7:00 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:   Thank you.  What an extraordinary night, capping off an extraordinary week, capping off an extraordinary 100 years at the NAACP.  (Applause.)

So Chairman Bond, Brother Justice, I am so grateful to all of you for being here.  It's just good to be among friends.  (Applause.) 

It is an extraordinary honor to be here, in the city where the NAACP was formed, to mark its centennial.  What we celebrate tonight is not simply the journey the NAACP has traveled, but the journey that we, as Americans, have traveled over the past 100 years.  (Applause.)

It's a journey that takes us back to a time before most of us were born, long before the Voting Rights Act, and the Civil Rights Act, Brown v. Board of Education; back to an America just a generation past slavery.  It was a time when Jim Crow was a way of life; when lynchings were all too common; when race riots were shaking cities across a segregated land.

It was in this America where an Atlanta scholar named W.E.B. Du Bois -- (applause) -- a man of towering intellect and a fierce passion for justice, sparked what became known as the Niagara movement; where reformers united, not by color, but by cause; where an association was born that would, as its charter says, promote equality and eradicate prejudice among citizens of the United States.

From the beginning, these founders understood how change would come -- just as King and all the civil rights giants did later.  They understood that unjust laws needed to be overturned; that legislation needed to be passed; and that Presidents needed to be pressured into action.  They knew that the stain of slavery and the sin of segregation had to be lifted in the courtroom, and in the legislature, and in the hearts and the minds of Americans.

They also knew that here, in America, change would have to come from the people.  It would come from people protesting lynchings, rallying against violence, all those women who decided to walk instead of taking the bus, even though they were tired after a long day of doing somebody else's laundry, looking after somebody else's children.  (Applause.)  It would come from men and women of every age and faith, and every race and region -- taking Greyhounds on Freedom Rides; sitting down at Greensboro lunch counters; registering voters in rural Mississippi, knowing they would be harassed, knowing they would be beaten, knowing that some of them might never return.

Because of what they did, we are a more perfect union.  Because Jim Crow laws were overturned, black CEOs today run Fortune 500 companies.  (Applause.)  Because civil rights laws were passed, black mayors, black governors, and members of Congress served in places where they might once have been able [sic] not just to vote but even take a sip of water.  And because ordinary people did such extraordinary things, because they made the civil rights movement their own, even though there may not be a plaque or their names might not be in the history books -- because of their efforts I made a little trip to Springfield, Illinois, a couple years ago -- (applause) -- where Lincoln once lived, and race riots once raged -- and began the journey that has led me to be here tonight as the 44th President of the United States of America.  (Applause.)

Because of them I stand here tonight, on the shoulders of giants.  And I'm here to say thank you to those pioneers and thank you to the NAACP.  (Applause.)

And yet, even as we celebrate the remarkable achievements of the past 100 years; even as we inherit extraordinary progress that cannot be denied; even as we marvel at the courage and determination of so many plain folk -- we know that too many barriers still remain.

We know that even as our economic crisis batters Americans of all races, African Americans are out of work more than just about anybody else -- a gap that's widening here in New York City, as a detailed report this week by Comptroller Bill Thompson laid out.  (Applause.)

We know that even as spiraling health care costs crush families of all races, African Americans are more likely to suffer from a host of diseases but less likely to own health insurance than just about anybody else.

We know that even as we imprison more people of all races than any nation in the world, an African American child is roughly five times as likely as a white child to see the inside of a prison.

We know that even as the scourge of HIV/AIDS devastates nations abroad, particularly in Africa, it is devastating the African American community here at home with disproportionate force.  We know these things.  (Applause.)

These are some of the barriers of our time.  They're very different from the barriers faced by earlier generations.  They're very different from the ones faced when fire hoses and dogs were being turned on young marchers; when Charles Hamilton Houston and a group of young Howard lawyers were dismantling segregation case by case across the land.

But what's required today -- what's required to overcome today's barriers is the same as what was needed then.  The same commitment.  The same sense of urgency.  The same sense of sacrifice.  The same sense of community.  The same willingness to do our part for ourselves and one another that has always defined America at its best and the African American experience at its best.  (Applause.)

And so the question is, where do we direct our efforts?  What steps do we take to overcome these barriers?  How do we move forward in the next 100 years?

The first thing we need to do is make real the words of the NAACP charter and eradicate prejudice, bigotry, and discrimination among citizens of the United States.  (Applause.)  I understand there may be a temptation among some to think that discrimination is no longer a problem in 2009.  And I believe that overall, there probably has never been less discrimination in America than there is today.  I think we can say that.

But make no mistake:  The pain of discrimination is still felt in America.  (Applause.)  By African American women paid less for doing the same work as colleagues of a different color and a different gender.  (Laughter.)  By Latinos made to feel unwelcome in their own country.  (Applause.)  By Muslim Americans viewed with suspicion simply because they kneel down to pray to their God.  (Applause.)  By our gay brothers and sisters, still taunted, still attacked, still denied their rights.  (Applause.)

On the 45th anniversary of the Civil Rights Act, discrimination cannot stand -- not on account of color or gender; how you worship or who you love.  Prejudice has no place in the United States of America.  That's what the NAACP stands for.  That's what the NAACP will continue to fight for as long as it takes.  (Applause.)

But we also know that prejudice and discrimination -- at least the most blatant types of prejudice and discrimination -- are not even the steepest barriers to opportunity today.  The most difficult barriers include structural inequalities that our nation's legacy of discrimination has left behind; inequalities still plaguing too many communities and too often the object of national neglect.

These are barriers we are beginning to tear down one by one -- by rewarding work with an expanded tax credit; by making housing more affordable; by giving ex-offenders a second chance.  (Applause.)  These are barriers we're targeting through our White House Office on Urban Affairs, through programs like Promise Neighborhoods that builds on Geoffrey Canada's success with the Harlem Children's Zone -- (applause) -- that foster a comprehensive approach to ending poverty by putting all children on a pathway to college, and giving them the schooling and after-school support that they need to get there.  (Applause.)

I think all of us understand that our task of reducing these structural inequalities has been made more difficult by the state and structure of our broader economy; an economy that for the last decade has been fueled by a cycle of boom and bust; an economy where the rich got really, really rich, but ordinary folks didn't see their incomes or their wages go up; an economy built on credit cards, shady mortgage loans; an economy built not on a rock, but on sand.

That's why my administration is working so hard not only to create and save jobs in the short-term, not only to extend unemployment insurance and help for people who have lost their health care in this crisis, not just to stem the immediate economic wreckage, but to lay a new foundation for growth and prosperity that will put opportunity within the reach of not just African Americans, but all Americans.  All Americans.  (Applause.)  Of every race.  Of every creed.  From every region of the country.  (Applause.)  We want everybody to participate in the American Dream.  That's what the NAACP is all about.  (Applause.)

Now, one pillar of this new foundation is health insurance for everybody.  (Applause.)  Health insurance reform that cuts costs and makes quality health coverage affordable for all, and it closes health care disparities in the process.  Another pillar is energy reform that makes clean energy profitable, freeing America from the grip of foreign oil; putting young people to work upgrading low-income homes, weatherizing, and creating jobs that can't be outsourced.  Another pillar is financial reform with consumer protections to crackdown on mortgage fraud and stop predatory lenders from targeting black and Latino communities all across the country.  (Applause.)

All these things will make America stronger and more competitive.  They will drive innovation, they will create jobs, they will provide families with more security.  And yet, even if we do all that, the African American community will still fall behind in the United States and the United States will fall behind in the world unless we do a far better job than we have been doing of educating our sons and daughters.  (Applause.)

I hope you don't mind -- I want to go into a little detail here about education.  (Applause.)  In the 21st century -- when so many jobs will require a bachelor's degree or more, when countries that out-educate us today will out-compete us tomorrow -- a world-class education is a prerequisite for success.

There's no two ways about it.  There's no way to avoid it.  You know what I'm talking about.  There's a reason the story of the civil rights movement was written in our schools.  There's a reason Thurgood Marshall took up the cause of Linda Brown.  There's a reason why the Little Rock Nine defied a governor and a mob.  It's because there is no stronger weapon against inequality and no better path to opportunity than an education that can unlock a child's God-given potential.  (Applause.)

And yet, more than half a century after Brown v. Board, the dream of a world-class education is still being deferred all across the country.  African American students are lagging behind white classmates in reading and math -- an achievement gap that is growing in states that once led the way in the civil rights movement.  Over half of all African American students are dropping out of school in some places.  There are overcrowded classrooms, and crumbling schools, and corridors of shame in America filled with poor children -- not just black children, brown and white children as well.

The state of our schools is not an African American problem; it is an American problem.  (Applause.)  Because if black and brown children cannot compete, then America cannot compete.  (Applause.)  And let me say this, if Al Sharpton, Mike Bloomberg, and Newt Gingrich can agree that we need to solve the education problem, then that's something all of America can agree we can solve.  (Applause.)  Those guys came into my office.  (Laughter.) Just sitting in the Oval Office -- I kept on doing a double-take.  (Laughter and applause.)  So that's a sign of progress and it is a sign of the urgency of the education problem.  (Applause.)  All of us can agree that we need to offer every child in this country -- every child --

AUDIENCE:  Amen!

THE PRESIDENT:  Got an "Amen corner" back there -- (applause) -- every child -- every child in this country the best education the world has to offer from cradle through a career.

That's our responsibility as leaders.  That's the responsibility of the United States of America.  And we, all of us in government, have to work to do our part by not only offering more resources, but also demanding more reform.  Because when it comes to education, we got to get past this whole paradigm, this outdated notion that somehow it's just money; or somehow it's just reform, but no money -- and embrace what Dr. King called the "both-and" philosophy.  We need more money and we need more reform.  (Applause.)

When it comes to higher education we're making college and advanced training more affordable, and strengthening community colleges that are the gateway to so many with an initiative -- (applause) -- that will prepare students not only to earn a degree, but to find a job when they graduate; an initiative that will help us meet the goal I have set of leading the world in college degrees by 2020.  We used to rank number one in college graduates.  Now we are in the middle of the pack.  And since we are seeing more and more African American and Latino youth in our population, if we are leaving them behind we cannot achieve our goal, and America will fall further behind -- and that is not a future that I accept and that is not a future that the NAACP is willing to accept.  (Applause.)

We're creating a Race to the Top fund that will reward states and public school districts that adopt 21st century standards and assessments.  We're creating incentives for states to promote excellent teachers and replace bad ones -- (applause) -- because the job of a teacher is too important for us to accept anything less than the best.  (Applause.)

We also have to explore innovative approaches such as those being pursued here in New York City; innovations like Bard High School Early College and Medgar Evers College Preparatory School that are challenging students to complete high school and earn a free associate's degree or college credit in just four years.  (Applause.)

And we should raise the bar when it comes to early learning programs.  It's not enough just to have a babysitter.  We need our young people stimulated and engaged and involved.  (Applause.)  We need our -- our folks involved in child development to understand the latest science.  Today, some early learning programs are excellent.  Some are mediocre.  And some are wasting what studies show are by far a child's most formative years.

That's why I've issued a challenge to America's governors:  If you match the success of states like Pennsylvania and develop an effective model for early learning; if you focus reform on standards and results in early learning programs; if you demonstrate how you will prepare the lowest income children to meet the highest standards of success -- then you can compete for an Early Learning Challenge Grant that will help prepare all our children to enter kindergarten all ready to learn.  (Applause.)

So these are some of the laws we're passing.  These are some of the policies we are enacting.  We are busy in Washington.  Folks in Congress are getting a little tuckered out.  (Laughter.)  But I'm telling them -- I'm telling them we can't rest, we've got a lot of work to do.  The American people are counting on us.  (Applause.)  These are some of the ways we're doing our part in government to overcome the inequities, the injustices, the barriers that still exist in our country.

But all these innovative programs and expanded opportunities will not, in and of themselves, make a difference if each of us, as parents and as community leaders, fail to do our part by encouraging excellence in our children.  (Applause.)  Government programs alone won't get our children to the Promised Land.  We need a new mind set, a new set of attitudes -- because one of the most durable and destructive legacies of discrimination is the way we've internalized a sense of limitation; how so many in our community have come to expect so little from the world and from themselves.

We've got to say to our children, yes, if you're African American, the odds of growing up amid crime and gangs are higher.  Yes, if you live in a poor neighborhood, you will face challenges that somebody in a wealthy suburb does not have to face.  But that's not a reason to get bad grades -- (applause) -- that's not a reason to cut class -- (applause) -- that's not a reason to give up on your education and drop out of school.  (Applause.)  No one has written your destiny for you.  Your destiny is in your hands -- you cannot forget that.  That's what we have to teach all of our children.  No excuses.  (Applause.)  No excuses.

You get that education, all those hardships will just make you stronger, better able to compete.  Yes we can.  (Applause.)

To parents -- to parents, we can't tell our kids to do well in school and then fail to support them when they get home.  (Applause.)  You can't just contract out parenting.  For our kids to excel, we have to accept our responsibility to help them learn.  That means putting away the Xbox -- (applause) -- putting our kids to bed at a reasonable hour.  (Applause.)  It means attending those parent-teacher conferences and reading to our children and helping them with their homework.  (Applause.)

And by the way, it means we need to be there for our neighbor's sons and daughters.  (Applause.)  We need to go back to the time, back to the day when we parents saw somebody, saw some kid fooling around and -- it wasn't your child, but they'll whup you anyway.  (Laughter and applause.)  Or at least they'll tell your parents -- the parents will.  You know.  (Laughter.)  That's the meaning of community.  That's how we can reclaim the strength and the determination and the hopefulness that helped us come so far; helped us make a way out of no way.

It also means pushing our children to set their sights a little bit higher.  They might think they've got a pretty good jump shot or a pretty good flow, but our kids can't all aspire to be LeBron or Lil Wayne.  (Applause.)  I want them aspiring to be scientists and engineers -- (applause) -- doctors and teachers -- (applause) -- not just ballers and rappers.  I want them aspiring to be a Supreme Court Justice.  (Applause.)  I want them aspiring to be the President of the United States of America.  (Applause.)

I want their horizons to be limitless.  I don't -- don't tell them they can't do something.  Don't feed our children with a sense of -- that somehow because of their race that they cannot achieve.

Yes, government must be a force for opportunity.  Yes, government must be a force for equality.  But ultimately, if we are to be true to our past, then we also have to seize our own future, each and every day.

And that's what the NAACP is all about.  The NAACP was not founded in search of a handout.  The NAACP was not founded in search of favors.  The NAACP was founded on a firm notion of justice; to cash the promissory note of America that says all of our children, all God's children, deserve a fair chance in the race of life.  (Applause.)

It's a simple dream, and yet one that all too often has been denied -- and is still being denied to so many Americans.  It's a painful thing, seeing that dream denied.  I remember visiting a Chicago school in a rough neighborhood when I was a community organizer, and some of the children gathered 'round me.  And I remember thinking how remarkable it was that all of these children seemed so full of hope, despite being born into poverty, despite being delivered, in some cases, into addiction, despite all the obstacles they were already facing -- you could see that spark in their eyes.  They were the equal of children anywhere.

And I remember the principal of the school telling me that soon that sparkle would begin to dim, that things would begin to change; that soon, the laughter in their eyes would begin to fade; that soon, something would shut off inside, as it sunk in -- because kids are smarter than we give them credit for -- as it sunk in that their hopes would not come to pass -- not because they weren't smart enough, not because they weren't talented enough, not because of anything about them inherently, but because, by accident of birth, they had not received a fair chance in life.

I know what can happen to a child who doesn't have that chance.  But I also know what can happen to a child that does.  I was raised by a single mom.  I didn't come from a lot of wealth.  I got into my share of trouble as a child.  My life could have easily taken a turn for the worse.  When I drive through Harlem or I drive through the South Side of Chicago and I see young men on the corners, I say, there but for the grace of God go I.  (Applause.)  They're no less gifted than me.  They're no less talented than me.

But I had some breaks.  That mother of mine, she gave me love; she pushed me, she cared about my education; she took no lip; she taught me right from wrong.  Because of her, I had a chance to make the most of my abilities.  I had the chance to make the most of my opportunities.  I had the chance to make the most of life.

The same story holds true for Michelle.  The same story holds true for so many of you.  And I want all the other Barack Obamas out there, and all the other Michelle Obamas out there -- (applause) -- to have the same chance -- the chance that my mother gave me; that my education gave me; that the United States of America has given me.  That's how our union will be perfected and our economy rebuilt.  That is how America will move forward in the next 100 years.

And we will move forward.  This I know -- for I know how far we have come.  Some, you saw, last week in Ghana, Michelle and I took Malia and Sasha and my mother-in-law to Cape Coast Castle, in Ghana.  Some of you may have been there.  This is where captives were once imprisoned before being auctioned; where, across an ocean, so much of the African American experience began.

We went down into the dungeons where the captives were held.  There was a church above one of the dungeons -- which tells you something about saying one thing and doing another.  (Applause.)  I was -- we walked through the "Door Of No Return."  I was reminded of all the pain and all the hardships, all the injustices and all the indignities on the voyage from slavery to freedom.

But I was reminded of something else.  I was reminded that no matter how bitter the rod, how stony the road, we have always persevered.  (Applause.)  We have not faltered, nor have we grown weary.  As Americans, we have demanded, and strived for, and shaped a better destiny.  And that is what we are called on to do once more.  NAACP, it will not be easy.  It will take time.  Doubts may rise and hopes may recede.

But if John Lewis could brave Billy clubs to cross a bridge -- (applause) -- then I know young people today can do their part and lift up our community.  (Applause.)

If Emmet Till's uncle, Mose Wright, could summon the courage to testify against the men who killed his nephew, I know we can be better fathers and better brothers and better mothers and sisters in our own families.  (Applause.)

If three civil rights workers in Mississippi -- black, white, Christian and Jew, city-born and country-bred -- could lay down their lives in freedom's cause, I know we can come together to face down the challenges of our own time.   (Applause.)  We can fix our schools -- (applause) -- we can heal our sick, we can rescue our youth from violence and despair.  (Applause.)

And 100 years from now, on the 200th anniversary of the NAACP -- (applause) -- let it be said that this generation did its part; that we too ran the race; that full of faith that our dark past has taught us, full of the hope that the present has brought us -- (applause) -- we faced, in our lives and all across this nation, the rising sun of a new day begun.  (Applause.)

Thank you,  God bless you.  God bless the United States of America.  (Applause.)

END                                                                                         
7:37 P.M. EDT
 

3:28 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. It is good to see you. Hello, New Jersey! (Applause.) All right, everybody have a seat. Everybody have a seat. I want to begin by just making a few acknowledgements. First of all, I'm going to have a lot to say about this guy, but I just want everybody to know that one of my earliest supporters, somebody who had faith and confidence in me before I was a United States senator was the man standing next to me right here -- Jon Corzine. (Applause.) And so it is a special honor to be with him.

I've got a couple other friends I want to quickly acknowledge. Larry Cohen is around here somewhere. CWA -- right here. We appreciate you, Larry. (Applause.) President of the Communication Workers. We've got a couple of outstanding mayors -- the Pride of Newark, Cory Booker is here. (Applause.) There's Cory in the back. And we've also got the Pride of Jersey City, Jeremiah Healy. (Applause.)

I want to just say a little something at the top. As many of you may have heard, five officers were shot in the line of duty in Jersey City. Jeremiah -- I just saw him; we just discussed it. He may already be on his way back. Obviously we are watching this closely. Our thoughts and prayers go out to the families of all the officers who have been hurt. And we are confident they are going to end up coming back strong as ever. But it's a reminder for all of us of the incredible sacrifice that our law enforcement officials engage in, and their families are part of, each and every day. So I hope everybody keeps them in their thoughts and prayers in the days to come. (Applause.)

It is great to be back in New Jersey. I'm proud to stand with a man who wakes up every single day thinking about your future and the future of this state -- and that's your governor, Jon Corzine. (Applause.)

Like many of us in public life today, Jon is a leader who's been called to govern at some extraordinary times. He's been tested by the worst recession in half a century -- a recession that was caused by years of recklessness and irresponsibility, and obviously had a disproportionate impact here in New Jersey, given the closeness of the financial sector to the state.

Part of the crisis was caused by the same small thinking that's plagued our politics for decades -- the kind of thinking that says we can afford to tinker around with big problems, put off tough decisions, defer the big challenges, tell people only what they want to hear.

That's not the kind of leader Jon Corzine is. He didn't run for this office on the promise that change would be easy, and he certainly has not avoided what is hard. This isn't somebody who's here because of some special interest or political machine -- he's here because he cares about what happens to the people of New Jersey.

This is a man who has provided more property tax relief than any other governor in New Jersey's history. (Applause.) This is the first governor in 60 years who has reduced the size of government. At the same time, this is also a leader who has stood up against those who wanted to cut what matters, like education. Jon Corzine has not only protected funding for New Jersey's schools, he's reformed them with higher standards, and now students in this state rank at the top of the country in reading and math. That's a testimony to Jon Corzine's leadership. (Applause.)

Since Jon Corzine became governor, the Children's Health Insurance Program has been expanded to reach 80,000 more children -- 80,000 who got health insurance who did not have it before. New Jersey has become a leader in clean energy. And Jon Corzine wasn't just the first governor to pass an economic recovery plan for his state; he was an ally in helping the federal government, my administration, develop the national recovery plan.

And because of these recovery plans, jobs have been saved and created throughout the state of New Jersey -- jobs of cops and teachers; jobs in small businesses and clean energy companies. Unemployment insurance and health insurance has been extended to those who have felt the brunt of this recession, who lost their jobs. Tax relief has been delivered to families and small businesses. Ninety-five percent of working families have already received tax relief as a consequence of our recovery plan. And I can promise you that more help is on the way in the weeks and months to come.

Now, I realize this is little comfort to those who have lost a job in this recession. Some of you know people who've lost jobs, or maybe you're -- worried about losing their home or can't afford their health insurance anymore. I realize that some of the progress that's been made doesn't help some folks who need to pay their bills and have fallen deeply behind. And I'll be honest with you -- even though jobs have always been one of the last things that come back in a recession, some of the jobs that have been lost may not come back.

The fact is, even before this crisis hit, we had an economy that was creating a good deal of wealth for the folks at the very top, but not a lot of good-paying jobs for the rest of America. It's an economy that wasn't built to compete in the 21st century. It was one where we spend more on health care than any other nation but aren't any healthier; where we've been slow to invest in clean energy technologies that have created new jobs and new industries in other countries because we've been slow to take up the call of clean energy. We had an economy where we've watched our graduation rates lag behind too much of the world. We used to be at the very top, number one, in college graduation rates. We aren’t anymore; we're in the middle of the pack.

But that was the America of yesterday. That doesn’t have to be the America of tomorrow. That must not be the America our children inherit. (Applause.) You see, what we're facing right now is more than a passing crisis. It's a transformative moment that's led this nation to an unmistakable crossroads. We've got some choices and decisions we've got to make -- right here in Washington -- in Washington and right here in Trenton.

Now, there are some in New Jersey, some in Washington, some all across the country, who want us to go down the path we've already traveled for most of the last decade -- the path where we just throw up our hands and say, "We can't do anything about health care. It's too tough. We can't do anything about energy -- too hard" -- where we do nothing but hand out more tax breaks to the wealthiest few that make the rich richer and the deficit even larger, and leave ordinary people in the lurch. That's one path. It's a path where our health care costs keep rising and our oil dependency keeps on growing, where our financial markets remain an unregulated crapshoot, and our workers lose out on the jobs of tomorrow.

But that's not the future I accept for the United States of America. That's not the future that Jon Corzine accepts for the United States of America. That's not the future you accept for the United States of America. (Applause.) We are going to set a new course for this nation, and it's going to start right here in New Jersey. (Applause.)

We did not come as far as a country as we have because we've spent all our time looking backwards, or because we stood still in the face of great challenges and said "No, we can't." We didn’t get here by lowering our sights or diminishing our dreams. We are a forward-looking people -- a people who have always faced the future not with fear, but with determination; not with doubt, but with hope. We've always taken great chances, and reached for new horizons, and remade the world around us.

And that's what we must do again. I am absolutely confident that we will weather this economic storm. But once we clear away the wreckage, the real question is: What are we going to build in its place?

Even as we rescue this economy from this crisis, I believe we have to rebuild an even better economy than we had before. We're going to have to lay a new foundation that will allow this country to thrive and compete in the global economy. And that means investing in the clean energy jobs of the future. That means educating and training our workers for those jobs. That means finally controlling the health care costs that are driving this nation into debt. (Applause.)

When it comes to these issues, the naysayers seem to think that we can somehow just keep on doing what we've been doing and expect a different outcome. We can't. And everywhere we go, I meet Americans who know that we can't. They know change isn't easy. They know there will be setbacks and false starts. And I love some of our opponents who stand up and say, "Look, it's been six months and you haven’t solved the economy yet." (Laughter.) The American people know better than that.

Here is what they also know: We're at a rare moment where we've been given the opportunity to remake our world; a chance to seize our future. And as difficult as it sometimes is, what is inherent about the American spirit is the fact that we don't cling to the past in this country. We always move forward. And that movement doesn't begin in Washington -- it begins with you. It happens because the American people decide it's time to move forward; because you decide it's time for change; because you're willing to face the future without fear. And if you do that now, then we will not only reelect Jon Corzine so he can keep on fighting for families here in New Jersey, but we will do what earlier generations have done and build something better to leave to our children and secure our future in the 21st century.

We are counting on you. And I'm absolutely confident that the American people are going to meet the test.

Thank you, everybody. God bless you.

END
3:45 P.M. EDT

3:37 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Hello, Michigan!  (Applause.)  Thank you.  Thank you so much.  First of all, give Joe a big round of applause for the wonderful introduction.  (Applause.)  We've got some special guests here -- now, if everybody has chairs, go ahead and use them.  (Laughter.)  Feel free.  We've got some special guests here today that I just want to acknowledge.  All of you are special, but these folks I want to make sure that you have a chance to see them.

First of all, one of the best governors in the country, please give Jennifer Granholm a big round of applause.  (Applause.)  Lieutenant Governor John Cherry -- give John a big round of applause.  (Applause.)  One of my favorite people, a former colleague of mine, still just a fighter on behalf of working families each and every day -- Senator Debbie Stabenow.  (Applause.)  We've got Speaker of the House, Andy Dillon, in the house.  (Applause.)  We've got a lot of other local elected officials, and I just want to thank them.

A couple of people who are missing:  Carl Levin, who is doing great work.  (Applause.)  He's in the Senate right now fighting on behalf of a bill to make sure that we're not loading up a bunch of necessary defense spending with unnecessary defense spending.  So he's the point person on it.  The only reason he's not here is because he is working alongside the administration to get this bill done.  Please give him a big round of applause.  (Applause.)  Congressman Sandy Levin, also working hard on your behalf each and every day, but is not here today.  (Applause.)  I want to go ahead and acknowledge the new mayor, since he's the new mayor -- Mayor Dave Bing, great ball player.  (Applause.)  My game is a little like Dave Bing's -- (laughter) -- except I don't have the jump shot or the speed or the ball handling skills -- (laughter) -- or the endurance.  Also don't have the afro.  Don't think I forgot that, Dave.  I remember.  (Laughter.)  I remember that.

I also want to acknowledge that we've got the Executive Director of the White House Council on Auto Communities and Workers, who's working hard, has a direct line to me each and every day.  He's traveling constantly back here -- Ed Montgomery.  Please give Ed a big round of applause.  (Applause.)

And the Chairman of the Grand Traverse Band of Ottawa and Chippewa Indian Tribe, Derek Bailey is here.  Please give Derek a big round of applause.  (Applause.)

And finally, the president of the college where we are here, Jim Jacobs.  Give Jim Jacobs a big round of applause.  (Applause.)

And those of you who I've missed, you know how grateful I am that you're here.  And thank you all.  It is wonderful to be back at Macomb.  It was terrific visiting this campus as a candidate, but I have to admit, it's even better visiting as a President.  (Applause.)

Now, this is a place where anyone -- anyone with a desire to learn and to grow, to take their career to a new level or start a new career altogether -- has the opportunity to pursue their dream, right here in Macomb.  This is a place where people of all ages and all backgrounds -- even in the face of obstacles, even in the face of very difficult personal challenges -- can take a chance on a brighter future for themselves and their families.

There are folks like Joe, who just told us his story.  When Joe lost his job, he decided to take advantage of assistance for displaced workers.  He earned his associate degree here at Macomb, and with a pretty impressive GPA, I might add.  And with the help of that degree, Joe found a new job, working for the new Henry Ford West Bloomfield Hospital as a maintenance mechanic, using the skills he learned here and the talents that he brought to make a fresh start.

There are workers like Kellie Kulman, who is here today. Where's Kellie?  Raise your hand, Kellie.  Where are you?  There you are.  There's Kellie right there.  (Applause.)  Kellie is a UAW worker at a Ford plant in Sterling Heights, Michigan.  (Applause.)  She used to drive a fork lift, right?  But then she decided to train here at Macomb for a job that required new skills, and now she's an apprentice pipe fitter.  It's a telling example:  Even as this painful restructuring takes place in our auto industry, workers are seeking out training for new auto jobs.  And Joe and Kellie's story make clear what all of you know:  Community colleges are an essential part of our recovery in the present -- and our prosperity in the future.  (Applause.) This place can make the future better, not just for these individuals but for America.

Now, since this recession began 20 months ago, 6.5 million Americans have lost their jobs, and I don't have to tell you Michigan in particular has been hard-hit.  Now, I -- the statistics are daunting.  The whole country now, the unemployment rate is approaching 10 percent.  Here in Michigan, it's about five points higher.  And new jobs of course are going to be coming out and we're going to see continuing job loss even as the economy is beginning to stabilize.

Now, that's not just abstractions.  Those just aren't numbers on a page.  Those are extraordinary hardships, tough times, for families and individuals who've worked hard all their lives and have done the right things all their lives.  If you haven't lost a job, chances are you know somebody who has:  a family member, a neighbor, a friend, a coworker.  And you know that as difficult as the financial struggle can be, the sense of loss is about more than just a paycheck, because most of us define ourselves by the work we do.  That's part of what it means to be an American.  We take pride in work -- that sense that you're contributing, supporting your family, meeting your responsibilities.  People need work not just for income, but because it makes you part of that fabric of a community that's so important.  And so when you lose your job, and when entire communities are losing thousands of jobs, that's a heavy burden, that's a heavy weight.

Now, my administration has a job to do, as well, and that job is to get this economy back on its feet.  That's my job.  (Applause.)  And it's a job I gladly accept.  I love these folks who helped get us in this mess and then suddenly say, well, this is Obama's economy.  That's fine.  Give it to me.  (Applause.)  My job is to solve problems, not to stand on the sidelines and harp and gripe.  (Applause.)

So I welcome the job.  I want the responsibility.  And I know that -- let's just take an example.  Many questioned our efforts to help save GM and Chrysler from collapse earlier this year.  Their feeling was these companies were driven to the brink by poor management decisions over a long period of time, and like any business they should be held accountable for those decisions.  I agree that they should be held accountable.  But I also recognize the historic significance and economic prominence of these companies in communities all across Michigan and all across the country.

I thought about the hundreds of thousands of Americans whose livelihoods are still connected to the American auto industry, and the impact on an already struggling economy, especially right here in Michigan.  (Applause.)  So I said that if Chrysler and GM were willing to fundamentally restructure their businesses and make the hard choices necessary to become competitive now and in the future, it was a process worth supporting.

Now today, after a painful period of soul-searching and sacrifice, both GM and Chrysler have emerged from bankruptcy.  Remember, folks said there was no way they could do it?  They've gotten it done already, in record time -- (applause) -- far faster than anybody thought possible.  They've got a leaner structure, they've got new management, and a viable vision of how to compete and win in the 21st century.  Those sacrifices were shared among all the stakeholders:  workers and management; creditors and shareholders; retirees and communities.  And together, they've made the rebirth of Chrysler and GM possible.

It was the right thing to do.

But even with this positive news, the hard truth is, is that some of the jobs that have been lost in the auto industry and elsewhere won't be coming back.  They're the casualties of a changing economy.  In some cases, just increased productivity in the plants themselves means that some jobs aren't going to return.  And that only underscores the importance of generating new businesses and new industries to replace the ones that we've lost, and of preparing our workers to fill the jobs they create.  For even before this recession hit, we were faced with an economy that was simply not creating or sustaining enough new, well-paying jobs.

So now is the time to change all that.  What we face is far more than a passing crisis.  This is a transformative moment.  And in this moment we must do what other generations have done.  It's not the time to shrink from the challenges we face or put off tough decisions.  That's what Washington has done for decades, and it's exactly why I ran for President -- to change that mindset.  (Applause.)  Now is the time to build a firmer, stronger foundation for growth that will not only withstand future economic storms, but that will help us thrive and compete in a global economy.  To build that foundation, we have to slow the growth of health care costs that are driving us into debt.  (Applause.)  We're going to have to do that, and there's going to be a major debate over the next three weeks.  And don't be fooled by folks trying to scare you, saying we can't change the health care system.  We have no choice but to change the health care system, because right now it's broken for too many Americans.  (Applause.) 

We're going to have to make tough choices necessary to bring down deficits.  But don't let folks fool you -- the best way to start bringing down deficits is to get control of our health care costs, which is why we need reform.  (Applause.) 

Now is the time to create the jobs of the future by growing industries, including a new clean energy economy.  And Jennifer Granholm has been all on top of this as the governor of Michigan.  She is bring cleaning [sic] energy jobs right here to Michigan, and we've got to support her in that effort.  (Applause.)

I want Michigan to build windmills and wind turbines and solar panels and biofuel plants and energy-efficient light bulbs and weatherize all our -- because, Michigan, you know bad weather.  (Laughter.)  So you can be all on top of weatherizing.  You need to weatherize.  (Laughter.)  I know about that in Chicago too.  (Laughter.)

But we also have to ensure that we're educating and preparing our people for the new jobs of the 21st century.  We've got to prepare our people with the skills they need to compete in this global economy.  (Applause.)  Time and again, when we placed our bet for the future on education, we have prospered as a result -- by tapping the incredible innovative and generative potential of a skilled American workforce.  That's what happened when President Lincoln signed into law legislation creating the land grant colleges, which not only transformed higher education, but also our entire economy.  That's what took place when President Roosevelt signed the GI Bill which helped educate a generation, and ushered in an era of unprecedented prosperity.  That was the foundation for the American middle class. 

And that's why, at the start of my administration I set a goal for America:  By 2020, this nation will once again have the highest proportion of college graduates in the world.  We used to have that.  We're going to have it again.  (Applause.)  And we've begun to take historic steps to achieve this goal.  Already we've increased Pell grants by $500.  (Applause.)  We've created a $2,500 tax credit for four years of college tuition.  (Applause.)  We've simplified student aid applications and ensured that aid is not based on the income of a job that you just lost.  (Applause.)  A new GI Bill of Rights for the 21st century is beginning to help soldiers coming home from Iraq and Afghanistan to begin a new life -- in a new economy.  And the recovery plan has helped close state budget shortfalls -- which put enormous pressure on public universities and community colleges -- at the same time making historic investments in school libraries and classrooms and facilities all across America.  So we've already taken some steps that are building the foundation for a 21st century education system here in America, one that will allow us to compete with China and India and everybody else all around the world. 

But today I'm announcing the most significant down payment yet on reaching the goal of having the highest college graduation rate of any nation in the world.  We're going to achieve this in the next 10 years.  (Applause.)  And it's called the American Graduation Initiative.  It will reform and strengthen community colleges like this one from coast to coast so they get the resources that students and schools need -- and the results workers and businesses demand.  Through this plan, we seek to help an additional 5 million Americans earn degrees and certificates in the next decade -- 5 million.  (Applause.) 

Not since the passage of the original GI Bill and the work of President Truman's Commission on Higher Education -- which helped to double the number of community colleges and increase by seven-fold enrollment in those colleges -- have we taken such a historic step on behalf of community colleges in America.  And let me be clear:  We pay for this plan -- this isn't adding to the deficit; we're paying for this plan -- by ending the wasteful subsidies we currently provide to banks and private lenders for student loans.  (Applause.)  That will save tens of billions of dollars over the next 10 years.  Instead of lining the pockets of special interests, it's time this money went towards the interests of higher education in America.  (Applause.)  That's what my administration is committed to doing.

Now, I know that for a long time there have been politicians who have spoken of training as a silver bullet and college as a cure-all.  It's not, and we know that.  I can't tell you how many workers who've been laid off, you talk to them about training and they say, "Training for what?"  So I understand the frustrations that a lot of people have, especially if the training is not well designed for the specific jobs that are being created out there.

But we know that in the coming years, jobs requiring at least an associate degree are projected to grow twice as fast as jobs requiring no college experience.  We will not fill those jobs -- or even keep those jobs here in America -- without the training offered by community colleges.  That's why I want to applaud Governor Granholm for the No Worker Left Behind program.  (Applause.)  It's providing up to two years' worth of free tuition at community colleges and universities across the state.  The rest of the country should learn from the effort. 

This is training to become a medical technician, or a health IT worker, or a lab specialist, or a nurse.  In fact, 59 percent of all new nurses come from community colleges.  (Applause.)  This is training to install solar panels and build those wind turbines we were talking about and develop a smarter electricity grid.  And this is the kind of education that more and more Americans are using to improve their skills and broaden their horizons.  Many young people are saving money by spending two years at community college before heading to a four-year college.  And more workers who have lost their jobs -- or fear losing a job -- are seeking an edge at schools like this one.

At the same time, community colleges are under increasing pressure to cap enrollments and scrap courses and cut costs as states and municipalities face budget shortfalls.  And this is in addition to the challenges you face in the best of times, as these schools receive far less funding per student than typical four-year colleges and universities.  So community colleges are an undervalued asset in our country.  Not only is that not right, it's not smart.  That's why I've asked Dr. Jill Biden -- who happens to be a relation of the Vice President, Joe Biden, but who is also a community college educator for more than 16 years -- to promote community colleges and help us make community colleges stronger.  And that's why we're putting in place this American Graduation Initiative.

Let me describe for you the specifics of what we're going to do.  Number one, we will offer competitive grants, challenging community colleges to pursue innovative, results-oriented strategies in exchange for federal funding.  We'll fund programs that connect students looking for jobs with businesses that are looking to hire.  We'll challenge these schools to find new and better ways to help students catch up on the basics, like math and science, that are essential to our competitiveness.  We'll put colleges and employers together to create programs that match curricula in the classroom with the needs of the boardroom.

These are all kinds of -- there are all kinds of examples of what's possible.  We've seen Cisco, for example, working with community colleges to prepare students and workers for jobs ranging from work in broadband to health IT.  We know that the most successful community colleges are those that partner with the private sector.  So we want to encourage more companies to work with schools to build these type of relationships.  That way, when somebody goes through a training program, they know that there's a job at the end of that training.  (Applause.)

We'll also create a new research center with a simple mission:  to measure what works and what doesn't.  All too often, we don't know what happens when somebody walks out of a classroom and onto the factory floor or into the library or -- the laboratory or the office.  And that means businesses often can't be sure what a degree is really worth.  And schools themselves don't have the facts to make informed choices about which programs receive -- achieve results and which programs don't.  And this is important, not just for businesses and colleges, but for students and workers, as well.  If a parent is going to spend time in the classroom and away from his or her family -- especially after a long day at work -- that degree really has to mean something.  They have to know that when they get that degree, this is going to help advance their goals.  If a worker is going to spend two years training to enter into a whole new profession, that certificate has to mean that he or she is ready, and that businesses are ready to hire.

In addition, we want to propose new funding for innovative strategies that promote not just enrollment in a community college program, but completion of that program.  See, more than half -- (applause) -- more than half of all students who enter community college to earn an associate degree, or transfer to a four-year school to earn a bachelor's degree, unfortunately fail to reach their goal.  That's not just a waste of a valuable resource, that's a tragedy for these students.  Oftentimes they've taken out debt and they don't get the degree, but they still have to pay back the debt.  And it's a disaster for our economy. 

So we'll fund programs that track student progress inside and outside the classroom.  Let's figure out what's keeping students from crossing that finish line, and then put in place reforms that will remove those barriers.  Maybe it becomes too difficult for a parent to be away from home, or too expensive for a waiter or a nurse to miss a shift.  Maybe a young student just isn't sure if her education will lead to employment.  The point is, we need to figure out solutions for these kinds of challenges -- because facing these impediments shouldn't prevent you from reaching your potential.

All right, so that's a big chunk of this first part of this initiative.  The second part:  We're going to back $10 billion in loans to renovate and rebuild college classrooms and buildings all across the country.  (Applause.)  All too often, community colleges are treated like the stepchild of the higher education system; they're an afterthought, if they're thought of at all.  And that means schools are often years behind in the facilities they provide, which means, in a 21st century economy, they're years behind in the education they can offer.  That's a mistake and it's one that we'll help to correct.  Through this fund, schools will have the chance to borrow at a more affordable rate to modernize facilities, and they'll be building on the funds in the recovery plan that are already helping to renovate schools, including community colleges all across the country.  And by the way, not only does this improve the schools and the training that they're providing, guess what?  You also have to hire some workers and some tradesmen and women to do the work on those schools.  So it means it's putting people to work in Michigan right here right now.  (Applause.) 

Number three:  Even as we repair bricks and mortar, we have an opportunity to build a new virtual infrastructure to complement the education and training community colleges can offer.  So we're going to support the creation of a new online, open-source clearinghouse of courses so that community colleges across the country can offer more classes without building more classrooms.  And this will make a big difference especially for rural campuses that a lot of times have struggled -- attract -- have to struggle to attract students and faculty.  And this will make it possible for a professor to complement his lecture with an online exercise, or for a student who can't be away from her family to still keep up with her coursework.  We don't know where this kind of experiment will lead, but that's exactly why we ought to try it because I think there's a possibility that online education can provide especially for people who are already in the workforce and want to retrain the chance to upgrade their skills without having to quit their job.  (Applause.)  

So let me say this more:  The road to recovery, the road to prosperity, is going to be hard.  It was never going to be easy.  When I was sworn in, we were seeing 700 [thousand] jobs lost that month.  Then we had the same amount lost for two more consecutive months.  Now we've got an average of about 400,000 jobs lost -- but we're still losing too many jobs.  We will get to the point where we're not losing jobs, but then we've got to start getting to the point where we're actually creating jobs. 

And it's going to take time.  There are going to be false starts and there are going to be setbacks.  But I am confident that we can meet the challenges we face, because that's what we've always done.  That's what America does.  We hit some challenges, we fuss and argue about it, and then we go ahead and go about the business of solving our problems.  That's what we see on display right here at Macomb Community College.  That's what I've seen at colleges and universities all across this country.  At every juncture in our history when we've been challenged, we have summoned the resilience and the industriousness -- that can-do American spirit -- that has allowed us to succeed in the face of even the toughest odds.

That's what we can and must do now, not just to overcome this crisis, but to leave something better behind, to lay a foundation on which our children and our grandchildren can prosper and take responsibility for their future -- just as the students at this school, at this difficult moment, are taking responsibility for theirs. 

I am absolutely confident that if I've got your help, that we can make it happen, and we are going to see a stronger, more prosperous Michigan in the years to come.  (Applause.) 

Thank you very much, Warren.  God bless you.  God bless the United States of America.  (Applause.)

END                4:06 P.M. EDT
 

Room 350
Eisenhower Executive Office Building

4:10 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Hello, everybody.  (Applause.)  A couple of quick acknowledgments.  Where's Greg -- where's Greg Nickels? There you are, Greg.  Thank you so much for your participation today. 

I understand Governor Rendell is here, or was here.  He may have stepped out, but when he comes back in, I hope to have a chance to say hello to him. 

Burrell Ellis, CEO of DeKalb County -- it's so nice to see you, Burrell.  Kathie Novak -- where's Kathie?  Hey, Kathie, good to see you.  Henry Cisneros -- where are you?  The legendary -- (laughter) -- good to see you, my friend.  Federico Pena, thank you so much -- who worked so hard to help us get elected.  Julia Stasch -- where's my friend from Chicago?  There she is.  Good to see you, Julia.  And obviously you know our outstanding Cabinet that is so focused on these issues -- Ray LaHood, Shaun Donovan, Lisa Jackson.  Where's -- Ms. Mills, there.  Great to see Karen, and Hilda Solis. 

I just want you to know, as well as our new director of our office of -- I always forget the full name of this -- I call it the Drug Czar, but -- (laughter.) 

MR. KERLIKOWSKE:  I'm fine with that.  (Laughter.)

THE PRESIDENT:  Okay, Gil.  By the way, Nickels vouched for you.  (Laughter.)  

Thank you so much, all of you, for participating.  I see a lot of friends, old and new.  And it's great to be back and it's great to be joined by some of the finest urban thinkers in America for what I understand has been a critical conversation on the future of America's urban and metropolitan areas.

     Now, as you might imagine, this is a subject that's near and dear to my heart.  I've lived almost all my life in urban areas. Michelle and I chose to raise our daughters in the city where she grew up.  And even though I went to college in LA and New York, and law school across the river from Boston, I received my greatest education on Chicago's South Side, working at the local level to bring about change in those communities and opportunities to people's lives.

     And I see a number of Chicago folks who were fighting with me -- I mean, alongside me -- (laughter) -- for many years.  I already mentioned Julia, but obviously there are a number of other folks, as well.

     And that experience also gave me an understanding of some of the challenges facing city halls all across the country.  And I know that those challenges are particularly severe today because of this recession.  Four in five cities have had to cut services, just when folks need it the most, and 48 states face the prospects of budget deficits in the coming fiscal year. 

And that's one reason why we took swift and aggressive action in the first months of my administration to pull our economy -- (Teleprompter screen falls) -- oh, goodness, sorry about that, guys -- (laughter) -- to pull our economy back from the brink, including the largest and most sweeping economic recovery plan in our nation's history.  If we had not taken that step, our cities would be in a even deeper hole, and state budget deficits would be nearly twice as large as they are right now, and tens of thousands of police officers and firefighters and teachers would be out of a job as we speak.  And I think that all of you are aware of that.

     But what's also clear is we're going to need to do more than just help our cities weather the current economic storm.  We've got to figure out ways to rebuild them on a newer, firmer, stronger foundation for our future.  And that requires new strategies for our cities and metropolitan areas that focus on advancing opportunity through competitive, sustainable, and inclusive growth.  And that's why all of you are here today.  And I know that there were a lot of ideas that were shared throughout the morning and afternoon.

     Now, the first thing we need to recognize is that this is not just a time of challenge for America's cities; it's also a time of great change.  Even as we've seen many of our central cities continuing to grow in recent years, we've seen their suburbs and exurbs grow roughly twice as fast -- that spreads homes and jobs and businesses to a broader geographic area.  And this transformation is creating new pressures and problems, of course, but it's also opening up new opportunities, because it's not just our cities that are hotbeds of innovation anymore, it's our growing metropolitan areas. 

And when I spoke to the U.S. Conference of Mayors last year, I tried to hone in on this point that what I think traditionally had been seen as this divide between city and suburb, that in some ways you've seen both city and suburb now come together and recognize they can't solve their problems in isolation; they've got to paying attention to each other.  And these metropolitan areas, they're home to 85 percent of our jobs and 90 percent of our economic output.

     Now, that doesn't mean investing in America comes at the expense of rural America; quite the opposite.  Investing in mass transit and high-speed rail, for example, doesn't just make our downtowns more livable; it helps our regional economies grow.  Investing in renewable energy doesn't just make our cities cleaner; it boosts rural areas that harness that energy.  Our urban and rural communities are not independent; they are interdependent.

     So what's needed now is a new, imaginative, bold vision tailored to this reality that brings opportunity to every corner of our growing metropolitan areas -- a new strategy that's about Southern Florida as much as Miami; that's about Mesa and Scottsdale as much as it's about Phoenix; that's about Aurora and Boulder and Northglenn as much as about Denver.

     An early step was to appoint Adolfo Carrion as our first White House Director of Urban Affairs.  And his team and he share my belief that our cities need more than just a partner -- they need a partner who knows that the old ways of looking at our cities just won't do.  And that's why I've directed the Office of Management and Budget, the Domestic Policy Council, the National Economic Council, and the Office of Urban Affairs to conduct the first comprehensive interagency review in 30 years of how the federal government approaches and funds urban and metropolitan areas so that we can start having a concentrated, focused, strategic approach to federal efforts to revitalize our metropolitan areas.

     And we're also going to take a hard look at how Washington helps or hinders our cities and metro areas -- from infrastructure to transportation; from housing to energy; from sustainable development to education.  And we're going to make sure federal policies aren't hostile to good ideas or best practices on the local levels.  We're going to put an end to throwing money at what doesn't work -- and we're going to start investing in what does work and make sure that we're encouraging that.

     Now, we began to do just that with my budget proposal, which included two investments in innovative and proven strategies.  I just want to mention these briefly.  The first, Promise Neighborhoods, is modeled on Geoffrey Canada's successful Harlem Children's Zone.  It's an all-encompassing, all-hands-on-deck effort that's turning around the lives of New York City's children, block by block.  And what we want to do is to make grants available for communities in other cities to jumpstart their own neighborhood-level interventions that change the odds for our kids.

     The second proposal we call Choice Neighborhoods -- focuses on new ideas for housing in our cities by recognizing that different communities need different solutions.  So instead of isolated and monolithic public housing projects that too often trap residents in a cycle of poverty and isolate them further, we want to invest in proven strategies that actually transform communities and enhance opportunity for residents and businesses alike.

     But we also need to fundamentally change the way we look at metropolitan development.  For too long, federal policy has actually encouraged sprawl and congestion and pollution, rather than quality public transportation and smart, sustainable development.  And we've been keeping communities isolated when we should have been bringing them together.

     And that's why we've created a new interagency partnership on sustainable communities, led by Shaun Donovan, as well as Ray LaHood and Lisa Jackson.  And by working together, their agencies can make sure that when it comes to development -- housing, transportation, energy efficiency -- these things aren't mutually exclusive; they go hand in hand.  And that means making sure that affordable housing exists in close proximity to jobs and transportation.  That means encouraging shorter travel times and lower travel costs.  It means safer, greener, more livable communities.

     So we're off to a good start.  But the truth is, is that Washington can't solve all of these problems that face our cities, and frankly, I know that cities don't expect Washington to solve all these problems.  Instead of waiting for Washington, a lot of cities have already gone ahead and become their own laboratories for change and innovation, some leading the world in coming up with new ways to solve the problems of our time.

So you take an example like Denver.  Their metropolitan area is projected to grow by 1 million residents over the next 15 years or so.  But rather than wait for a congestion crisis, they're already at work on plans to build and operate a public transit system up to the challenge, and to surround that system with smart new housing, retail, and office development near each stop.

Philadelphia is an example of what's been called "urban agriculture."  It may sound like an oxymoron, but one proposal is trying to make a situation where fresh, local food supplies are within a short walk for most city residents, which will have a direct impact not only on the economy and on the environment, but also make an immeasurable difference in the health of Americans.

Or Kansas City.  One idea there focuses on transforming a low-income community into a national model of sustainability by weatherizing homes and building a green local transit system.

Three different cities with three unique ideas for the future.  And that's why they're three of the cities that are members of my -- that members of my Cabinet and Office of Urban Affairs will visit this summer as part of a ongoing national conversation to lift up best practices from around the country, to look at innovations for the metropolitan areas of tomorrow.  Forward-looking cities shouldn't be succeeding despite Washington; they should be succeeding with a hand from Washington.  We want to hear directly from them, and we want to hear directly from all of you, on fresh ideas and successful solutions that you've devised, and then figure out what the federal government should do or shouldn't do to help reinvent cities and metropolitan areas for the 21st century. 

So I know that this change is possible.  After all, I'm from a city that knows a little something about reinventing itself.  In the 19th century, after a cataclysmic fire, Chicagoans rebuilt stronger than before.  In the last century, they led the world upward in steel and glass.  And in this century, under my friend Mayor Daley's leadership, they're helping to lead the world forward in newer, greener, more livable ways.
 
Daniel Burnam said, "Make no little plans."  And that's the spirit behind his bold and ambitious designs unveiled 100 years ago this month that helped transform Chicago into a world-class city.  That's the same spirit which we have to approach the reinvention of all America's cities and metropolitan areas -- a vision of vibrant, sustainable places that provide our children with every chance to learn and to grow, and that allow our businesses and workers the best opportunity to innovate and succeed, and that let our older Americans live out their best years in the midst of all that metropolitan life can offer.  Now is the time to seize that moment of possibility, and I am absolutely confident that, starting today with this conversation, you and I together, we're going to be able to make this happen.

     So thank you for joining us, and I'm looking forward to all of us getting to work.  Thank you.  (Applause.)

                             END                4:21 P.M. EDT