care dollars more wisely.  (Applause.)  Those aren’t my numbers.  Those aren’t my numbers --they are the savings determined by the Congressional Budget Office, which is the nonpartisan, independent referee of Congress for what things cost.

So that’s our proposal:  insurance reform; making sure that you can have choices in the marketplace for health insurance, and making it affordable for people; and reducing costs.  (Applause.)

Now, think about it.  I think -- how many people would like a proposal that holds insurance companies more accountable?  (Applause.)  How many people would like to give Americans the same insurance choices that members of Congress get?  (Applause.) And how many would like a proposal that brings down costs for everyone?  (Applause.)  That’s our proposal.  And it is paid for, and it’s a proposal whose time has come.  (Applause.)

The United States Congress owes the American people a final, up or down vote on health care.  (Applause.)  It’s time to make a decision.  The time for talk is over.  We need to see where people stand.  And we need all of you to help us win that vote.  So I need you to knock on doors.  Talk to your neighbors.  Pick up the phone.  When you hear an argument by the water cooler and somebody is saying this or that about it, say, no, no, no, no, hold on a second.  And we need you to make your voices heard all the way in Washington, D.C.  (Applause.)

They need to hear your voices because right now the Washington echo chamber is in full throttle.  It is as deafening as it’s ever been.  And as we come to that final vote, that echo chamber is telling members of Congress, wait, think about the politics -- instead of thinking about doing the right thing.

That’s what Mitch McConnell said this weekend.  His main argument was, well, this is going to be really bad for Democrats politically.  Now, first of all, I generally wouldn’t take advice about what’s good for Democrats.  (Laughter.)  But setting aside that, that’s not the issue here.  The issue here is not the politics of it.

But that’s what people -- that’s what members of Congress are hearing right now on the cable shows and in the -- sort of the gossip columns in Washington.  It’s telling Congress comprehensive reform has failed before -- remember what happened to Clinton -- it may just be too politically hard.

Yes, it’s hard.  It is hard.  That’s because health care is complicated.  Health care is a hard issue.  It’s easily misrepresented.  It’s easily misunderstood.  So it’s hard for some members of Congress to make this vote.  There’s no doubt about that.  But you know what else is hard?  What Leslie and her family are going through -- that’s hard.  (Applause.)  The possibility that Natoma Canfield might lose her house because she’s about to lose her health insurance -- that’s hard.  (Applause.)  Laura Klitzka in Green Bay having to worry about her cancer and her debt at the same time, trying to explain that to her kids -- that’s hard.  (Applause.)  What’s hard is what millions of families and small businesses are going through because we allow the insurance industry to run wild in this country.  (Applause.)

So let me remind everybody:  Those of us in public office were not sent to Washington to do what’s easy.  We weren’t sent there because of the big fancy title.  We weren’t sent there to  -- because of a big fancy office.  We weren’t sent there just so everybody can say how wonderful we are.  We were sent there to do what was hard.  (Applause.)  We were sent there to take on the tough issues.  We were sent there to solve the big challenges.  And that’s why we’re there.  (Applause.)

And at this moment -- at this moment, we are being called upon to fulfill our duty to the citizens of this nation and to future generations.  (Applause.)

So I’ll be honest with you.  I don’t know how passing health care will play politically, but I do know that it’s the right thing to do.  (Applause.)  It’s right for our families.  It’s right for our businesses.  It’s right for the United States of America.  And if you share that belief, I want you to stand with me and fight with me.  (Applause.)  And I ask you to help us get us over the finish line these next few weeks.  (Applause.)  The need is great.  The opportunity is here.  Let’s seize reform.  It’s within our grasp.  (Applause.)

Thank you very much, everybody.  God bless.  (Applause.)

END
12:00 P.M. EST