THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
__________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                          July 28, 2009

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN AN AARP TELE-TOWN HALL ON HEALTH CARE REFORM

AARP Headquarters
Washington, D.C.
1:40 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Thank you so much. (Applause.) I am just going to provide some brief remarks, and then I want to hear from you.
It is wonderful to be here today. I want to thank Mike for moderating this discussion. I want to thank Jennie and Barry for their extraordinary leadership here at AARP.
Some of you may know that 44 years ago today, when I was almost four years old, after years of effort, Congress finally passed Medicare, our promise as a nation that none of our senior citizens would ever again go without basic health care. It was a singular achievement -- one that has helped seniors live longer, healthier and more productive lives; it's enhanced their financial security; and it's given us all the peace of mind to know that there will be health care available for us when we're in our golden years.
Today, we've got so many dedicated doctors and nurses and other providers across America providing excellent care, and we want to make sure our seniors, and all our people, can access that care.
But we all know that right now, we've got a problem that threatens Medicare and our entire health care system, and that is the spiraling cost of health care in America today. As costs balloon, so does Medicare's budget. And unless we act, within a decade -- within a decade -- the Medicare trust fund will be in the red.
Now, I want to be clear: I don't want to do anything that will stop you from getting the care you need -- and I won't. But you know and I know that right now we spend a lot of money in our health care system that doesn't do a thing to improve people's health. And that has to stop. We've got to get a better bang for health care dollar.
And that's why I want to start by taking a new approach that emphasizes prevention and wellness, so that instead of just spending billions of dollars on costly treatments when people get sick, we're spending some of those dollars on the care they need to stay well: things like mammograms and cancer screenings and immunizations -- common-sense measures that will save us billions of dollars in future medical costs.
We're also working to computerize medical records, because right now, too many folks wind up taking the same tests over and over and over again because their providers can't access previous results. Or they have to relay their entire medical history -- every medication they've taken, every surgery they've gotten -- every time they see a new provider. Electronic medical records will help to put an end to all that.
We also want to start rewarding doctors for quality, not just the quantity, of care that they provide. Instead of rewarding them for how many procedures they perform or how many tests they order, we'll bundle payments so providers aren't paid for every treatment they offer with a chronic -- to a patient with a chronic condition like diabetes, but instead are paid for how are they managing that disease overall. And we'll create incentives for physicians to team up and treat a patient better together, because we know that produces better outcomes.
And we certainly won't cut corners to try to cut costs, because we know that doesn't work. And that's something that we hear from doctors all across the country. For example, we know that when we discharge people from the hospital a day early without any kind of coordinated follow-up care, too often they wind up right back in the hospital a few weeks later. If we had just provided the right care in the first place, we'd save a whole lot of money and a lot of human suffering, as well.
Finally, we'll eliminate billions in unwarranted subsidies to insurance companies in the Medicare Advantage program --giveaways that boost insurance company profits but don't make you any healthier. And we'll work to close that doughnut hole in Medicare Part D that's costing so many folks so much money. Drug companies, as a consequence of our reform efforts, have already agreed to provide deeply discounted drugs, which will mean thousands of dollars in savings for the millions of seniors paying full price when they can least afford it.
All of this is what health insurance reform is all about: protecting your choice of doctor; keeping your premiums fair; holding down your health care and your prescription drug costs; improving the care that you receive -- and that's what health care reform will mean to folks on Medicare.
We've made a lot of progress over the last few months. We're now closer to health care reform than we ever have been before. And that's due in no small part to the outstanding team that you have here at AARP, because you've been doing what you do best, which is organize and mobilize, and inform and educate people all across the country about the choices that are out there; pushing members of Congress to put aside politics and partisanship; and finding solutions to our health care challenges.
I know it's not easy. I know there are folks who will oppose any kind of reform because they profit from the way the system is right now. They'll run all sorts of ads that will make people scared. This is nothing that we haven't heard before. Back when President Kennedy, and then President Johnson, were trying to pass Medicare, opponents claimed it was "socialized medicine." They said it was too much government involvement in health care; that it would cost too much; that it would undermine health care as we know it.
But the American people and members of Congress understood better. They ultimately did the right thing. And more than four decades later, Medicare is still giving our senior citizens the care and security they need and deserve.
With the AARP standing on the side of the American people, I'm confident that we can do the right thing once again, and pass health insurance reform and ensure that Medicare stays strong for generations to come.
So I'm hoping that I can answer any questions that you have here today. I'm absolutely positive that we can make the health care system work better for you, work better for your children, work better for your parents, work better for your families, work better for your businesses; work better for America. That's our job.
So thank you very much. (Applause.)
MR. CUTHBERT: Much as it would be every broadcaster's dream to share the podium with the President of the United States, he has to get wired up for sound. So I'll start with a question that was e-mailed in before the program, which combines a couple of factors you spoke about, Mr. President.
He says: My brother is 56 and uninsurable. He could afford to buy insurance, but he can't get it because he has a preexisting condition and in his state there is not a high-risk pool. When the President's program starts, will insurance companies be required to cover people with preexisting conditions? Will he be able to get insurance in the first phase of the plan, even if he's willing to pay the full amount?
THE PRESIDENT: The answer is yes. And so let me talk just a little bit about the kind of insurance reform that we're proposing as part of the broader reform package.
Number one, if you've got a preexisting condition, insurance companies will still have to insure you. This is something very personal for me. My mother, when she contracted cancer, the insurance companies started suggesting that, well, maybe this was a preexisting condition; maybe you could have diagnosed it before you actually purchased your insurance. Ultimately, they gave in, but she had to spend weeks fighting with insurance companies while she's in the hospital bed, writing letters back and forth just to get coverage for insurance that she had already paid premiums on. And that happens all across the country. We are going to put a stop to that. That's point number one.
Point number two: We're going to reform the insurance system so that they can't just drop you if you get too sick. They won't be able to drop you if you change jobs or lose your job, as long as you're willing to pay your premiums. They are -- we're going to make sure that we eliminate sort of the lifetime cap that creates a situation -- a lot of times people get sick, then they find out the fine print says that at a certain point they just stop paying, or they'll pay for your hospitalization but they don't pay for your doctor, or they pay for your doctor but not your hospitalization.
We want clear, easy-to-understand, straightforward insurance that people can purchase. So that's point number one.
Point number two is, in addition to those reforms, we want to make sure that we set up what's called a health insurance exchange so that anybody who wants insurance but can't get it on their job right now, they can go to this exchange; they can select a plan that works for them or their families -- these are private-option plans, but we also want to have a public option that's in there -- but whatever you select, you will get high-quality care for a reasonable cost, the same way Congress, members of Congress, are able to select from a menu of plans that they have available. And if you're very -- if the plan that you select is still too expensive for your income, then we would provide you a little bit of help so that you could actually afford the coverage.
So the idea behind reform is: Number one, we reform the insurance companies so they can't take advantage of you. Number two, that we provide you a place to go to purchase insurance that is secure, that isn't full of fine print, that is actually going to deliver on what you pay for. Number three, we want to make sure that you're getting a good bargain for your health care by reducing some of the unnecessary tests and costs that have raised rates.
Even if you have health insurance, your premiums have gone up faster than wages over the last 10 years. Your out-of-pocket costs have gone up about 62 percent, which means that for people who aren't on Medicare right now, people let's say 54 to -- or 50-64, a lot of those folks are paying much higher premiums than they should be -- hundreds or thousands of additional dollars that could be saved if we had a system that was more sensible than it is right now.
MR. CUTHBERT: We go to Margaret, in Greeley, Colorado, for our first tele-town call. Go ahead, Margaret. Margaret, are you there? Let me ask Margaret's question for her. She wants to keep her good coverage. Will it continue with the new plan?
THE PRESIDENT: Here's a guarantee that I've made: If you have insurance that you like, then you will be able to keep that insurance. If you've got a doctor that you like, you will be able to keep your doctor. Nobody is trying to change what works in the system. We are trying to change what doesn't work in the system.
And this -- let me also address I think a misperception that's been out there that somehow there is any discussion on Capitol Hill about reducing Medicare benefits. Nobody is talking about reducing Medicare benefits. Medicare benefits are there because people contributed into a system. It works. We don't want to change it. What we do want is to eliminate some of the waste that is being paid for out of the Medicare trust fund that could be used more effectively to cover more people and to strengthen the system.
So, for example, right now we're paying about $177 billion over 10 years to insurance companies to subsidize them for participating in Medicare Advantage. Now, insurance companies are already really profitable. So what we've said is let's at least have some sort of competitive bidding process where these insurance companies who are participating, they're not being subsidized on the taxpayer dime; if they got better services -- they have better services that they can provide to seniors rather than through the traditional Medicare program, they're free to participate, but we shouldn't be giving them billions of dollars worth of subsidies.
That's the kind of change that we want to see. That will strengthen Medicare. But nobody is talking about cutting Medicare benefits. And I just want to make that absolutely clear because we've received some e-mails and some letters where people are concerned that that may happen.
MR. CUTHBERT: Our operators, by the way, are telling us that we have literally tons of questions from people worried about keeping the care they have. On the other hand, Ollie, in Texas, you've got a concern on the other end.
Hi, Ollie.
Q Hello. May I start now?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes.
Q Well, I am an AARP volunteer, an AARP member. I support AARP's position on health care reform and I want to thank President Obama for making this a priority issue on his agenda also.
My question is there are so many negative ads and so many negative articles about the tremendous cost for health care reform that is being proposed by different congressional committees. What we don't hear is what the dollar amount would be if we do nothing. And I think this is very important because people are scared by the trillions of dollars, and I know that if we do nothing for the next 10 years, health care will still keep on rising. And I want to know if the President has any way of putting out some information as to what it would cost if we do nothing. Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, look, I think this is a great question, Ollie, and so let me try to be as specific as I can about the cost of doing nothing.
I've already mentioned that health care costs are going up much faster than inflation. So your wages, your income, if you're lucky, right now, maybe they're going up 2 percent a year, maybe 3 percent a year; for a lot of people, they're not going up at all because the economy is in tough shape. But your health care costs are still going up 6 percent a year, 7 percent a year. Some people are getting notices in the mail their premium just went up 20 percent.
On that trajectory, health care costs will probably double again -- your premiums will probably double again over the next 10 years. They may even go up faster than that. The costs of Medicare are going to keep on rising a lot faster than tax revenues coming in, which means that the trust fund -- you've got more money going out than is coming in, which makes that more unstable. And we know that if we do nothing we will probably end up seeing more people uninsured.
We're already seeing 14,000 people lose their health insurance every day -- 14,000 people. So the costs of doing nothing are trillions of dollars in costs over the next couple of decades -- trillions -- not billions, but trillions of dollars in costs, without anybody getting any better care.
So what we've said is if we can control health care inflation, how fast costs are going up, then not only can we stabilize the Medicare trust fund, not only can we help save families money on their premiums, but we can actually afford to provide coverage to the people who currently don't have health care.
Now, here's the problem, that in order for us to save money, in some cases, we've got to spend some money up front. Let me give you some very specific examples. Health care IT: Health care is the only area where you still have to fill out five different forms -- when you go into a bank you don't have to do that. You've got an ATM. If you use your credit card, they'll find you real quick and the billing is real easy -- (laughter) -- right? But if for some reason you want health care, you fill out pencil and paper -- I guess they Xerox it -- they give it to somebody else. Sometimes you see their files and it's all stuffed with papers, and nurses can't read the doctor's handwriting.
So for us to set up a system like they have at the Cleveland Clinic that I just visited in Ohio, where every medical record -- your privacy is protected, but everything is digitalized; everything -- the minute you take a test, it goes to all the doctors and all the specialists that you might end up dealing with. So you end up just having that one test instead of having to then go back to the doctor again and again and again and have a bunch of different tests. Well, that saves money, but you've got to get the computer equipment in the first place to do it. So in some cases we've got to spend some money on the front-end.
I also think that if we provide coverage for people who don't have health insurance right now, then they are going to be getting preventive care, they're going to be getting screenings, and so they don't end up in the emergency room with really expensive care that all of us are paying for, even though we don't know it.
The average family is spending about $900 a year in higher health care premiums, because they are paying indirectly for uncompensated care. Essentially, the insurance companies charge you a little more, and hospitals and doctors, they're all charging you a little bit more, because they're not getting reimbursed for people who don't have any care whatsoever.
So what we've done is we've said, look, over 10 years, the health care reform proposals, to cover everybody, would cost about a trillion dollars over 10 years. So that's about $100 billion a year. Keep in mind we spend $2 trillion every year on health care, so this is just a fraction of what we spend. But we're talking about a trillion dollars over 10 years -- that's $100 billion a year.
About 60 percent of that can be paid for by taking money that's already in the system but isn't working to make you healthier -- that can pay for about 60 percent of it. So really what we're talking about is another $30 billion to $40 billion every year to cover everybody, and we're going to get most of that money back if we're providing more prevention, more wellness, doctors and hospitals are being reimbursed more intelligently. Over time that money will -- that investment will more than pay for itself.
But Ollie is exactly right -- you get these stories where, oh, there's a trillion dollars here, a trillion dollars there; after a while it starts being real money, even here in Washington. And so I understand people being scared that this is going to be way too costly. It's not that costly if we start making changes right now.
Last point I would make, just to give you a sense of why I know that we can get savings in the system without over the long term spending more money. We spend about $6,000 per person more than any other industrialized nation on Earth -- $6,000 more than the people do in Denmark, or France, or Germany, or -- every one of these other countries spend at least 50 percent less than we do, and you know what, they're just as healthy.
And I just had a doctor in the Oval Office today who told me it's not because they're healthier; it turns out they actually are generally older and they smoke at a higher rate. And so, in fact, their costs should be higher than ours. And yet they are spending $6,000 per person less than we are.
Now, that's money out of your pocket. If you're already retired, it's money that is out of your pocket because some of that money could have been going into your retirement fund instead of going to pay for your health care. If you're working right now, some of that money could be going into your paycheck instead of going into your health benefits right now. It's money that is being given away, and we need to save it. That's why health reform is so important.
MR. CUTHBERT: Let's go next to Illinois and talk with Caroline with her question. Caroline, you're on the tele-town hall.
Q Thank you. Hello, Mr. President, from Joliet.
THE PRESIDENT: Good to -- tell everybody in Joliet I said hi. (Laughter.)
Q I will, thank you. I came from our AARP chapter meeting this morning and I asked for questions. There were two big fears that came out of the discussion. One had to do with the fear of losing a preferred insurance plan, which I think you've addressed to some extent this morning.
THE PRESIDENT: Right.
Q The other has to do with the knowledge that there will be millions of dollars of cuts in Medicare over the years to accommodate baby boomers. So the question is, does this translate into dictation of what can and cannot be given to a senior as service? For example, will there be fewer hip and knee replacements? Even if I decide when I'm 80 that I want a hip replacement, am I going to be able to get that? Am I going to be able to see a cardiologist if I have a heart condition, or other specialist? Or is that going to all be primary care?
I'm calling it rationing of care, I'm coining it that.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes -- no, I think it's an excellent question, Caroline, and I appreciate it because I do think this is a concern that people have generally.
My interest is not in getting between you and your doctor, although keep in mind right now, insurance companies are often getting between you and your doctor. So it's not as if these choices aren't already being made; it's just they're being made by private insurance companies, without any real guidance as to whether the decisions that are being made are good decisions to make people healthier or not. So what we've said is we just want to provide some guidelines to Medicare, and by extension, the private sector, about what works and what doesn't.
Some of you may have heard we wanted to set up what we're a IMAC -- an independent medical advisory committee -- that would, on an annual basis, provide recommendations about what treatments work best and what gives you the best value for your health care dollar. And this is modeled on something called MedPAC, which, by the way, Jennie, who is sitting right next to me, is currently on, and gives terrific recommendations every year about how we could improve care -- to reduce the number of tests, or to make sure that we're getting more generic drugs in the system if those work and are cheaper -- all kinds of recommendations like that. Unfortunately, right now they're just sitting on a shelf.
So we don't want to ration by dictating to somebody, okay, you know what, we don't think that this senior should get a hip replacement. What we do want to be able to do is to provide information to that senior and to her doctor about this is the thing that is going to be most helpful to you in dealing with your condition.
So let's say that person is diabetic. It turns out that if hospitals and doctors are providing reimbursements for a nurse practitioner or a social worker to work with that diabetic to control their diets and their medications, then they may avoid having to get a foot amputation. That's a good outcome. And by the way, that will save money. That saves Medicare money. And if we save money on Medicare, that means that it's going to be more stable and more solvent over the long term.
So the thing that I'm -- if I were -- look, I think I'm scheduled to get my AARP card in a couple years, is that right? (Laughter.)
MR. CUTHBERT: Anytime you want one. (Laughter.)
THE PRESIDENT: I know I'm automatically getting -- associate member, right? Okay. (Laughter.)
So if I was thinking about Medicare and making sure that I was secure, the thing that I would be most worried about right now is health care inflation keeps on going up and the trust fund in 10 years is suddenly in the red. And now Congress has to make some decisions: Are they going to put more money into Medicare, especially given the deficits and the debt that we already have? Or are they, at that point, going to start making decisions about cutting benefits, but not based on any science or what's making people healthier -- they're just going to start making it based on politics?
And what we're saying is we can avoid that scenario by starting to make some good decisions now about how do we improve care, make the system more rational, make it work better. That will actually stabilize and save Medicare over the long term.
One last point, because I think Caroline also raised the issue of we're taking some money out of Medicare. The only things that we're talking about have nothing to do with benefits. It has to do with things like subsidizing insurance companies or, for example, right now we reimburse hospitals for the amount of time that you're there without checking to see if they're doing a good job in the first place. So they have no penalty. If you go into the hospital, they're supposed to fix you; suddenly you have to go back three weeks later. That hospital gets paid all over again, even though they didn't get it right the first time.
Now, if you got your car fixed at a mechanic, and three weeks later you had to go back, and you had to pay again to get your car fixed all over again, you'd be pretty mad, wouldn't you?

A

nd yet when it comes to health care, that happens all the time. That happens all the time. And the hospital gets reimbursed for the second time or the third time, even though they didn't get it right the first time.
And so what we're saying is, let's incentivize the hospitals; we'll pay you a little bonus if the person is not readmitted because you got it right the first time. That will save money over the long term. Those are the kinds of changes we're talking about.
MR. CUTHBERT: We have been very geographically in-specific in our conversation so far, so let's get geographically specific, like going to Jeanine in our audience. She's from Fairmont, Nebraska, and has a very relevant question.
Jeanine, welcome to the tele-town hall.
Q Hi, Mr. President.
THE PRESIDENT: Hi, Jeanine.
Q I'm concerned about affordability and preexisting conditions, and I'm glad to hear you say what you have. My family and I live in rural Nebraska and my husband and I are both -- are self-employed, and we're paying -- and he was originally denied because of a preexisting condition, and he's in a CHIPS pool. We're paying $900 a month, and we have a $8,000 deductible.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, that's tough.
Q Yes, and it's, you know, and we've done this for about a year and a half. And we're not alone. There are a lot of people who do this.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, Jeanine, you are a prime candidate for the health care exchange that I just described, because essentially what you would be able to do is you could just go online, you would be able to see a list of participating insurers -- which by the way, is very important, because in most states right now insurance companies are dominated by -- or the insurance market is dominated by just one or two insurers, so you don't have a lot of choices. And this way, you would have a lot of choices. They would all have to compete on the basis of price, but they'd be abiding by a certain set of rules, like you can't exclude somebody for a preexisting condition.
And so you could then select the plan that was best for you, do your own comparison shopping; and if you qualified, then we would provide you a little bit of help on your premiums to reduce your costs. So that's what essentially we could pay for if we take some of these inefficiencies and the waste out of the system right now. That will pay for you getting the kind of help you need, and we'd have insurance regulations in place that would protect you from being scammed in the insurance market, which unfortunately, a lot of people suffer from.
The other reason we can drive your costs down is you'd be part of a huge pool, right? Part of the reason why large companies are typically able to offer lower insurance premiums for their employees than small companies is they've got a big pool. The federal government is a classic example. The Federal Health Employees Program is a pretty good deal, because you've got several million people who are part of it. So that gives you a lot of bargaining power with the insurers. Well, the exchange will provide that same market power to help negotiate with the insurers to drive prices down.
And the other thing that we do want to do -- now, this is controversial, and I understand some people are worried about this -- we do think that it makes sense to have a public option alongside the private option. So you could still choose a private insurer, but we'd also have a public plan that you could choose from that would be non-for-profit, wouldn't have, hopefully, some of the same high administrative costs, and would be potentially more responsive to your needs at a lower cost. I think that helps keep the insurance companies honest because now they have somebody to compete with.
And I have to say, the reason this has been controversial is a lot of people have heard this phrase "socialized medicine" and they say, we don't want government-run health care; we don't want a Canadian-style plan. Nobody is talking about that. We're saying, let's give you a choice. You can choose the private marketplace, or this other approach.
And I got a letter the other day from a woman; she said, I don't want government-run health care, I don't want socialized medicine, and don't touch my Medicare. (Laughter.) And I wanted to say, well, I mean, that's what Medicare is, is it's a government-run health care plan that people are very happy with. But I think that we've been so accustomed to hearing those phrases that sometimes we can't sort out the myth from the reality.
MR. CUTHBERT: In our tele-town hall, we go next to Lawrence, Kansas, and talk with Mitzi. Mitzi, you're on the tele-town hall.
Q Mr. President, thank you so much for doing the hard work of health care reform.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, Mitzi.
Q My question is, historically, older Americans, along with women of child-bearing age and persons with preexisting conditions, have paid more for health care coverage. And I want to know if reform will eliminate the disparity for older Americans.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, one thing that we strongly believe in is you can't discriminate in the insurance market. And that's actually what's happening right now. You're not seeing it in Medicare if you're already in Medicare, but if you're in the private marketplace right now, essentially insurance companies are cherry-picking. They want young, healthy people because they can collect premiums and don't have to pay out a lot. And then as people get older, then they start suddenly making it harder for those folks to get coverage. And if they do get coverage, it's wildly expensive.
And so part of the insurance reforms we want to institute is to make sure that there's what's called a community rating principle that keeps every insurer operating fairly so that they can't just select the healthy, young people. If they want to participate in, for example, this health care exchange, they've got to take everybody. And that will help I think reduce costs or level out costs for older Americans. And we also want to enshrine a principle in there that says no discrimination against women, because there is still oftentimes a gender bias in terms of some of the coverage that people receive.
MR. CUTHBERT: We go next to North Carolina for a question we had all week last week. I think every town hall had this one. It's from Colin. And, Colin, go ahead and ask this question. Go ahead, Colin.
Q This is his wife, Mary.
THE PRESIDENT: Hi, Mary.
Q Hi.
THE PRESIDENT: What happened to Colin? (Laughter.)
Q Well, I'm the one they talked to.
THE PRESIDENT: I got you. That's how it is in my house, too. (Laughter.)
Q I have heard lots of rumors going around about this new plan, and I hope that the people that are going to vote on this is going to read every single page there. I have been told there is a clause in there that everyone that's Medicare age will be visited and told to decide how they wish to die. This bothers me greatly and I'd like for you to promise me that this is not in this bill.
THE PRESIDENT: You know, I guarantee you, first of all, we just don't have enough government workers to send to talk to everybody, to find out how they want to die.
I think that the only thing that may have been proposed in some of the bills -- and I actually think this is a good thing -- is that it makes it easier for people to fill out a living will.
Now, Mary, you may be familiar with the principle behind a living will, but it basically is something that my grandmother -- who, you may have heard, recently passed away -- it gave her some control ahead of time, so that she could say, for example, if she had a terminal illness, did she want extraordinary measures even if, for example, her brain waves were no longer functioning; or did she want just to be left alone. That gives her some decision-making power over the process.
The problem is right now most of us don't give direction to our family members and so when we get really badly sick, sadly enough, nobody is there to make the decisions. And then the doctor, who doesn't know what you might have preferred, they're making decisions, in consultation with your kids or your grandkids, and nobody knows what you would have preferred.
So I think the idea there is to simply make sure that a living will process is easier for people -- it doesn't require you to hire a lawyer or to take up a lot of time. But everything is going to be up to you. And if you don't want to fill out a living will, you don't have to. But it's actually a useful tool I think for a lot of families to make sure that if, heaven forbid, you contract a terminal illness, that you are somebody who is able to control this process in a dignified way that is true to your faith and true to how you think that end-of-life process should proceed.
You don't want somebody else making those decisions for you. So I actually think it's a good idea to have a living will. I'd encourage everybody to get one. I have one. Michelle has one. And we hope we don't have to use it for a long time, but I think it's something that is sensible.
But, Mary, I just want to be clear: Nobody is going to be knocking on your door; nobody is going to be telling you you've got to fill one out. And certainly nobody is going to be forcing you to make a set of decisions on end-of-life care based on some bureaucratic law in Washington.
MR. CUTHBERT: Mr. President, she mentioned, not in her question, but in her preview, that she's talking about Section 1232, the infamous page 425, which is being read as mandatory end-of-life care advice and counseling for Medicare. As I read the bill, it's saying that Medicare will, for the first time, cover consultation about end-of-life care, and that they will not pay for such a consultation more than once every five years. This is being read as saying every five years you'll be told how you can die.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, that would be kind of morbid. (Laughter.) I think that the idea in that provision, which may be in the House bill -- keep in mind that we're still having a whole series of negotiations, and if this is something that really bothers people, I suspect that members of Congress might take a second look at it. But understand what the intent is. The intent here is to simply make sure that you've got more information, and that Medicare will pay for it.
So, for example, there are some people who -- they get a terminal illness, and they decide at a certain point they want to get hospice care. But they might not know how to go about talking to a hospice, what does it mean, how does it work. And they don't want to -- we don't want them to have to pay for that out of pocket. So if Medicare is saying you have the option of consulting with somebody about hospice care, and we will reimburse it, that's putting more power, more choice in the hands of the American people, and it strikes me that that's a sensible thing to do.
MR. CUTHBERT: We go to Denver, Colorado, next, and Sarah, another doughnut hole question. Go ahead, Sarah.
Q Hi, this is my first year in the doughnut hole, and it's quite a frightening thing to go through. I have Parkison's so I will be going through it year after year, and it looks like I could last about two years, and then all of my savings will be gone to the doughnut hole. So what do you intend to replace the doughnut hole with?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, we want to replace it with prescription drugs that won't force you to use up all your retirement.
When the original Medicare Part D was put forward -- first of all, it wasn't paid for, so it automatically was unstable financially. Then there was an agreement that you couldn't negotiate with the drug companies for the cheapest available price on drugs. The American people pay about 77 percent more for drugs than any other country -- 77 percent. Almost twice as much as other countries do.
So what we've said is, as part of reform, let's negotiate with the pharmaceutical companies; we'll cover more people -- that means potentially the pharmaceuticals will have more coverage -- or more customers -- but as part of the deal, they've got to start providing much better discounts on their drugs. They've already committed that if the health care reforms pass, they would provide $80 billion worth of discounts. That would be enough to cover about half of the doughnut hole.
So, right off the bat, right now, without further negotiations, the drug companies have already committed that they would reduce -- they would cut in half the costs that folks have to go through when they're in the doughnut hole right now. That's money directly in their pocket that could be in their retirement savings.
I think we can get potentially an even better deal than that, because we're overpaying 77 percent.
But the problem is if we don't get health care reform, the pharmaceutical industry is going to fight for every dime of profits that they're currently making -- and filling that doughnut hole is going to be very expensive because when the Medicare Part D was originally passed nobody put in provisions to pay for -- and so putting even more money into it at a time when Medicare may go bankrupt -- not "go bankrupt," but go into the red 10 years from now, that's a big problem. That's part of the reason why reform is so important.
And I think for AARP members especially there are hundreds of thousands of people out there who would directly benefit from reduced prescription drug costs if we're able to pass this bill.
MR. CUTHBERT: As you know, you may have heard, the cost of the program is a concern. Jane here in our audience has a question about that, from Alexandria, Virginia. Jane.
Q Hello, Mr. President. My question is some concern we have about the possibility of a cost containment commission. If you could comment on that.
THE PRESIDENT: The idea is not the cost -- it's not a cost containment commission that's been proposed. It's been what I just described -- an independent medical advisory committee modeled on the kind of committee that is called MedPAC right now. It's got people who are health care experts, nurses, doctors, hospital administrators. The idea is how do you get the most value for your health care dollar.
Now, the objective is to control costs. But it's not cost containment by just denying people care that they need. Instead it's reducing costs by changing the incentives and the delivery system in health care so that people are not paying for care that they don't need. The more we can reduce those unnecessary costs in health care, the more money we have to provide people with the necessary costs -- the things that really pay high dividends in terms of people becoming healthier.
And this is pretty straightforward. I mean, it's pretty logical. If you think about your own family budget -- if you could figure out a way to reduce your heating bill by insulating your windows, then that money that you saved -- you're still warm inside; you're just as comfortable as you were -- it's just you're not wasting all that energy and sending it in the form of higher bills to the electric company or the gas company. And that's then money that you can use to save for your retirement or help your kid go to college.
Well, it's the same principle within the health care system. If we can do the equivalent of insulating some windows and making the house more efficient, you're still going to be warm; you're just going to be able to save some money. In this case, you're still going to be healthy; you will just have saved some money and that money then we can use to lower your prescription drug costs, for example.
MR. CUTHBERT: We have an Internet question next from Alpharetta, Georgia. Robert asks, if the new health care reform bill is so great for all Americans, why are members of Congress and other arms of government excluded from having to participate?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I actually think that the health care exchange that people like Jeanine would be able to participate in would be very similar to the kind of program that we have for the federal health care employees.
But keep in mind -- I mean, this is something that I can't emphasize enough: You don't have to participate. You don't -- if you are happy with the health care that you've got, then keep it. If you like your doctor, keep it. Nobody is going to go out there and say, you've got to change your health care plan.
So this is not like Canada where suddenly we are dismantling the system and everybody's signed up under some government program. All we're doing is we're saying, if you've already got health care, the only thing we're going to do for you is we're going to reform the insurance companies so that they can't cheat you, and we are -- if you don't have health insurance, we're going to make it a little bit easier for you to be able to obtain health care. And hopefully, overall, we are going to change the delivery systems so that we are saving money as a society over the long term.
So nobody is being forced to go into this system, and frankly the -- if we do this right, then all we're actually doing is giving the American people the same option that members of Congress have, because they've got a pretty good deal right now. And the fact of the matter is, is that they don't have to worry about losing their health insurance. They have a bunch of different options and different plans to select from. So if they've got a good deal, why shouldn't you? (Applause.)
MR. CUTHBERT: We hope that you've found this tele-town hall with President Obama, AARP CEO A. Barry Rand, and AARP President Jennie Chin Hansen to be informative, interesting, helpful, and stimulating of further discussion. If you have a personal story you'd like to share with us about the impact the high cost of health care has had on your family, please stay on the line to leave us a message. Be sure to leave your contact information so we can get back to you.
Now for some closing remarks, let's get back to Barry Rand. Barry.
MR. RAND: Well, I want to thank you again, Mr. President, for joining us, listening to our members, whether they're here in person or on the phone or on the Web, and for hearing their stories, and getting a chance to talk directly and answer their questions. So we thank you very much for that. (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I just want to say thank you to all of you for taking the time to get informed on this issue. And I want to thank AARP for all the good that it has done to provide greater security and stability in the lives of people who are older.
You know, this week celebrates the anniversary of Medicare, and when you look at the Medicare debate it is almost exactly the same as the debate we're having right now. Everybody who was in favor of the status quo was trying to scare the American people saying somehow that government is going to take over your health care, you won't be able to choose your own doctor, they're going to ration care, they're going to tell you you can't get this or that or the other. And you know what? Medicare has been extraordinarily popular, it has worked, it has made people a lot healthier, given them security. And we can do the same this time.
Sometimes I get a little frustrated because this is one of those situations where it's so obvious that the system we have isn't working well for too many people and that we could just be doing better. We're not going to have a perfect health care system; it's a complicated system, there are always going to be some problems out there. But we could be doing a lot better than we're doing right now. We shouldn't be paying 50 percent more, 75 percent more than other countries that are just as healthy as we are. We shouldn't have prescription drugs 77 percent higher in costs than ours. And we shouldn't have people who are working really hard every day without health care or with $8,000 deductibles -- which means they basically don't have health insurance unless they get in an accident or they get really sick.
That just doesn't make sense. And the stories I get are heartbreaking, all across the country, from people who are just having a really tough time and it's going to get tougher. So we've got to have the courage to be willing to change things. I know that sometimes people have lost confidence in the country's ability to bring about changes, but I think this is one of those times where we've really got to step up to the plate, and it will ultimately make Medicare stronger, as well as the whole health care system stronger.
So thank you very much, everybody. (Applause.)
MR. CUTHBERT: One of the most difficult parts of working on an effort like health care reform is to keep in touch and keep up to date. May we suggest a Web site: healthactionnow.org, that's healthactionnow -- all one word -- dot org. It will tell you how to get in touch with your congressman and the people who are debating this whole issue, and tell you how to keep involved until the very end, which we hope is soon.
Mr. President, Mr. CEO, Madam President, and everybody here and at home on the tele-town hall, we thank you all for participating. Keep up the good work, and we'll talk with you again. I'm Mike Cuthbert in Washington. Have a good day.
END
2:32 P.M. EDT

THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
_________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                            July 28, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT RECEPTION HONORING AMBASSADORS
July 27, 2009
Grand Foyer
7:00 P.M. EDT
     THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you very much.  Well, I want to welcome all of you to the White House.  Michelle and I are honored to host you here tonight; to get to know you, and to underscore the importance of cooperation between our nations.
Diplomacy has always been critically important to all nations.  But in many ways, it grows more important with each passing year, because the interconnectedness of our world means that in the 21st century, we cannot solve our problems until we solve them together.  For centuries, diplomats have come together to discuss war and peace; commerce and exchange.  But now, it is hard to think of an issue that matters to our people that does not depend in some way upon cooperation among nations -- health and education; energy and the environment; the arts and even athletics.
And that's one reason why I came into office with a strong commitment to renew American diplomacy, and to start a new era of engagement with the world.  This must be a moment when we engage on the basis of mutual interest and mutual respect, so that we can build new partnerships for progress.  And it is in that spirit that I welcome all of you here tonight.
I’m also pleased that we’ve put together an extraordinary team to lead America's diplomacy.  I have an extraordinary Secretary of State in Hillary Clinton.  I’m so pleased to have Susan Rice, our talented Ambassador to the United Nations, here with us tonight, as well as our outstanding Trade Representative, Ron Kirk.  And I couldn’t be more proud of the job that American diplomats are doing around the world, as well.
In the months and years ahead, I know that we are going to do important work with each of you.  We will depend on you to connect us to your government, to help make progress on our common challenges, and to build bridges among our people.
Of course, one of the wonderful things about America is that so much of the world is represented in our own cities and towns  -- I think we likely have immigrants who have come to our shores from every country that is represented here tonight.  In fact, my own hometown of Chicago is probably pretty close to being able to make that claim all by itself.  (Laughter.) 
I hope that you all know that this fact guides our respect for different peoples, for different cultures, and for different countries.  For here, in America, we see the capacity for people from all corners of the world to come together to advance their common dreams.
Of course, I'm mindful that many of you have been in Washington longer than I have, so some of you already know your way around.  But whether you've been here for years, or whether this is your first time in the White House, I hope you feel welcome.  I look forward to working together to advance the peace and prosperity of the people not only of the United States but also people all around the world.
So thank you very much.  Have a wonderful evening.  (Applause.)  And we will see you soon.  (Laughter.)
                                      END                7:04 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the First Lady
________________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                                   July 27, 2009

REMARKS BY THE FIRST LADY
AT THE OPENING OF CAROLINE FAMILY PRACTICE HEALTH CENTER

Bowling Green Community Health Center
Bowling Green, Virginia
3:24 P.M. EDT
     MRS. OBAMA:  Well, thank you.  Yes, it is a little warm.  (Laughter.)  But it was cool in there -- there's some cool air coming out. 
But I want to thank you so much for having me here today.  It's a pleasure to be with all of you to cut the ribbon and declare Caroline Family Practice Community Health Center officially open for business.  That's a good thing.  (Applause.)  
     So you've been open for a little bit, but this is the official opening. 
I want to thank Rod for that wonderful introduction and for everything that he's done and the Central Virginia Health Services are doing to keep families and communities healthy across this nation. 
     I want to do a few more thank you's.  I want to thank and acknowledge Bettina Reed, who you just saw, the Site Director here at Caroline Family Practice, for her tireless hard work in getting this center up and running in such a short period of time.  It's a miraculous endeavor even when you do have the money.  So this is a wonderful thing. 
     I also want to recognize Mary Wakefield, who I saw earlier.  I think she's in the air-conditioned room, but don't be mad.  (Laughter.)  She's the Administrator of the Health Resources and Services Administration, and some of her colleagues are here with us today, and I want to recognize them for their work to promote centers like this all throughout the country. 
     And we also have the First Lady of Virginia here, a good friend of mine, and her lovely daughter, Anne and Annella, who are joining us here.  We're thrilled that they could come.  I've gotten to know this lady over the course of the last couple of years, and I just love her to death, and I am grateful for everything that she and her husband and her family are doing to support places like this.  And it means so much that you're here, because I know this is your thing just as much as anyone's.
     I also want to thank the Vice Chair of the Caroline County Board of Supervisors, Max Rozell; the Mayor of Bowling Green who's here, David Storke; Town Manager, Steve Manster, for all their dedication and leadership -- because none of this stuff happens without the right leadership.  So, thank you.
     And finally, I have to thank all the health care providers who are here and all the health care providers who are listening -– the doctors and the nurses and all the others who've chosen to work in underserved communities like this one.  When you know that many of these folks could have gone to fancy practices and made a lot more money, it's just important to know that there are people who are making commitments to places like Bowling Green, and they're making these communities a primary focus of their practice.  And we have to commend those folks and encourage others to join them in what is a fulfilling and important endeavor.  So we have to acknowledge all of them for their hard work.  (Applause.)  
     And that's sort of one of the things I'd like to talk a little bit about -- oh, no, one more person -- Ms. Maggie James, who -- I don't know if you know, but I know she is the oldest living person in Caroline County.  And she came here to see me.  (Applause.)  She is 109 years young, and looking great in that fuchsia.  (Laughter.)  It's pink, but it's fabulous.  (Laughter.)  And I'm grateful, Ms. James, that you came to see me.
But I wanted to talk a bit about why the work that everyone is doing here is so critical, not just in this community, but all across the nation –- and not just for the health of our families, but for the future of our entire health care system.
     So I know many of you have been following the debate that's going on out there in Washington where I live now.  And I know that with all the numbers, and the ads, and the back-and-forth on TV news shows, it gets easy to lose sight about what it's all about -- all that discussion.  But as I've traveled the country over the past couple years, campaigning for my husband, and even working in health administration, no matter where I've gone, no matter who I've been talking to, they always want to talk about health care.  I don't care if you're lucky enough to have a good health care system or not, you either know someone who has struggled under the current system, and it has been the number-one issue on the minds of the majority of Americans that I've talked to.
     And I think that there's one fact –- one statistic –- that should remind us all exactly what's at stake here, and that is that we spend more money on health care than any other nation on Earth.  We do, already today.  Yet we are nowhere near the healthiest.  And that says something.  We're nowhere near the healthiest.  In fact, people in some of the countries that spend less than we do are actually living longer than we do here in this nation.  And one of the main -- that's other than Ms. James, of course.  (Laughter.)
     And one of the main reasons for this is the reason why we're all here today –- and it's because that right now, today here in America, 60 million people in this country don't have adequate access to primary care.  They don't have any access at all.  Many of them are uninsured and can't afford any kind of health care at all.  That's a good chunk of them.  Many actually have insurance, but live in underserved areas, like this one –- inner cities or small rural towns where there aren't any primary care providers to speak of.  They have to drive hours.
     So what happens to folks in America in this situation is that they don't get check-ups.  They don't get regular, routine screenings that keep us healthy.  When they get sick, their only option is to wait until it gets so bad that they have to visit the emergency room.  And then they wind up lurching from illness to illness, and crisis to crisis, getting emergency care instead of health care.  And we wind up spending billions of dollars each year to treat diseases that –- for far less money –- we could prevent in the first place. 
     We will spend thousands of dollars for an emergency room visit and hospital stay for a child, for example, having an acute asthma attack that could have been prevented by a $100 doctor's visit and a $50 inhaler.  We'll spend tens of thousands to treat complications from diabetes that could have been prevented by a couple hundred dollars worth of counseling on nutrition and blood sugar monitoring.  And today, chronic -– and preventable -- illnesses like diabetes and obesity, heart disease and high blood pressure consume 85 percent of all health care spending in this country.  That's what we're spending our money on here.   
     And if you think that's bad, just wait a few years.  Because right now, if we think about our children, nearly a third of them in this country are overweight or obese, and a third will suffer from diabetes at some point in their lifetimes.  In the African American and Hispanic communities, that number goes up to half -- half of all those kids will be in that situation.  It's gotten so bad that this week, experts from across the country are meeting in Washington for what they're calling a "Weight of the Nation" conference sponsored by the CDC to discuss how we can address the rising threat of obesity, particularly in our children.
     So we know that something is not quite right with the current system.  We sort of know that.  Our experiences tell us that.  We know we need to start focusing on primary care and preventative care –- on promoting wellness, and not just treating sickness.
     That's the mission of this community center and health centers like it across the country that serve 17 million of our fellow citizens -– not just to make diagnoses and hand out prescriptions, but to understand why people are getting sick in the first place, and how they can get healthy and stay healthy in the future. 
     See, when someone goes to the emergency room with a fever or a sore throat, chances are they'll get a quick exam, they'll get some antibiotics, and they’ll get a pretty hefty bill.  But when they come to a place like this, the providers here may very well ask them when they had their last blood pressure checked.  Or they'll delve a little deeper -- they might ask whether they're getting regular mammograms, and how often they exercise, and if they've gotten that mole on their arm checked out.  They just dig a little bit deeper in places like this.  It's an approach to care that's about curing illness and preventing it at the same time.
     And it's an approach that's about making sure that people can actually take advantage of the care that's provided.  There's a whole 'nother level to care, making sure that people actually can access what's available.  In community health centers across the country, they don't just give people appointments; they help folks find transportation to actually get to those appointments. 
Right here, folks don't just write prescriptions; they make sure that people can actually fill them out, that they can connect with programs to ensure that they do.  And folks here don't just tell someone that they need a specialist, but they actually get on the phone and find that specialist, even if it means making dozens of calls until they find someone that the patient can afford. 
In places like this, care is provided in languages that patients can understand, in a way that's respectful of their various cultures, and that takes into account the challenges they face in their everyday life. 
     Ultimately, practice here isn't just about diagnosing problems –- it's about caring for people.  It's about educating people so that they can better educate themselves.  And it's about giving people the security of knowing that health care will be there for them and their families whenever they need it.
     And when you get right down to it, that's what the debate in Washington is all about.  And if you really think about it, that's why my husband and so many folks in Congress are fighting so hard for reform that lowers people's costs and ensures that all families have good coverage that they can actually afford. 
     What they're doing is critical not just for the work this center is doing here in Bowling Green, but for all people across this country.  It's critical to all of us.  And that's one of the key points that I want to make:  that health insurance reform isn't just about the nearly 46 million Americans who don't have insurance; it's also about all those folks who do.
     If you think about it for a minute, right now, for example, you might have a good plan that you really like and think our health system is great just the way it is.  Show of hands?  (Laughter.)  
     But the question becomes, even if you're in that situation, what happens if you lose your job, and then your coverage goes away, and then you can't find a new job right away?  Those are some of the stories I've heard.  Or if you want to change jobs, but your new employer doesn't offer any insurance at all because more and more employers are finding it difficult to keep up with the cost of health care?  Or what if you decide you want to change insurance plans, but your new insurer decides that you have a preexisting condition, or your age or your gender or your health status means that they need to charge you a fortune for that insurance?  What if you get sick, and they decide you're too expensive to insure?  That happens.  And then they drop your coverage completely.  See, these are the things that happen to hardworking, responsible people who've done exactly what they thought they should do.  It's happening every single day across this country. 
     And of course, there are plenty of folks who won't experience any of these misfortunes.  There really are.    They're blessed.  And despite rising costs and declining coverage, some of them are convinced that things are just fine right now.  But even if that were true, even if the status quo were acceptable to us, then the question becomes, what about 10 years from now?  
     If we don't pass reform, within a decade we'll actually be spending one out of every five dollars we earn on health insurance.  In 30 years, when my kids are ready to come into the world, it will be one in every three dollars spent on health care.  So think about that -- one in every three dollars by the time our kids get to be where we are.  And without reform, what we spend on Medicaid and Medicare -- government programs -- will eventually be more than what our government spends on anything else -- anything else -- that we spend today. 
    
     Right now, premiums are rising three times faster than wages -- right now, today.  And if we don't pass reform, they're going to keep on rising in this way.  So think about how much we'll be paying 10 years from now without reform.  That's what we have to project.  Folks who have insurance they like now could find themselves overwhelmed with sky-high premiums and much higher out-of-pocket costs. 
     Think about all the businesses that will have to drop their coverage or lay people off, if we don't pass reform, because they can't afford the cost.  Think about the millions of people who will lose their coverage, and many whom will wind up using the emergency room as their primary care provider, which will mean higher costs for all of us. 
     And then let's go back to the statistics on the childhood obesity and diabetes for a minute.  If a third of our kids are overweight or obese now, what's that going to mean 10 years from now?  How much will we be spending on obesity-related conditions like heart disease and cancer and high blood pressure in 10, 20, 30 years?  How much money will our economy lose in missed days of work and decreased productivity?  And how much will all of this diminish our quality of life here in this nation? 
     And what does it mean that for the first time in the history of our nation, medical experts today warn that this generation -- my children, our grandchildren -- may be on track to have a shorter lifespan than their parents?
     You know, this isn't who we are as Americans.  If there's one thing that defines what it means to be an American, is that we always do better for our kids.  We always do better for our kids.  We sacrifice so that we can give them opportunities and advantages that we never had.  That's what I was taught.  That is our obligation to the next generation.
     That's why my husband and I think about -- that's what we think about at night when we tuck our kids in.  We don't think about the life they have today, we think about the life we're going to provide for them when they're older.  And that's why he ran for President in the first place.  It's not about us, it's not about now; he's running because of the world he wants to leave them.  That's why he's fighting so hard to fix our health care system.  Not just to make it more affordable today; not just to ensure that it covers more people; but to make sure that it provides better, higher-quality care that makes us all healthier.  All of us.
     That's why his plan makes historic investments in prevention and wellness –- investments to help people quit smoking, and to lose weight, and get immunizations and screenings. 
     That's why he included $2 billion in the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act to upgrade and expand community health centers, including the $1.3 million to fund the one that we're here to open today.  This money is going to allow for the expansion of desperately-needed primary care services to more than 2.8 million more people, and it's going to create jobs in places that desperately need them, as well.
     And that's why he's investing $300 million in the Recovery Act for the National Health Service Corps -- something we talked about in our earlier meeting.  It's an outstanding program that helps doctors, dentists, nurses and other health care providers repay their student loans in exchange for practicing in places like this.  It’s a great idea.  And I want to take a moment to recognize all the current and former Corps members who are here with us today, who shared their stories –- because we're so proud of you and so grateful for your contributions to these communities all over the nation -- because you could be doing something else.
     The new investments in this program will more than double its capacity.  Right now there are 38* Corps members serving four million Americans; with the new money there will be 8,000 providers serving 8.5 million Americans by the end of next year if we get this passed.  And many of them will be working in community health centers just like this one, doing the kind of work that means so much to so many Americans. 
     And that's what Dr. Regina Benjamin –- who is my husband's nominee for our next Surgeon General –- this is what she did after graduating from medical school.  She joined the Corps, and was sent down to Alabama.  And what does she do?  She stayed there, eventually running the clinic herself.  And those were stories that we heard here today.  And what she said she was doing was so meaningful that, as she put it, she said, "I don't feel like I'm giving to the community.  I think they're giving to me."  And I heard those same sentiments echoed by the National Health Corps members who are here. 
     In the end, that's what the work in this community center is all about.  It's about the human connections that people make with the people and the communities that they serve.  It's about the steps you take above and beyond what's required, because you really care about your patients.  It's about the peace of mind that you give to people with nowhere else to turn.  And that is the story of community health centers in America.
     It's the story of a man named Ed who was diagnosed with acute myeloid leukemia at a community health center in Oklahoma.  The center not only got him to the oncology services he needed, they came to his house to draw blood when his immune system was too weak for him to go outside.  That's the kind of work you do.
    
     It's the story of a man named Randy, all the way in Indiana, who went to a community health center because of an allergic reaction to his blood pressure medication.  The doctor there noticed the lump on his neck and did some tests, and diagnosed him with cancer.  Randy had no insurance and no way to pay for treatment, but that didn't stop the clinic's Medical Director and CEO.  They spent hours making calls until they found a surgeon who would treat him at a reduced fee.  And today, Randy is cancer free.
     And then there's the story of a nine-year-old boy named Michael who was brought to a community health center in Kansas with a high fever and an abscessed tooth -- something that you will see here on a regular basis.  After having been in severe pain for weeks, he finally got the treatment that he needed.   And then when the staff of the center later came to his school to screen the other kids, they said Randy took their hands and walked into his classroom, and announced to his classmates, "These are my friends and they will help you."
     These are the stories you'll soon be telling here at this center.  Wonderful stories.  I've heard some of them already.  And that's why so many folks in Washington are putting in these long hours to pass health insurance reform -- because all our families deserve this kind of care, and all our kids deserve the chance to have a healthy future. 
     And I think it's fitting that the town of Bowling Green used to be called "New Hope Village" -- that's what I was told  -- because that's exactly what this center will be giving to so many folks in this community.  And we look forward to supporting you in this work in the months and years ahead. 
     Thank you so much for your work, and God bless you all.  Now let's get this opened.  (Applause.)  Thank you. 
                               END              3:56 P.M. EDT
* 3,800
THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary
___________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                            July 27, 2009

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
HONORING THE 2008 WNBA CHAMPIONS THE DETROIT SHOCK

South Portico

2:50 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Hey, guys.  Hello, hello, hello.  (Applause.)  Please, everybody, be seated.  Be seated.  Well, welcome to the White House, everybody.  And we are so pleased to have the Detroit Shock here.  We want to congratulate them and all your fans for your third WNBA Championship in six years.  Give them a big round of applause.  (Applause.) 

We've got some special fans from Capitol Hill here who take great pride in Detroit -- Senator Carl Levin is in the house.  (Applause.)  Representative Sandy Levin is in the house.  (Applause.)  And Representative Carolyn Kilpatrick is in the house.  (Applause.)
I want to thank Donna Orender, the president of the WNBA, who's here today.  Donna is right back -- there she is, right there.  (Applause.)  Congratulations on the success of this league and the inspiration it provides to young women everywhere.
I also want to thank the owner of the Detroit Shock and the Detroit Pistons, Karen Davidson, for coming.  Your husband -- go ahead, give her a round of applause.  (Applause.)  Your husband Bill had a great impact not just in the NBA and the WNBA, but also on countless individuals who benefit from his giving spirit.
Now, I have to say, everybody knows I'm a Chicago Bulls fan. (Laughter.)  And a few years ago, when the Bulls and the Pistons were thick in the middle of their rivalry, I never imagined that I'd be saying:  Congratulations, Bill Laimbeer.  (Laughter.)  Or, congratulations, Rick Mahorn.  (Laughter.)  If I knew I was President then, to think that I'd be inviting them to the White House is hard to take.  (Laughter.)  But let's face it, these guys are winners.  They always have been.  They know how to win. And I want to congratulate the Finals MVP Katie Smith -- (applause) -- team captain Cheryl Ford -- (applause) -- and all the other women that make this such an outstanding team.
I also want to salute this organization and this team for donating so much time and energy to lifting up the Detroit community.  They've given free tickets to underprivileged youth, mentored abused women and children, donated backpacks filled with school supplies to foster kids, restored a rundown library into a safe, clean place for kids to play and to grow.
 
And I want to thank them for participating in our United We Serve summer of service.  Earlier today, these players took time to host a WNBA Fit Clinic for young boys and girls at a local Boys and Girls Club, to teach fitness and nutrition and self-confidence -- and I understand they brought some of the young participants along with them to the White House.  I suspect it must be these young people here today.  (Applause.) 
Let me also say something as a father -- I was mentioning it to the team before we came out.  It's hard to believe the WNBA has already been around for 12 years.  And that means that my daughters have never known a time when women couldn't play professional sports.
They look at the TV and they see me watching SportsCenter and they see young women who look like them on the screen.  And that lets them and all our young women, as well as young men know that we should take for granted that women are going to thrive and excel as athletes.  And it makes my daughters look at themselves differently; to see that they can be champions, too. 
So, as a father, I want to say thank you.  (Applause.)  And thank you to all the WNBA athletes who work hard each day to set a positive example to which all our daughters can aspire.
Congratulations again on your championship season.  Good luck this year.  And, Coach, congratulations.  (Applause.)
All right, thank you. 
                                   END              2:59 P.M. EDT
 
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
_______________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                      July 27, 2009

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT THE U.S./CHINA STRATEGIC AND ECONOMIC DIALOGUE

Ronald Reagan Building and International Trade Center
Washington, D.C.
9:35 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  Good morning.  It is a great honor to welcome you to the first meeting of the Strategic Economic Dialogue between the United States and China.  This is an essential step in advancing a positive, constructive, and comprehensive relationship between our countries.  I'm pleased that President Hu shares my commitment to a sustained dialogue to enhance our shared interests.
President Hu and I both felt that it was important to get our relationship off to a good start.  Of course, as a new President and also as a basketball fan, I have learned from the words of Yao Ming, who said, "No matter whether you are new or an old team member, you need time to adjust to one another."  Well, through the constructive meetings that we've already had, and through this dialogue, I'm confident that we will meet Yao's standard.
I want to acknowledge the remarkable American and Chinese leaders who will co-chair this effort.  Hillary Clinton and Tim Geithner are two of my closest advisors, and they have both obtained extraordinary experience working with China.  And I know that they will have extremely capable and committed Chinese counterparts in State Councilor Dai and Vice Premier Wang.  Thank you very much for being here.
I'm also looking forward to the confirmation of an outstanding U.S. Ambassador to China, Governor Jon Huntsman, who is here today.  (Applause.)  Jon has deep experience living and working in Asia, and -- unlike me -- he speaks fluent Mandarin Chinese.  He also happens to be a Republican who co-chaired Senator McCain's campaign.  And I think that demonstrates Jon's commitment to serving his country, and the broad, bipartisan support for positive and productive relations between the United States and China.  So thank you, Jon, for your willingness to serve.
Today, we meet in a building that speaks to the history of the last century.  It houses a national memorial to President Woodrow Wilson, a man who held office when the 20th century was still young, and America's leadership in the world was emerging.  It is named for Ronald Reagan, a man who came of age during two World Wars, and whose presidency helped usher in a new era of history.  And it holds a piece of the Berlin Wall, a decades-long symbol of division that was finally torn down, unleashing a rising tide of globalization that continues to shape our world.
One hundred years ago -- in the early days of the 20th century -- it was clear that there were momentous choices to be made -- choices about the borders of nations and the rights of human beings.  But in Woodrow Wilson's day, no one could have foreseen the arc of history that led to a wall coming down in Berlin, nor could they have imagined the conflict and upheaval that characterized the years in between.  For people everywhere -- from Boston to Beijing -- the 20th century was a time of great progress, but that progress also came with a great price.
Today, we look out on the horizon of a new century.  And as we launch this dialogue, it's important for us to reflect upon the questions that will shape the 21st century.  Will growth be stalled by events like our current financial crisis, or will we cooperate to create balanced and sustainable growth, lifting more people out of poverty and creating a broader prosperity around the world?  Will the need for energy breed competition and climate change, or will we build partnerships to produce clean power and to protect our planet?  Will nuclear weapons spread unchecked, or will we forge a new consensus to use this power for only peaceful purposes?  Will extremists be able to stir conflict and division, or will we unite on behalf of our shared security?  Will nations and peoples define themselves solely by their differences, or can we find common ground necessary to meet our common challenges, and to respect the dignity of every human being?
We can't predict with certainty what the future will bring, but we can be certain about the issues that will define our times.  And we also know this:  The relationship between the United States and China will shape the 21st century, which makes it as important as any bilateral relationship in the world.  That really must underpin our partnership.  That is the responsibility that together we bear.
As we look to the future, we can learn from our past -- for history shows us that both our nations benefit from engagement that is grounded in mutual interest and mutual respect.  During my time in office, we will mark the 40th anniversary of President Nixon's trip to China.  At that time, the world was much different than it is today.  America had fought three wars in East Asia in just 30 years, and the Cold War was in a stalemate. China's economy was cut off from the world, and a huge percentage of the Chinese people lived in extreme poverty.
Back then, our dialogue was guided by a narrow focus on our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union.  Today, we have a comprehensive relationship that reflects the deepening ties among our people.  Our countries have now shared relations for longer than we were estranged.  Our people interact in so many ways.  And I believe that we are poised to make steady progress on some of the most important issues of our times.
My confidence is rooted in the fact that the United States and China share mutual interests.  If we advance those interests through cooperation, our people will benefit and the world will be better off -- because our ability to partner with each other is a prerequisite for progress on many of the most pressing global challenges.
Let me name some of those challenges.  First, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in a lasting economic recovery.  The current crisis has made it clear that the choices made within our borders reverberate across the global economy -- and this is true not just in New York and Seattle, but in Shanghai and Shenzhen, as well.  That is why we must remain committed to strong bilateral and multilateral coordination.  And that is the example we have set by acting aggressively to restore growth, to prevent a deeper recession and to save jobs for our people.
Going forward, we can deepen this cooperation.  We can promote financial stability through greater transparency and regulatory reform.  We can pursue trade that is free and fair, and seek to conclude an ambitious and balanced Doha Round agreement.  We can update international institutions so that growing economies like China play a greater role that matches their greater responsibility.  And as Americans save more and Chinese are able to spend more, we can put growth on a more sustainable foundation -- because just as China has benefited from substantial investment and profitable exports, China can also be an enormous market for American goods.
Second, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interest in a clean, secure, and prosperous energy future.  The United States and China are the two largest consumers of energy in the world.   We are also the two largest emitters of greenhouse gases in the world.  Let's be frank:  Neither of us profits from a growing dependence on foreign oil, nor can we spare our people from the ravages of climate change unless we cooperate.  Common sense calls upon us to act in concert.
Both of our countries are taking steps to transform our energy economies.  Together we can chart a low carbon recovery; we can expand joint efforts at research and development to promote the clean and efficient use of energy; and we can work together to forge a global response at the Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen and beyond.  And the best way to foster the innovation that can increase our security and prosperity is to keep our markets open to new ideas, new exchanges, and new sources of energy.
Third, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in stopping the spread of nuclear weapons.  Make no mistake:  The more nations acquire these weapons, the more likely it is that they will be used.  Neither America nor China has an interest in a terrorist acquiring a bomb, or a nuclear arms race breaking out in East Asia.  That is why we must continue our collaboration to achieve the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, and make it clear to North Korea that the path to security and respect can be traveled if they meet their obligations.  And that is why we must also be united in preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon, and urging the Islamic Republic to live up to its international obligations.
This is not about singling out any one nation -- it is about the responsibility of all nations.  Together, we must cooperate to secure all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world, which will be a focus of our Global Nuclear Summit next year.   And together, we must strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty by renewing its basic bargain:  countries with nuclear weapons will move towards disarmament; countries without nuclear weapons will not acquire them; and all countries can access peaceful nuclear energy.  A balance of terror cannot hold.  In the 21st century, a strong and global regime is the only basis for security from the world's deadliest weapons.
And fourth, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in confronting transnational threats.  The most pressing dangers we face no longer come from competition among great powers -- they come from extremists who would murder innocents; from traffickers and pirates who pursue their own profits at the expense of others; from diseases that know no borders; and from suffering and civil wars that breed instability and terror.  These are the threats of the 21st century.  And that is why the pursuit of power among nations must no longer be seen as a zero-sum game.  Progress -- including security -- must be shared.
Through increased ties between our militaries, we can diminish causes for dispute while providing a framework for cooperation.  Through continued intelligence-sharing, we can disrupt terrorist plots and dismantle terrorist networks.  Through early warning and coordination, we can check the spread of disease.  And through determined diplomacy, we must meet our responsibility to seek the peaceful resolution of conflict -- and that can begin with a renewed push to end the suffering in Darfur, and to promote a comprehensive peace in Sudan.
All of these issues are rooted in the fact that no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century on its own, nor effectively advance its interests in isolation.  It is this fundamental truth that compels us to cooperate.  I have no illusion that the United States and China will agree on every issue, nor choose to see the world in the same way.  This was already noted by our previous speaker.  But that only makes dialogue more important -- so that we can know each other better, and communicate our concerns with candor.
For instance, the United States respects the progress that China has made by lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty.  Just as we respect China's ancient and remarkable culture, its remarkable achievements, we also strongly believe that the religion and culture of all peoples must be respected and protected, and that all people should be free to speak their minds.  And that includes ethnic and religious minorities in China, as surely as it includes minorities within the United States.
Support for human rights and human dignity is ingrained in America.  Our nation is made up of immigrants from every part of the world.  We have protected our unity and struggled to perfect our union by extending basic rights to all our people.  And those rights include the freedom to speak your mind, to worship your God, and to choose your leaders.  These are not things that we seek to impose -- this is who we are.  It guides our openness to one another and to the world.
China has its own distinct story that shapes its own worldview.  And Americans know the richness of China's history because it helped to shape the world and it helped to shape America.  We know the talent of the Chinese people because they have helped to create this great country.  My own Cabinet contains two Chinese Americans.  And we know that despite our differences, America is enriched through deeper ties with a country of 1.3 billion people that is at once ancient and dynamic -- ties that can be forged through increased exchanges among our people, and constructive bilateral relations between our governments.  That is how we will narrow our divisions.
Let us be honest:  We know that some are wary of the future. Some in China think that America will try to contain China's ambitions; some in America think that there is something to fear in a rising China.  I take a different view.  And I believe President Hu takes a different view, as well.  I believe in a future where China is a strong, prosperous and successful member of the community of nations; a future when our nations are partners out of necessity, but also out of opportunity.  This future is not fixed, but it is a destination that can be reached if we pursue a sustained dialogue like the one that you will commence today, and act on what we hear and what we learn.
Thousands of years ago, the great philosopher Mencius said: "A trail through the mountains, if used, becomes a path in a short time, but, if unused, becomes blocked by grass in an equally short time."  Our task is to forge a path to the future that we seek for our children -- to prevent mistrust or the inevitable differences of the moment from allowing that trail to be blocked by grass; to always be mindful of the journey that we are undertaking together.
This dialogue will help determine the ultimate destination of that journey.  It represents a commitment to shape our young century through sustained cooperation, and not confrontation.  I look forward to carrying this effort forward through my first visit to China, where I hope to come to know better your leaders, your people, and your majestic country.  Together, I'm confident that we can move steadily in the direction of progress, and meet our responsibility to our people and to the future that we will all share.
Thank you very much.  (Applause.)
                       END                    9:50 A.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary
__________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                          July 24, 2009

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT ON
SIGNING OF U.N. CONVENTION ON THE RIGHTS OF PERSONS WITH DISABILITIES PROCLAMATION

East Room

5:58 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  Please, everybody be seated.  Thank you.  First of all, how about my Secretary of State?  (Applause.)  Give it up for Senator Hillary Clinton.  She is doing an unbelievable job.  She's traveling all around the world delivering a message that America is back and ready to lead.  And everywhere she goes she is representing us with grace and strength and we are very fortunate to have her.

I'm also lucky to have an outstanding Attorney General in Eric Holder -- (applause) -- so I wanted to make sure that we thank him for being here.  My Secretary of Labor, who is committed to these issues, Hilda Solis.  (Applause.)  We've got a couple of governors in the house, at least I see one of them over here, Governor David Paterson of New York.  (Applause.)  And I think that Christine Gregoire was here -- there she is, right here -- from Washington State.  (Applause.)
I want to thank the outstanding members of Congress who are on the stage.  Senator Dan Inouye, Representative Steny Hoyer, Representative Robert Andrews, Representative James Sensenbrenner, Representative Jim Langevin.  Thank you so much.  Please give them a big round of applause.  (Applause.)
And not on the stage, but extraordinarily important are three key figures who helped to get the original ADA passed.  I want to acknowledge them.  First of all, not able to attend, but this guy is a fierce warrior on behalf of the disabilities community, Tom Harkin.  (Applause.)  He couldn't be here, but give him a round of applause.  (Applause.)  Another person who could not be here but was instrumental in guiding the passage of this landmark legislation, Bob Dole, but his wonderful partner, Elizabeth Dole, Senator Elizabeth Dole is here, so please give her a round of applause on behalf of Bob Dole.  (Applause.)  And Attorney General and somebody who worked very hard on this issue, Richard Thornburgh.  Please give him a big round of applause.  (Applause.)  Where's Richard?  There he is.
Well, welcome to the White House.  We are thrilled to have you all here for an historic announcement regarding our global commitment to fundamental human rights for persons with disabilities.  I'm also honored to mark the anniversary of a historic piece of civil rights legislation with so many of the people who helped make it possible, and I'd like to reflect on that for a few moments.
I'm reminded today of my father-in-law -- some of you have heard his story -- Fraser Robinson.  He was Michelle's hero -- when you talk to her about her dad even today she just lights up.  He was a vibrant and athletic man who provided for his family as a shift worker at a water treatment plant in Chicago.  And in his early 30s, he was diagnosed with multiple sclerosis.  And even as it progressed, even as he struggled to get dressed in the morning and used two canes to get himself to work every day, despite the fact that he had to wake up a little bit earlier and work a little harder to overcome the barriers he faced every day -- he never complained.  He never asked for special treatment.  He just wanted to be given the opportunity to do right by his family.  Never missed a day of work.  Would have trouble buttoning his own shirts, but he would make sure that he woke up in time to do it.
And by the time I met him he would struggle with those two canes, but even if he had to go over a bumpy patch of grass to watch his son's ball games or go up a flight of stairs so that he could see his daughter dance, he would do it.  This was before the ADA passed.  And I think about him all the time when I think about these issues. 
It's a reminder of the very promise of the ADA.  Nineteen years ago this weekend, Democrats and Republicans, advocates and ordinary Americans, came together here at the White House to watch President George H.W. Bush sign the ADA into law.  Folks traveled from all across America to witness a milestone in the long march to achieve equal opportunity for all.
But like all great movements, this one did not begin or end in Washington, D.C.  It began in small towns and big cities across this country.  It began with people like Fraser Robinson showing that they can be full contributors to society regardless of the lack of awareness of others.  It began when people refused to accept a second-class status in America.  It began when they not only refused to accept the way the world saw them, but also the way they had seen themselves.
And when quiet acts of persistence and perseverance were coupled with vocal acts of advocacy, a movement grew, and people marched and organized and testified.  And parents of children with disabilities asked why their children, who had the same hopes and dreams as children everywhere else, were left out and left behind.  And wounded veterans came home from war only to find that, despite their sacrifice for America, they now felt excluded from America's promise.
We had a little meeting before we came out and Tony Coelho, who was instrumental on this issue, spoke in just incredibly moving terms about what it meant for him to be an epileptic and the fact that discrimination was rife -- he was rejected from the priesthood because that was considered unacceptable; he was rejected from the Army because that was considered unacceptable.
Those experiences could have just been internalized and people could have felt doubt, but instead it became a source of strength.  And step by step, progress was won.  Laws were changed.  Americans with disabilities were finally guaranteed the right to vote -- a right that only carries real meaning when you can enter the voting booth to cast that vote.  Folks were extended certain protections from discrimination, and given the needed rehabilitation and training to go to the job.  And even though we still have a long way to go with regard to education, children with disabilities were no longer excluded, no longer kept separate, and then no longer denied the opportunity to learn the same skills in the same classroom as other children.
Now, even two decades ago, too many barriers still stood.  Too many Americans suffered under segregation and discrimination.  Americans with disabilities were still measured by what folks thought they couldn't do -- not by what can.  Employers often assumed disabled meant unable.  Millions of Americans with disabilities were eager to work, but couldn't find a job.  An employer could have told a person with a disability, "No, we don't hire your kind."  That person then could have tried to find recourse at the courthouse, only to find that she couldn't enter the building -- and wouldn't find a receptive audience even if she did.
What was needed was a bill of rights for persons with disabilities, and that's what the ADA was.  It was a formal acknowledgment that Americans with disabilities are Americans first, and they are entitled to the same rights and freedoms as everybody else:  a right to belong and participate fully in the American experience; a right to dignity and respect in the workplace and beyond; the freedom to make of our lives what we will.
In a time when so many doubted that people with disabilities could participate in our society, contribute to our economy, or support their families, the ADA assumed they could.  Americans with disabilities didn't ask for charity or demand special treatment -- they only wanted a fair shot at opportunity.  They didn't want to be isolated, they wanted to be integrated; not dependent, but independent.  And allowing all Americans to engage in our society and our economy is in our national interest, especially now, when we all have a part to play to build a new foundation for America's lasting prosperity.
So the ADA showed the world our full commitment to the rights of people with disabilities -- and now we have an opportunity to live up to that commitment.  Today, 650 million people –- 10 percent of the world's population -- live with a disability.  In developing countries, 90 percent of children with disabilities don't attend school.  Women and girls with disabilities are too often subject to deep discrimination.
Disability rights aren't just civil rights to be enforced here at home; they're universal rights to be recognized and promoted around the world.  And that's why I'm proud to announce that next week, the United States of America will join 140 other nations in signing the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities -- (applause) -- the first new human rights convention of the 21st century.
This extraordinary treaty calls on all nations to guarantee rights like those afforded under the ADA.  It urges equal protection and equal benefits before the law for all citizens; reaffirms the inherent dignity and worth and independence of all persons with disabilities worldwide.  I've instructed Ambassador Susan Rice to formally sign the Convention at the United Nations in New York next week, and I hope that the Senate can give swift consideration and approval to the Convention once I submit it for their advice and consent.
And even as we extend our commitment to persons for -- with disabilities around the world, we're working to deepen that commitment here at home.  We've lifted the ban on stem cell research.  We've reauthorized the Children's Health Insurance Program, continuing coverage for 7 million children and covering an additional 4 million children in need, including children with disabilities.  I was proud to sign the landmark Christopher and Dana Reeve Paralysis Act, the first piece of comprehensive legislation specifically aimed at addressing the challenges that are faced by Americans living with paralysis.
We've nearly doubled funding for the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act.  (Applause.)  We're strengthening anti-discrimination enforcement at the Justice Department.  We're creating a new special assistant position at the Department of Transportation just to focus on accessible transportation.  (Applause.)  We've launched the "Year of Community Living" to affirm the fundamental right of people with disabilities to live with dignity and respect wherever they choose.  (Applause.)
So I'm proud of the progress we've made.  But I'm not satisfied, and I know you aren't either.  Until every American with a disability can learn in their local public school in the manner best for them, until they can apply for a job without fear of discrimination, and live and work independently in their communities if that's what they choose, we've got more work to do.  As long as we as a people still too easily succumb to casual discrimination or fear of the unfamiliar, we've still got more work to do.
As we continue that work, we should remember just who it was that the ADA was all about.  It was about the young girl with cerebral palsy who just wanted to see a movie at her local theater, but was turned away.  It was about the Vietnam veteran who returned home paralyzed and said he felt like he'd fought for everyone but himself.  It was about the thousands of people with disabilities who showed up at public hearings all across the country to share their stories of exclusion and injustice -- and the millions more they spoke up for.
Because they did, we live in a country where our children can grow up with every opportunity to learn and compete, where our disabled veterans returning from Iraq and Afghanistan can navigate public places more easily, and where 54 million Americans with disabilities can pursue their full measure of happiness.  And what we've learned -- what we've -- what they have taught us is that it is far more noble and worthwhile and valuable to make it possible for these Americans to live up to their full potential.  Because when we do, it makes all of us more whole, it makes our union more perfect, it makes the United States of America strong.
Every morning, I walk along the Colonnade that connects this house to the Oval Office.  And there's something you might not notice unless you're really paying attention -- and I'll be honest, when I take that walk, I usually have a lot on my mind.  (Laughter.)  But there's a gentle slope at the end of that Colonnade, a ramp that was installed during a renovation of the West Wing 75 years ago, making it much easier for one of my predecessors to get to work.
 
Back then, fear and prejudice towards Americans with disabilities was the norm, but most Americans didn't even know that President Roosevelt had a disability.  That means that what most Americans also didn't know was that President Roosevelt's disability made absolutely no difference to his ability to renew our confidence, or rescue our economy, and mobilize our greatest generation to save our way of life.
Let me correct that -- I actually think it did make a difference in a positive way.   What he told us was that "further progress must of necessity depend on a deeper understanding on the part of every man and woman in the United States."  I believe we're getting there.  And today, because more than one in five Americans live with a disability -- and chances are, the rest of us love somebody with one -- we remember our obligation to ensuring their every chance to pursue the American Dream.  We celebrate the courage and commitment of those who brought us to this point.  And we recommit ourselves to building a world free of unnecessary barriers and full of that deeper understanding. 
So thank you, all, for being here.  Let's sign this bill.  (Applause.)
(The proclamation is signed.)
THE PRESIDENT:  There the go.  (Applause.)  Thank you, everybody.
       END                      6:15 P.M. ED
 
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
___________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                            July 24, 2009

STATEMENT BY THE PRESIDENT

James S. Brady Press Briefing Room
2:33 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Hey, it's a cameo appearance. Sit down, sit down. I need to help Gibbs out a little bit here.
Q Are you the new press secretary?
THE PRESIDENT: If you got to do a job, do it yourself. (Laughter.)
I wanted to address you guys directly because over the last day and a half obviously there's been all sorts of controversy around the incident that happened in Cambridge with Professor Gates and the police department there.
I actually just had a conversation with Sergeant Jim Crowley, the officer involved. And I have to tell you that as I said yesterday, my impression of him was that he was a outstanding police officer and a good man, and that was confirmed in the phone conversation -- and I told him that.
And because this has been ratcheting up -- and I obviously helped to contribute ratcheting it up -- I want to make clear that in my choice of words I think I unfortunately gave an impression that I was maligning the Cambridge Police Department or Sergeant Crowley specifically -- and I could have calibrated those words differently. And I told this to Sergeant Crowley.
I continue to believe, based on what I have heard, that there was an overreaction in pulling Professor Gates out of his home to the station. I also continue to believe, based on what I heard, that Professor Gates probably overreacted as well. My sense is you've got two good people in a circumstance in which neither of them were able to resolve the incident in the way that it should have been resolved and the way they would have liked it to be resolved.
The fact that it has garnered so much attention I think is a testimony to the fact that these are issues that are still very sensitive here in America. So to the extent that my choice of words didn't illuminate, but rather contributed to more media frenzy, I think that was unfortunate.
What I'd like to do then I make sure that everybody steps back for a moment, recognizes that these are two decent people, not extrapolate too much from the facts -- but as I said at the press conference, be mindful of the fact that because of our history, because of the difficulties of the past, you know, African Americans are sensitive to these issues. And even when you've got a police officer who has a fine track record on racial sensitivity, interactions between police officers and the African American community can sometimes be fraught with misunderstanding.
My hope is, is that as a consequence of this event this ends up being what's called a "teachable moment," where all of us instead of pumping up the volume spend a little more time listening to each other and try to focus on how we can generally improve relations between police officers and minority communities, and that instead of flinging accusations we can all be a little more reflective in terms of what we can do to contribute to more unity. Lord knows we need it right now -- because over the last two days as we've discussed this issue, I don't know if you've noticed, but nobody has been paying much attention to health care. (Laughter.)
I will not use this time to spend more words on health care, although I can't guarantee that that will be true next week. I just wanted to emphasize that -- one last point I guess I would make. There are some who say that as President I shouldn't have stepped into this at all because it's a local issue. I have to tell you that that part of it I disagree with. The fact that this has become such a big issue I think is indicative of the fact that race is still a troubling aspect of our society. Whether I were black or white, I think that me commenting on this and hopefully contributing to constructive -- as opposed to negative -- understandings about the issue, is part of my portfolio.
So at the end of the conversation there was a discussion about -- my conversation with Sergeant Crowley, there was discussion about he and I and Professor Gates having a beer here in the White House. We don't know if that's scheduled yet -- (laughter) -- but we may put that together.
He also did say he wanted to find out if there was a way of getting the press off his lawn. (Laughter.) I informed him that I can't get the press off my lawn. (Laughter.) He pointed out that my lawn is bigger than his lawn. (Laughter.) But if anybody has any connections to the Boston press, as well as national press, Sergeant Crowley would be happy for you to stop trampling his grass.
All right. Thank you, guys.
END
2:38 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary
______________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                    July 24, 2009

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
ON EDUCATION

U.S. Department of Education
Washington, D.C.
 

1:34 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you for the outstanding introduction from Matthew.  And Matthew's teacher, you're doing obviously an outstanding job -- although I understand Matthew's mom is also a teacher who has also won awards for her outstanding work.  So the acorn doesn't fall far from the tree.  We are very proud of him.

Obviously I want to thank my wonderful Secretary of Education, Arne Duncan, who has helped to lead us. (Applause.)  I want to thank all the members of Congress who are here, the governors who are in attendance.  And I want to give a special shout out to Chairman George Miller of the Education Committee in the House, who has just been a outstanding partner for reform.  Please give him a big round of applause.  (Applause.)
You know, from the moment I entered office, my administration has worked to beat back this recession by creating jobs, unfreezing credit markets, extending unemployment insurance and health benefits to Americans who are out of work.  But even as we've worked to end this immediate crisis, we've also taken some historic measures to build a new foundation for growth and prosperity that can help secure our economic future for generations to come.
One pillar of this new foundation is health insurance reform that can control deficits, and reduce costs for families and businesses, provide quality affordable care for every American.  Another pillar is energy reform that makes clean energy profitable, that creates green jobs that can't be outsourced, and frees America from the grip of foreign oil.  We're also working to enact financial reforms that will set up firm rules of the road to help prevent an economic crisis like the one we've just gone through from ever happening again.
But even if we do all of those things, America will not succeed in the 21st century unless we do a far better job of educating our sons and daughters, unless every child is performing the way Matthew is performing.  In an economy where knowledge is the most valuable commodity a person and a country have to offer, the best jobs will go to the best educated -- whether they live in the United States or India or China.  In a world where countries that out-educate us today will out-compete us tomorrow, the future belongs to the nation that best educates its people.  Period.  We know this.
But we also know that today, our education system is falling short.  We've talked about it for decades but we know that we have not made the progress we need to make.  The United States, a country that has always led the way in innovation, is now being outpaced in math and science education.  African American, Latino students are lagging behind white classmates in one subject after another -- an achievement gap that, by one estimate, costs us hundreds of billions of dollars in wages that will not be earned, jobs that will not be done, and purchases that will not be made.  And most employers raise doubts about the qualifications of future employees, rating high school graduates' basic skills as only "fair" or "poor."
Of course, as I said before, we've talked about this problem for years.  For years, we've talked about bad statistics and an achievement gap.  For years, we've talked about overcrowded classrooms and crumbling schools and corridors of shame across this country.  We've talked these problems to death, year after year, decade after decade, while doing all too little to solve them.
But thanks to Arne's leadership, thanks to George Miller's leadership, thanks to all the dedicated Americans in statehouses, and schoolhouses, communities across this country, that's beginning to change.  We're beginning to break free from the partisanship and the petty bickering that have stood in the way of progress for so long.  We're beginning to move past the stale debates about either more money or more reform, because the fact is we need both.  We're beginning to offer every single American the best education the world has to offer from the cradle to the classroom, from college to careers.
In recent months, I've spoken about the different parts of this strategy.  I've spoken about what we're doing to prepare community college students to find a job when they graduate; to make college and advanced training more affordable; and to raise the bar in early learning programs.  Today, I want to talk about what we can do to raise the quality of education from kindergarten through senior year.
Because improving education is central to rebuilding our economy, we set aside over $4 billion in the Recovery Act to promote improvements in schools.  This is one of the largest investments in education reform in American history.  And rather than divvying it up and handing it out, we are letting states and school districts compete for it.  That's how we can incentivize excellence and spur reform and launch a race to the top in America's public schools.
That race starts today.  I'm issuing a challenge to our nation's governors, to school boards and principals and teachers, to businesses and non-for-profits, to parents and students:  if you set and enforce rigorous and challenging standards and assessments; if you put outstanding teachers at the front of the classroom; if you turn around failing schools -- your state can win a Race to the Top grant that will not only help students outcompete workers around the world, but let them fulfill their God-given potential.
This competition will not be based on politics or ideology or the preferences of a particular interest group.  Instead, it will be based on a simple principle -- whether a state is ready to do what works.  We will use the best evidence available to determine whether a state can meet a few key benchmarks for reform -- and states that outperform the rest will be rewarded with a grant.  Not every state will win and not every school district will be happy with the results.  But America's children, America's economy, and America itself will be better for it.
And one of the benchmarks we will use is whether states are designing and enforcing higher and clearer standards and assessments that prepare a student to graduate from college and succeed in life.  Right now, some states like Massachusetts are setting high standards, but many others are not.  Many others are low-balling expectations for students -- telling our kids they're prepared to move on to the next grade even if they aren't; awarding diplomas even if a graduate doesn't have the knowledge and skills to thrive in our economy.
That's a recipe for economic decline, and it has to stop.  With the Race to the Top fund, we will reward states that come together and adopt a common set of standards and assessments.  Now, let me be clear:  This is not about the kind of testing that has mushroomed under No Child Left Behind.  This is not about more tests.  It's not about teaching to the test.  And it's not about judging a teacher solely on the results of a single test.
It is about finally getting testing right, about developing thoughtful assessments that lead to better results; assessments that don't simply measure whether students can use a pencil to fill in a bubble, but whether they possess basic knowledge and essential skills like problem-solving and creative thinking, creativity and entrepreneurship.  And already, 46 states are working to develop such standards.  I urge those 46 states to finish the job.  I urge the other four to get onboard.  (Laughter.)
One of the other benchmarks we'll be using in awarding Race to the Top grants is whether outstanding teachers are being placed in our classrooms.  From the moment a student enters a school, the single most important factor in their success is the person in front of the classroom.  Every one of us can point to a teacher who inspired us and in some way shaped the course of our lives.  Great teachers are the bulwark of America.  They should be valued and they should be honored.  Few have worked harder to do that than our national union leaders.  Randi Weingarten is right here, and Dennis Van Roekel -- (applause) -- are two union leaders who are here, and I'm very pleased that they're with us today.
But if we're honest with ourselves we'll admit that in too many places, we have no way -- at least no good way of distinguishing good teachers from bad ones.  As Arne has pointed out in the past, they have 300,000 teachers in California.  The top 10 percent are 30,000 of the best that are out there.  The bottom 10 percent are 30,000 of the worst out there.  The problem is, we have no way to tell which is which.
That's where data comes in.  Some places are keeping electronic records of how a student does from one year to the next and how a class does in any given year.  This helps students, parents, teachers, principals, and school boards know what's working and what's not in the classroom.  You know, basketball coaches have a game tape for the team to see what they did right and what they did wrong after a tough series -- teachers and principals should have a way of doing the same.
Now, I recognize there's a concern among some that a teacher won't be judged fairly when we start linking students' performance to the performance of their teachers.  And that's why we need to bring teachers into the process and make sure their voices are heard.  (Applause.)  And that's why we need to make sure we use tests as just one part of a broader evaluation of teachers' performance.
 
But let me be clear:  Success should be judged by results, and data is a powerful tool to determine results.  We can't ignore facts.  We can't ignore data.  That's why any state that makes it unlawful to link student progress to teacher evaluations will have to change its ways if it wants to compete for a grant.  That's why the Race to the Top grants will go to states that use data effectively to reward effective teachers, to support teachers who are struggling, and when necessary, to replace teachers who aren't up to the job.
And we also need to reward states that are placing outstanding teachers in schools and subjects -- like math and science -- where they're needed most.  That's one way to foster the next generation of math and science teachers.  And by the way, everyone has a role to play in training these teachers.  So universities and nonprofit organizations can launch programs like UTeach at UT Austin that allows aspiring teachers to get a math or science degree and teaching certificate at the same time.  And businesses can follow the examples of Intel and Microsoft by developing the software tools and cutting-edge technologies that prepare today's students to be tomorrow's teachers.
So we know we need better standards, and we know we need excellent teachers.  But we also know that a number of chronically underperforming schools will require an extra effort to get back on their feet.  Roughly 5,000 schools across this country -- the bottom five percent -- fall into this category.  In fact, just 2,000 high schools produce over 50 percent of America's dropouts.
Now, there is no silver bullet when it comes to turning these schools around.  We know that many of these schools are in very tough neighborhoods, and kids are coming to school already with some significant problems.  And the most effective and innovative approaches will be developed outside of Washington in communities across this country.  The best ideas will come from educators who are helping a young man who's far behind to catch up; or helping a young woman master the English language; or going the extra mile for a student with special needs.  Change will come from the bottom up.
But what we can do, all of us in federal government, is reward states that are pursuing forceful and effective and consistent approaches with Race to the Top grants.  There are a number of different strategies that school districts are employing to fix these schools that are in such tough shape.  One strategy involves replacing the principal, replacing much of the staff, and giving the school a second chance.  Another strategy involves inviting a great nonprofit to help manage a troubled school.  A third strategy involves converting a dropout factory into a successful charter school.  These are public schools funded [sic] by parents, teachers, and civic or community organizations with broad leeway to innovate.
Now, we can't hold charter schools to lower standards than traditional public schools.  If a charter school is falling short year after year, it should be shut down.  But if we're holding charter schools accountable and if we are holding them to a high standard of excellence, then I believe they can be a force for innovation in our public schools.  And that's why I've encouraged states to lift caps on the number of charter schools that are allowed -- something being done in Louisiana, Indiana, and across the country.  And that's why we will reward states that pursue rigorous and accountable charter schools with Race to the Top Fund grants.
Better standards.  Better teaching.  Better schools.  Data-driven results.  That's what we will reward with our Race to the Top Fund.  But as I've said before, fixing the problem in our schools is not a task for Washington alone.  It will take school administrators, board presidents, and local union leaders making collective bargaining a catalyst -- and not an impediment -- to reform.  It will take business leaders asking what they can do to invest in education in their communities.  It will take parents asking the right questions at their child's school, and making sure their children are doing their homework at night.
And it will take students -- I'm not worried about Matthew, but all the other ones -- (laughter) -- including my daughters -- showing up for school on time and paying attention in class.  Ultimately, their education is up to them.  It's up to their parents.  It's up to their teachers.  It's up to all of us.
I'll never forget a school I visited one day when I was a community organizer in Chicago.  As I walked around the school with the principal, I remember saying to her how wonderful it was to see all these kids so full of energy and hope and the spark in their eye.  And when he asked them what they were going to be when they grew up, they said, we're going to be doctors and lawyers and they all had these big dreams for the future.  And I remember the principal saying that soon all that would change; that in a year or two, something would shut off inside as they began to realize their hopes wouldn't come to pass -- not because they weren't smart enough, not because they weren't talented enough, but because they didn't see a pathway to success.
And that's true of too many children in this country.  Maybe they don't have a great teacher.  Maybe they don't find their classes exciting.  Maybe they aren't being challenged at school.  Maybe their parents aren't pushing them the way they need to.  Maybe nobody is setting high expectations for them.  Maybe they can't afford a college education.  Maybe they don't know anybody who's ever gone to college.  And the reason you're here, the reason Arne is here, the reason I'm here, is to make sure that we are giving all of those children, all our children, the pathways they need to make the most of their abilities; to make the most of their opportunities; to make the most of their lives.
I am absolutely confident that if I do my part, if Arne does his part, if our teachers do their part, if you do yours, if the American people do theirs, then we will not only strengthen our economy over the long run, and we will not only make America's entire education system the envy of the world, but we will launch a Race to the Top that will prepare every child, everywhere in America, for the challenges of the 21st century.
I'm convinced we can do that.  But it's not going to come easy, it's not going to come quick.  We're going to have to have staying power, we're going to have to be consistent, we're going to have to put the interests of our children ahead of our own parochial interests.  But we have no choice.  And I'm absolutely confident that we can make it happen.
Thank you very much everybody.  God bless you.  (Applause.)
END                1:53 P.M. EDT
 
THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the First Lady
____________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                             July 24, 2009

REMARKS BY THE FIRST LADY
AT THE COOPER HEWITT NATIONAL DESIGN AWARDS

East Room

 12:44 P.M. EDT
     MRS. OBAMA:  Thank you.  Thank you, everyone.  (Applause.)  Good afternoon and welcome to the White House!  (Laughter.)  Tonight's house is a little warm in here.  (Laughter.)  But it is a pleasure to be here with you today to celebrate the 10th Anniversary of the National Design Awards and to honor some of the country's most compelling innovators.  And I got to meet them all.  They are terrific, and we are just thrilled to have you with us today.  
     Congratulations to all of you -- our honorees and those of you just working hard getting the job done. 
How are you, sir?  It's good to see you.  (Laughter.) 
     You are scientists and artists.  Your work is both practical and poetic, educational and inspirational.  You represent diverse fields of disciplines but you share the common thread of superior design.
     What I love about design is the artistic and scientific complexity that also becomes useful:  a laptop, a bridge, an outfit -- (laughter) -- a garden, all drawn from a thousand wells of inspiration and yet grounded in the basic principles of math or science.    
     Great designers also pursue a mission.  Great designers design with mankind in mind.  Building on the innovations of the past, you help to shape a better future.  Like your lifetime achievement honoree Bill Moggridge, what would we do without our laptops!  (Laughter.)  My kids would die.  (Laughter.)  They'd be -- they wouldn't make it through the summer.  I don't know whether to thank you, Bill, for that.  (Laughter.) 
     But that future and our ability to solve the great challenges of our time will depend on how we educate and engage the current generation.
     That's why the President has made such a strong commitment to ensuring access to high-quality education for all children, particularly in math and science.
     And today the President and Secretary Duncan are announcing the "Race to the Top," which is a competitive grant to spur education reform across the country and encourage educators and leaders to embrace innovative approaches to teaching and to learning.
     As part of the Recovery Act, Congress has allotted more than $4 billion for this competition –- funding that'll be used for competitive grants to states, school districts, and non-profit partners that are most successful at raising standards, improving student learning, and turning around struggling schools.  That is very exciting.
     But when it comes to innovation, you all know full well that an educational foundation is only part of the equation, right; that in order for creativity to flourish and imagination to take hold we also need to expose our children to the arts from a very young age.
     Even Albert Einstein knew better, right?  He knew that there is only so much that a good education could do.  These were his words.  He said, "I am enough of an artist to draw freely upon my imagination."  "Imagination," he said, "is more important than knowledge.  Knowledge is limited.  Imagination encircles the world."  That's from Einstein, so I think he knew what he was talking about.  (Laughter.)
     We need to ensure that our children have both –- knowledge and imagination.  I know I want that for my girls.  They deserve to have access to a good education and access to ideas and images that will spark their creativity.
     And as First Lady, I have spent a lot of time trying to break down barriers that too often exist between major cultural establishments and the people in their immediate communities.
     So we've been sending a lot of role models out there in the far reaches of this city and then inviting kids to come back here to the White House.  That's been a big part of the messages of every single event that we've done here at the White House.  These kids who are living just inches away from power and prestige and fortune and fame, we want those kids to know that they belong here, too.  We want them to know that they belong here in the White House and in the museums, and in libraries, and laboratories all over this country.
     And I want to thank you all today for helping carry that mission out by going out today into the community and making sure that kids know that they belong on the cutting edge of design just the same; that they belong in the world of discovery and science, reminding them that they belong in the presence of great art and beauty; that it is theirs just as much as anyone's in this nation.
     And earlier today you shared your visions, your ideas, your experiences and expertise by leading workshops at Smithsonian locations across Washington D.C.  And I am grateful to all of you for taking the time to make that happen.  From type fonts to technology, from silks and satins to sustainability –- you brought science to life at these seminars.  And I've heard glowing reviews about them, and I hope you found them fun, as well.
     And I want to thank you for inspiring the next generation of artists and scientists, architects and engineers, innovators and educators and for your contributions to the advancement of design.  Thank you so very, very much.
     And as I mentioned, the crossroads of science and art, innovation and inspiration are what I love about design.  So I'm honored to introduce a man who represents the combination of both.
     Wayne Clough, the man who leads one of our nation's premier cultural institutions as Secretary to the Smithsonian, is a trained civil engineer.  His years at Georgia Tech planted him firmly on the science and technology end of the spectrum.  But here he is, ably leading, right -- he's doing a good job -- (laughter and applause) -- he is ably leading the organization famous for housing the treasures of both science and art, the wonders of nature and mankind, and the marvels of the heavens and the earth.  He is the perfect example of the symbiotic character of science and art.  And I am so honored to introduce him to you today, our wonderful guest, our host, someone who make my life easier as we explore the Smithsonians with my kids, Wayne Clough.  Thank you all.  (Applause.)
END                                   12:51 P.M. EDT
 
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                       July 24, 2009

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT FUNDRAISER

July 23, 2009
Hyatt Regency
Chicago, Illinois
7:26 P.M. CDT
THE PRESIDENT: Hello, Chicago! It is good to be home. We got Connie Howard in the house. (Applause.) Who else we got here? Let’s see -- we got the governor, Pat Quinn is here. (Applause.) My old friend, Senate President John Cullerton is here. (Applause.) The comptroller of the state, Dan Hynes, is here. (Applause.) Treasurer Alexi Giannoulias is here -- where’s Alexi? She’s around here somewhere. And a great friend, somebody who helped look after me while I was down in the state senate -- former President of the Senate, Emil Jones, is here. Give Emil a big round of applause. (Applause.) Thank you.
It is good to see everybody. It’s good to be home. I miss you all. I love you all. (Applause.) I wouldn’t be where I am today if it wasn’t for the support and love that this city has given our family over the years, so thank you. (Applause.)
And I have to say I guess today everybody is a White Sox fan. (Applause.) I was up on the north side and all these Cubs fans were all, like, "What about Buehrle?" I said, that's right. That was extraordinary. I told -- I spoke to Buehrle on the phone, on Air Force One -- that’s one of the privileges of the presidency. (Laughter.) See, you can call up a guy after he pitches a perfect game. I told him that he had to buy a big steak dinner for that centerfielder, Wise, because he saved that perfect game. (Applause.) That was exciting.
Somebody just asked me, what’s more exciting, that or the Dow going over 9,000? And I said, I promise you -- a perfect game, now that's big. That is big.
It has now been six months since Michelle and Sasha and Malia and Marian Robinson, my mother-in-law, said goodbye and moved into a nice little spot in Washington, D.C. (Laughter.)
And we arrived there at an incredibly difficult moment in this country’s history. It was a time when we faced the worst recession in half a century. We were losing an average of 700,000 jobs per month. Our financial system was on the verge of collapse. And because the folks running Washington got in the habit of spending money they didn’t have, we inherited a deficit of $1.3 trillion.
That’s what we faced when I took office in January. But because of the actions that we took in those first weeks, we’ve been able to pull the economy back from the brink. (Applause.) We still have a long way to go, but the Recovery Act we passed has already saved jobs and created new ones; delivered billions in tax relief to families and small businesses; extended unemployment insurance and health insurance to those who have been laid off.
This plan will continue to save and create more jobs over the next two years -- just like it was designed to do. I realize this is little comfort to those Americans who are currently out of work, and I’ll be honest with you -- new hiring is usually the last thing to come back after such a severe1 recession.
But here’s the thing to remember: Even before the crisis hit, Chicago, we had an economy that was not doing everything it needed to be doing. It was not firing on all cylinders. It was good at creating a great deal of wealth for folks at the very top, but not a lot of good-paying jobs for the rest of America. It was an economy that wasn’t built to compete in the 21st century -- it was an economy where we’ve been slow to invest in clean energy technologies that will create new jobs and industries in other countries. We’ve been good at creating jobs in other countries because we have not invested in the clean energy that we need to. We’ve watched our graduation rates lag behind too much of the world. We spend much more on health care than any nation on Earth by far, but we’re not any healthier for it.
Now, that was the America of yesterday, Chicago, but that doesn’t have to be the America of tomorrow. (Applause.) That cannot be the America that all these young people inherit. You see, what we’re facing right now is more than a passing crisis. It is a transformative moment. We are at an unmistakable crossroads.
There are some in Washington who want us to go down the path that we’ve already traveled for the last decade or so -- a path where we just throw up our hands and say, oh, this is too hard, too tough, we can’t do it. So we do nothing more than just hand out more tax breaks to the wealthiest few that make the rich even richer and the deficit even larger. It’s a path where our health care costs keep rising; our oil dependency keeps on growing; our financial markets remain an unregulated crapshoot; our workers lose out on the jobs of tomorrow. That's one path.
That’s not the future I accept for the United States of America. (Applause.)
We did not come this far as a country because we looked backwards or stood [still] in the face of great challenges. We didn’t get here by lowering our sights or shrinking our dreams. We are a forward-looking people -- a people who have always faced the future not with fear, but with determination; not with doubt, but with hope. We’ve always taken great chances, we’ve reached for new horizons, and remade the world around us. And that's what we are going to do again. (Applause.) That's what are we are going to do again.
I’m confident that we’re going to weather this economic storm. But once we clear away the wreckage, the real question is: Are we going to build something better in its place?
I believe we have to rebuild it better than before. I believe we have to lay a new foundation that will allow the United States of America to thrive and compete in a global economy. And that means investing in the clean energy jobs of the future. (Applause.) It means educating and training our workers for those jobs. It means finally controlling the health care costs that are driving this nation into debt. (Applause.)
I want to talk about health care for a minute, because we’re having a debate in Washington right now about this issue -- you may have noticed. (Laughter.)
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Give ‘em hell, Barack! (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: You know, what Harry Truman actually said when somebody said, "Give ‘em hell, Harry" -- he said, "I'm going to tell the truth -- they’ll think it’s hell." (Laughter and applause.) So we’re just going to tell the truth about what’s going on in health care right now. (Applause.) Because it’s going to affect every single one of you.
Health insurance reform is not just about the 46 million Americans who don’t have coverage. It is about them -- we have to, in a country this wealthy, recognize that it is unacceptable to have 46 million people without health insurance. That is unacceptable. (Applause.) There is a moral imperative for us to help.
But this is also about those of you who have got health insurance. The vast majority of Americans still have their health insurance. But you know what’s happening. Reform is about every one of you who has ever faced premiums and co-payments that are rising faster than you can afford. It’s about every one of you who has ever worried that you might lose your health insurance if you lose your job, or if you change your job. It’s about anyone who’s ever worried that you may not be able to get insurance or change insurance companies if you or somebody in your family has a pre-existing medical condition.
Health insurance reform is about the man from Baltimore who sent us his story: middle-class, college graduate, but when he changed jobs, his health insurance expired. During that time he needed emergency surgery, woke up with $10,000 worth of debt that has left him unable to save or buy a home or make a career change. That’s who health reform is about.
Or it’s about the woman from Colorado who told us that when she was diagnosed with breast cancer, her insurance company -- who had been taking $700 a month from her in premiums -- refused to pay for anything connected to her disease. She felt like she had been given a second death -- a second death sentence, and she had to pay for her own treatment with her retirement funds. That woman from Colorado is who health insurance reform is about. (Applause.)
It’s about the small business owner from New Jersey who told us that he employs eight people and provides health insurance for all of them. But his policy goes up 20 percent each year -- it’s his highest business expense besides his employees. He’s already had to let two go; he may be forced to eliminate health insurance altogether. That’s who health reform is all about.
I have heard these stories in town hall meetings, I read them in letters that I get, I see them on our Web site more times than I can remember. We have talked and talked and talked about fixing health care costs for decades. And we have finally reached a point where inaction is no longer an option, Chicago. (Applause.) The choice is clear: Doing nothing is defending the status quo. And I'm not going to stand for a future where health care premiums rise three times faster than people’s wages, and 14,000 Americans lose their health insurance every day.
This nation cannot afford a future where our government spends more on Medicare and Medicaid than we spend on anything else. This is the price of doing nothing about health care -- a price that every taxpayer and every business and every family will have to pay. It is unacceptable, it is unsustainable, and it is why we are going to pass health care reform in 2009. (Applause.)
Now, we won’t get there without all of you hearing a lot of the same scare tactics that you always hear. They’ve used it to kill health insurance reform for decades. I know a lot of Americans are also satisfied with their health care right now -- they’re wondering what are they going to get out of it. So let me be absolutely clear about what health reform means for you.
If you already have health insurance, the reform that we’re proposing will provide you with more security and more stability. It will keep government out of health care decisions. It will give you the option to keep your insurance if you’re happy with it. It will prevent insurance companies from dropping your coverage if you get too sick. It will give you the security of knowing that if you lose your job, or you move, or you change jobs, you will still have coverage. It will limit the amount your insurance company can force you to pay for your medical costs out of your own pocket. It will cover preventive care like check-ups and mammograms that save lives and money. (Applause.)
And if you don’t have health care or you’re a small business looking to cover your employees, you will be able to choose a quality, affordable health plan through a health insurance exchange -- a marketplace that promotes choice and competition, and you will get help on your premiums. And finally, no insurance company will be allowed to deny you coverage because of a pre-existing medical condition. Those days are over. (Applause.)
One other key point I want to make: I have promised that reform will not add to our deficit. It will be paid for. And I mean it. We’ve already determined that about two-thirds of the cost of reform can be paid for by reallocating money that is simply being wasted in federal health care programs. And this includes over $100 billion in unwarranted subsidies that go to insurance companies as part of Medicare -- subsidies that do nothing to improve care for our seniors. And while Congress is currently working through proposals to finance the remaining costs, I continue to insist that health reform not be paid for on the backs of middle-class families. (Applause.)
But in addition to making sure that this plan doesn’t add to the deficit in the short-term, we also have to slow the growth of health care costs in the long run. And to do that, we want to change incentives so that doctors and nurses are free to give the best care to their patients, not just the most expensive care. We want to create an independent group of doctors and medical experts who will be able to eliminate waste and inefficiency, which could save us money and strengthen programs for our seniors.
This is what reform would mean for all of us, and right now we are closer to that reality than we have ever been. (Applause.) We’ve got the support of hospitals and doctors and nurses who represent the best of our health care system and know what’s broken about it. We’ve made unprecedented progress in Congress.
So even though we still have a few issues to work out, what’s remarkable about this point is not how far we have left to go -- it’s how far we’ve already come. I understand how easy it is for folks in Washington to become consumed by the game of politics -- they want to turn everything into a tally of who’s up and who’s down; you've got Republican strategists who are telling the party that, "don’t compromise," "go in for the kill," defeating health care reform is about "breaking President Obama."
AUDIENCE MEMBER: No way!
AUDIENCE: Boo!
THE PRESIDENT: Let me tell you something. I'm from Chicago. (Applause.) I don’t break. (Applause.) And let me tell you something, what’s even more important: This isn’t about me. This is about a health care system that’s breaking American families, and breaking American businesses, and breaking America’s economy.
I’ve got great health insurance. (Laughter.) I said last night, I've got a doctor who follows me everywhere. (Laughter.) Every member of Congress has great health insurance. So this is not about me. It’s about the letters I read in the Oval Office, the stories I hear at town hall meetings. This is about that woman from Colorado, and the college graduate from Maryland, and the small business owner from New Jersey. It’s about all of you -- all of you who are still shouldering the burden of a problem that should have been solved decades ago.
It’s not a game for those Americans. It’s not a game for you. We can’t afford to wait any longer. So when it comes to health care, when it comes to energy, when it comes to improving our schools, when it comes to regulating our financial markets -- we don’t have time for the usual petty arguments. It is time right now for everybody to come together.
Now, when Buehrle pitched that perfect game -- (applause) -- it’s because teammates were making the plays. And this is the American team right now -- (applause)-- the team of the United States of America that has to come together and make some plays for each other. (Applause.) Not think about "I," not think about "what’s in it for me." Let’s figure out how to move this country forward, Chicago. (Applause.) I am confident we can do it, but I’m going to need your help, I'm going to need you working with me. So let’s go do it.
Thank you very much, everybody. God bless. (Applause.)
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7:45 P.M. CDT