THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary
_________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                    August 29, 2009

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
EULOGY FOR SENATOR EDWARD M. KENNEDY

Our Lady of Perpetual Help Basilica
Roxbury, Massachusetts

12:35 P.M. EDT

 

THE PRESIDENT:  Your Eminence, Vicki, Kara, Edward, Patrick, Curran, Caroline, members of the Kennedy family, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens:
     Today we say goodbye to the youngest child of Rose and Joseph Kennedy.  The world will long remember their son Edward as the heir to a weighty legacy; a champion for those who had none; the soul of the Democratic Party; and the lion of the United States Senate -- a man who graces nearly 1,000 laws, and who penned more than 300 laws himself.
     But those of us who loved him, and ache with his passing, know Ted Kennedy by the other titles he held:  Father.  Brother.  Husband.  Grandfather.  Uncle Teddy, or as he was often known to his younger nieces and nephews, "The Grand Fromage," or "The Big Cheese."  I, like so many others in the city where he worked for nearly half a century, knew him as a colleague, a mentor, and above all, as a friend.
     Ted Kennedy was the baby of the family who became its patriarch; the restless dreamer who became its rock.  He was the sunny, joyful child who bore the brunt of his brothers' teasing, but learned quickly how to brush it off.  When they tossed him off a boat because he didn't know what a jib was, six-year-old Teddy got back in and learned to sail.  When a photographer asked the newly elected Bobby to step back at a press conference because he was casting a shadow on his younger brother, Teddy quipped, "It'll be the same in Washington."
     That spirit of resilience and good humor would see Teddy through more pain and tragedy than most of us will ever know.  He lost two siblings by the age of 16.  He saw two more taken violently from a country that loved them.  He said goodbye to his beloved sister, Eunice, in the final days of his life.  He narrowly survived a plane crash, watched two children struggle with cancer, buried three nephews, and experienced personal failings and setbacks in the most public way possible.
     It's a string of events that would have broken a lesser man.  And it would have been easy for Ted to let himself become bitter and hardened; to surrender to self-pity and regret; to retreat from public life and live out his years in peaceful quiet.  No one would have blamed him for that.
     But that was not Ted Kennedy.  As he told us, "…[I]ndividual faults and frailties are no excuse to give in -- and no exemption from the common obligation to give of ourselves."  Indeed, Ted was the "Happy Warrior" that the poet Wordsworth spoke of when he wrote:
     As tempted more; more able to endure,
     As more exposed to suffering and distress;
     Thence, also, more alive to tenderness.
     Through his own suffering, Ted Kennedy became more alive to the plight and the suffering of others -- the sick child who could not see a doctor; the young soldier denied her rights because of what she looks like or who she loves or where she comes from.  The landmark laws that he championed -- the Civil Rights Act, the Americans with Disabilities Act, immigration reform, children's health insurance, the Family and Medical Leave Act -- all have a running thread.  Ted Kennedy's life work was not to champion the causes of those with wealth or power or special connections.  It was to give a voice to those who were not heard; to add a rung to the ladder of opportunity; to make real the dream of our founding.  He was given the gift of time that his brothers were not, and he used that gift to touch as many lives and right as many wrongs as the years would allow.
     We can still hear his voice bellowing through the Senate chamber, face reddened, fist pounding the podium, a veritable force of nature, in support of health care or workers' rights or civil rights.  And yet, as has been noted, while his causes became deeply personal, his disagreements never did.  While he was seen by his fiercest critics as a partisan lightning rod, that's not the prism through which Ted Kennedy saw the world, nor was it the prism through which his colleagues saw Ted Kennedy.  He was a product of an age when the joy and nobility of politics prevented differences of party and platform and philosophy from becoming barriers to cooperation and mutual respect -- a time when adversaries still saw each other as patriots.
     And that's how Ted Kennedy became the greatest legislator of our time.  He did it by hewing to principle, yes, but also by seeking compromise and common cause -- not through deal-making and horse-trading alone, but through friendship, and kindness, and humor.  There was the time he courted Orrin Hatch for support of the Children's Health Insurance Program by having his chief of staff serenade the senator with a song Orrin had written himself; the time he delivered shamrock cookies on a china plate to sweeten up a crusty Republican colleague; the famous story of how he won the support of a Texas committee chairman on an immigration bill.  Teddy walked into a meeting with a plain manila envelope, and showed only the chairman that it was filled with the Texan's favorite cigars.  When the negotiations were going well, he would inch the envelope closer to the chairman.  (Laughter.)  When they weren't, he'd pull it back.  (Laughter.)  Before long, the deal was done.  (Laughter.)
     It was only a few years ago, on St. Patrick's Day, when Teddy buttonholed me on the floor of the Senate for my support of a certain piece of legislation that was coming up for vote.  I gave my pledge, but I expressed skepticism that it would pass.  But when the roll call was over, the bill garnered the votes that it needed, and then some.  I looked at Teddy with astonishment and asked how had he done it.  He just patted me on the back and said, "Luck of the Irish."  (Laughter.)
     Of course, luck had little to do with Ted Kennedy's legislative success; he knew that.  A few years ago, his father-in-law told him that he and Daniel Webster just might be the two greatest senators of all time.  Without missing a beat, Teddy replied, "What did Webster do?"  (Laughter.)
     But though it is Teddy's historic body of achievements that we will remember, it is his giving heart that we will miss.  It was the friend and the colleague who was always the first to pick up the phone and say, "I'm sorry for your loss," or "I hope you feel better," or "What can I do to help?"  It was the boss so adored by his staff that over 500, spanning five decades, showed up for his 75th birthday party.  It was the man who sent birthday wishes and thank-you notes and even his own paintings to so many who never imagined that a U.S. senator of such stature would take the time to think about somebody like them.  I have one of those paintings in my private study off the Oval Office -- a Cape Cod seascape that was a gift to a freshman legislator who had just arrived in Washington and happened to admire it when Ted Kennedy welcomed him into his office.  That, by the way, is my second gift from Teddy and Vicki after our dog Bo.  And it seems like everyone has one of those stories -- the ones that often start with "You wouldn't believe who called me today."
     Ted Kennedy was the father who looked not only after his own three children, but John's and Bobby's as well.  He took them camping and taught them to sail.  He laughed and danced with them at birthdays and weddings; cried and mourned with them through hardship and tragedy; and passed on that same sense of service and selflessness that his parents had instilled in him.  Shortly after Ted walked Caroline down the aisle and gave her away at the altar, he received a note from Jackie that read, "On you the carefree youngest brother fell a burden a hero would have begged to been spared.  We are all going to make it because you were always there with your love."
     Not only did the Kennedy family make it because of Ted's love -- he made it because of theirs, especially because the love and the life he found in Vicki.  After so much loss and so much sorrow, it could not have been easy for Ted to risk his heart again.  And that he did is a testament to how deeply he loved this remarkable woman from Louisiana.  And she didn't just love him back.  As Ted would often acknowledge, Vicki saved him.  She gave him strength and purpose; joy and friendship; and stood by him always, especially in those last, hardest days.
     We cannot know for certain how long we have here.  We cannot foresee the trials or misfortunes that will test us along the way.  We cannot know what God's plan is for us.
     What we can do is to live out our lives as best we can with purpose, and with love, and with joy.  We can use each day to show those who are closest to us how much we care about them, and treat others with the kindness and respect that we wish for ourselves.  We can learn from our mistakes and grow from our failures.  And we can strive at all costs to make a better world, so that someday, if we are blessed with the chance to look back on our time here, we know that we spent it well; that we made a difference; that our fleeting presence had a lasting impact on the lives of others.
     This is how Ted Kennedy lived.  This is his legacy.  He once said, as has already been mentioned, of his brother Bobby that he need not be idealized or enlarged in death because what he was in life -- and I imagine he would say the same about himself.  The greatest expectations were placed upon Ted Kennedy's shoulders because of who he was, but he surpassed them all because of who he became.  We do not weep for him today because of the prestige attached to his name or his office.  We weep because we loved this kind and tender hero who persevered through pain and tragedy -- not for the sake of ambition or vanity; not for wealth or power; but only for the people and the country that he loved.
     In the days after September 11th, Teddy made it a point to personally call each one of the 177 families of this state who lost a loved one in the attack.  But he didn't stop there.  He kept calling and checking up on them.  He fought through red tape to get them assistance and grief counseling.  He invited them sailing, played with their children, and would write each family a letter whenever the anniversary of that terrible day came along.  To one widow, he wrote the following:
     "As you know so well, the passage of time never really heals the tragic memory of such a great loss, but we carry on, because we have to, because our loved ones would want us to, and because there is still light to guide us in the world from the love they gave us."
     We carry on.
     Ted Kennedy has gone home now, guided by his faith and by the light of those that he has loved and lost.  At last he is with them once more, leaving those of us who grieve his passing with the memories he gave, the good that he did, the dream he kept alive, and a single, enduring image -- the image of a man on a boat, white mane tousled, smiling broadly as he sails into the wind, ready for whatever storms may come, carrying on toward some new and wondrous place just beyond the horizon.  May God bless Ted Kennedy, and may he rest in eternal peace.  (Applause.)
                        END                12:50 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Vice President
_________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                    August 23, 2009

REMARKS BY THE VICE PRESIDENT
ON THE PASSING OF SENATOR EDWARD M. KENNEDY

The Department of Energy
Washington, DC

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Well, Mr. Secretary, thank you and your staff for the privilege of being with you today on what, as I prepared last night, was to be a joyous occasion, announcing another step in the direction of energy independence.  And you said the President made a wise choice.  The wisest choice the President made was asking you to be -- I mean that sincerely -- to be the Secretary to the Department of Energy.  You've assembled a first-rate staff, and you've taken on a role that is going to be a -- is going to, in large part, determine the success of these next three-and-a-half years, whether or not we make a genuine dent, genuine progress in moving toward an energy policy that can help America lead the world in the 21st century as it did in the 20th century.

Some suggest we're trying to do too much.  But my response is, is there any possibility of America leading the world in the 21st century without a radically altered energy policy?  It is not possible.  And that charge has been given to one of the most remarkable men to serve in a President's Cabinet, a Nobel laureate who is as articulate as he is obviously bright, and a man who has assembled a staff that can corral the bureaucracy -- and we're all -- deal with bureaucracy, we're all part of it -- in a way that I haven't seen in awhile. 

And I had planned on speaking to the Clean Cities Program as one of the several initiatives we have to begin to reshape our energy policy.  But as if Teddy were here, as we would say in the Senate, if you'd excuse a point of personal privilege, I quite frankly think it's -- would be inappropriate for me to dwell too much on the initiative that we're announcing today and not speak to my friend.

My wife Jill, and my sons Beau and Hunter, and my daughter Ashley -- and I don't say that lightly, because they all knew Teddy, he did something personal and special for each one of them in their lives -- truly, truly are distressed by his passing.  And our hearts go out to Teddy Jr., and Patrick and Kara, and Vicki, with whom I spoke this morning, and the whole Kennedy family.

Teddy spent a lifetime working for a fair and more just America.  And for 36 years, I had the privilege of going to work every day and literally, not figuratively sitting next to him, and being witness to history.  Every single day the Senate was in session, I sat with him on the Senate floor in the same aisle.  I sat with him on the Judiciary Committee next -- physically next to him.  And I sat with him in the caucuses.  And it was in that process, every day I was with him -- and this is going to sound strange -- but he restored my sense of idealism and my faith in the possibilities of what this country could do.

He and I were talking after his diagnosis.  And I said, I think you're the only other person I've met, who like me, is more optimistic, more enthusiastic, more idealistic, sees greater possibilities after 36 years than when we were elected.  He was 30 years-old when he was elected; I was 29 years-old.  And you'd think that would be the peak of our idealism.  But I genuinely feel more optimistic about the prospect for my country today than I did -- I have been any time in my life. 

And it was infectious when you were with him.  You could see it, those of you who knew him and those of you who didn't know him.  You could just see it in the nature of his debate, in the nature of his embrace, in the nature of how he every single day attacked these problems.  And, you know, he was never defeatist.  He never was petty -- never was petty.  He was never small.  And in the process of his doing, he made everybody he worked with bigger -- both his adversaries as well as his allies.

Don't you find it remarkable that one of the most partisan, liberal men in the last century serving in the Senate had so many of his -- so many of his foes embracing him, because they know he made them bigger, he made them more graceful by the way in which he conducted himself.

You know, he changed the circumstances of tens of millions of Americans -- in the literal sense, literally -- literally changed the circumstances.  He changed also another aspect of it as I observed about him -- he changed not only the physical circumstance, he changed how they looked at themselves and how they looked at one another.  That's a remarkable, remarkable contribution for any man or woman to make.  And for the hundreds, if not thousands, of us who got to know him personally, he actually -- how can I say it -- he altered our lives as well.

Through the grace of God and accident of history I was privileged to be one of those people and every important event in my adult life -- as I look back this morning and talking to Vicki -- every single one, he was there.  He was there to encourage, to counsel, to be empathetic, to lift up.  In 1972 I was a 29 year old kid with three weeks left to go in a campaign, him showing up at the Delaware Armory in the middle of what we called Little Italy -- who had never voted nationally by a Democrat -- I won by 3,100 votes and got 85 percent of the vote in that district, or something to that effect.  I literally would not be standing here were it not for Teddy Kennedy -- not figuratively, this is not hyperbole -- literally.

He was there -- he stood with me when my wife and daughter were killed in an accident.  He was on the phone with me literally every day in the hospital, my two children were attempting, and, God willing, thankfully survived very serious injuries.  I'd turn around and there would be some specialist from Massachusetts, a doc I never even asked for, literally sitting in the room with me.

You know, it's not just me that he affected like that -- it's hundreds upon hundreds of people.  I was talking to Vicki this morning and she said -- she said, "He was ready to go, Joe, but we were not ready to let him go."

He's left a great void in our public life and a hole in the hearts of millions of Americans and hundreds of us who were affected by his personal touch throughout our lives.  People like me, who came to rely on him.  He was kind of like an anchor.  And unlike many important people in my 38 years I've had the privilege of knowing, the unique thing about Teddy was it was never about him.  It was always about you.  It was never about him.  It was people I admire, great women and men, at the end of the day gets down to being about them.  With Teddy it was never about him.

Well, today we lost a truly remarkable man.  To paraphrase Shakespeare:  I don't think we shall ever see his like again.  I think the legacy he left is not just in the landmark legislation he passed, but in how he helped people look at themselves and look at one another.

I apologize for us not being able to go into more detail about the energy bill, but I just think for me, at least, it was inappropriate today.  And I'm sure there will be much more that will be said about my friend and your friend, but -- he changed the political landscape for almost half a century.  I just hope -- we say blithely, you know, we'll remember what we did.  I just hope we'll remember how he treated other people and how he made other people look at themselves and look at one another.  That will be the truly fundamental, unifying legacy of Teddy Kennedy's life if that happens -- and it will for a while, at least in the Senate.

Mr. Secretary, you and your staff are doing an incredible job.  I look forward to coming back at a happier moment when you are announcing even more consequential progress toward putting us back in a position where once again can control our own economic destiny.

Thank you all very, very much.  (Applause.)
 

THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary
__________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                         August 26, 2009
 

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
ON THE PASSING OF SENATOR EDWARD M. KENNEDY
Blue Heron Farm
Chilmark, Massachusetts
9:57 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:  I wanted to say a few words this morning about the passing of an extraordinary leader, Senator Edward Kennedy.
Over the past several years, I've had the honor to call Teddy a colleague, a counselor, and a friend.  And even though we have known this day was coming for some time now, we awaited it with no small amount of dread.
Since Teddy's diagnosis last year, we've seen the courage with which he battled his illness.  And while these months have no doubt been difficult for him, they've also let him hear from people in every corner of our nation and from around the world just how much he meant to all of us.  His fight has given us the opportunity we were denied when his brothers John and Robert were taken from us:  the blessing of time to say thank you -- and goodbye.
The outpouring of love, gratitude, and fond memories to which we've all borne witness is a testament to the way this singular figure in American history touched so many lives.  His ideas and ideals are stamped on scores of laws and reflected in millions of lives -- in seniors who know new dignity, in families that know new opportunity, in children who know education's promise, and in all who can pursue their dream in an America that is more equal and more just -- including myself.
The Kennedy name is synonymous with the Democratic Party.  And at times, Ted was the target of partisan campaign attacks.  But in the United States Senate, I can think of no one who engendered greater respect or affection from members of both sides of the aisle.  His seriousness of purpose was perpetually matched by humility, warmth, and good cheer.  He could passionately battle others and do so peerlessly on the Senate floor for the causes that he held dear, and yet still maintain warm friendships across party lines.
And that's one reason he became not only one of the greatest senators of our time, but one of the most accomplished Americans ever to serve our democracy.
His extraordinary life on this earth has come to an end.  And the extraordinary good that he did lives on.  For his family, he was a guardian.  For America, he was the defender of a dream.
I spoke earlier this morning to Senator Kennedy's beloved wife, Vicki, who was to the end such a wonderful source of encouragement and strength.  Our thoughts and prayers are with her, his children Kara, Edward, and Patrick; his stepchildren Curran and Caroline; the entire Kennedy family; decades' worth of his staff; the people of Massachusetts; and all Americans who, like us, loved Ted Kennedy.
END                                     
10:00 A.M. EDT
 
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                      August 25, 2009
 
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT AND BEN BERNANKE AT THE NOMINATION OF BEN BERNANKE FOR CHAIRMAN OF THE FEDERAL RESERVE
Oak Bluffs School Filing Center
Oak Bluffs, Massachusetts
8:55 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Good morning, everybody. I apologize for interrupting the relaxing that I told all of you to do, but I have an important announcement to make concerning the Federal Reserve.
The man next to me, Ben Bernanke, has led the Fed through one of the worst financial crises that this nation and the world has ever faced. As an expert on the causes of the Great Depression, I'm sure Ben never imagined that he would be part of a team responsible for preventing another. But because of his background, his temperament, his courage, and his creativity, that's exactly what he has helped to achieve. And that is why I am re-appointing him to another term as Chairman of the Federal Reserve.

Ben approached a financial system on the verge of collapse with calm and wisdom; with bold action and out-of-the-box thinking that has helped put the brakes on our economic freefall. Almost none of the decisions that he or any of us made have been easy. The actions we've taken to stabilize our financial system, to repair our credit markets, restructure our auto industry, and pass a recovery package have all been steps of necessity, not choice. They've faced plenty of critics, some of whom argued that we should stay the course or do nothing at all. But taken together, this "bold, persistent experimentation" has brought our economy back from the brink. They're steps that are working. Our recovery plan has put tax cuts in people's pockets, extended health care and unemployment insurance to those who have borne the brunt of this recession, and is continuing to save and create jobs that otherwise would have been lost. Our auto industry is showing signs of life. Business investment is showing signs of stabilizing. Our housing market and credit markets have been saved from collapse.

Of course, as I've said before, we are a long way away from completely healthy financial systems and a full economic recovery. And I will not let up until those Americans who are looking for jobs can find them; until qualified businesses, large and small, who need capital to grow can find loans at a rate they can afford; and until all responsible mortgage-holders can stay in their homes. That's why we need Ben Bernanke to continue the work he's doing, and that's why I've said that we cannot go back to an economy based on overleveraged banks, inflated profits, and maxed-out credit cards.

For even as we've taken steps to rescue our financial system and our economy, we must now work to rebuild a new foundation for growth and prosperity. We have to build an economy that works for every American, and one that leads the world in innovation, in investments, and in experts -- exports.

Part of that foundation has to be a financial regulatory system that ensures we never face a crisis like this again. We've already seen how lax enforcement and weak regulation can lead to enormous wealth for a few and enormous pain for everybody else. And that's why even though there is some resistance on Wall Street from those who would prefer to keep things the way they are, we will pass the reforms necessary to protect consumers, investors, and the entire financial system. And we will continue to maintain a strong and independent Federal Reserve.

We will also keep working towards the reform of a health insurance system whose costs and discriminatory practices are bankrupting our families, our businesses, and our government. We will continue to build a clean energy economy that creates the jobs and industries of the future within our borders. And we will give our children and our workers the skills and training they need to compete for these jobs in the 21st century.

Much like the decisions we've made so far, the steps we take to build this new foundation will not be easy. Change never is. As Ben and I both know, it comes with debate and disagreement and resistance from those who prefer the status quo. And that's all right, because that's how democracy is supposed to work. But no matter how difficult change is, we will pursue it relentlessly because it is absolutely necessary to lift this country up and create an economy that leads to good jobs, broad growth, and a future our children can count on. That's what we're here to do, and that's what we will continue to do in the months ahead. So I want to congratulate Ben on the work that he's done so far, wish him continued success in the hard work that he has before him. Thank you so much, Ben.

CHAIRMAN BERNANKE: Thank you, Mr. President. I'd like to express my gratitude to President Obama for the confidence he's shown in me with this nomination, and for his unwavering support for a strong and independent Federal Reserve.

It has been a particular privilege for me to serve with the extraordinary colleagues throughout the Federal Reserve System. They have demonstrated remarkable resourcefulness, dedication, and stamina under trying conditions. Through the long nights and weekends and the time away from their families, they have never lost sight of the critical importance of the work of the Fed for the economic well-being of all Americans. I am deeply grateful for their efforts.

I especially want to thank my own family -- my wife Anna and our children, Joel and Alyssa. Without their support and sacrifice, I could not undertake this task.

The Federal Reserve, like other economic policymakers, has been challenged by the unprecedented events of the past few years. We have been bold or deliberate as circumstances demanded, but our objective remains constant: to restore a more stable financial and economic environment in which opportunity can again flourish and in which Americans' hard work and creativity can receive their proper rewards.

Mr. President, I commit today to you and to the American people that, if confirmed by the Senate, I will work to the utmost of my abilities -- with my colleagues at the Federal Reserve and alongside the Congress and the administration -- to help provide a solid foundation for growth and prosperity in an environment of price stability.

Thank you, sir.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Great job.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE: Thank you.
END
9:01 A.M. EDT

THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
____________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                        August 21, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
ON THE RECENT ELECTIONS IN AFGHANISTAN
South Lawn
1:39 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon, everybody. I want to say a few words about this week's election in Afghanistan. This was an important step forward in the Afghan people's effort to take control of their future, even as violent extremists are trying to stand in their way.
This election was run by the Afghan people. In fact, it was the first democratic election run by Afghans in over three decades. More than 30 presidential candidates and more than 3,000 provincial council candidates ran for office, including a record number of women. Some 6,000 polling stations were open around the country, and Afghan National Security Forces took the lead in providing security.
Over the last few days -- and particularly yesterday -- we've seen acts of violence and intimidation by the Taliban, and there may be more in the days to come. We knew that the Taliban would try to derail this election. Yet even in the face of this brutality, millions of Afghans exercised the right to choose their leaders and determine their own destiny. And as I watched the election, I was struck by their courage in the face of intimidation, and their dignity in the face of disorder.
There is a clear contrast between those who seek to control their future at the ballot box, and those who kill to prevent that from happening. Once again, extremists in Afghanistan have shown themselves willing to murder innocent Muslims -- men, women and children -- to advance their aims. But I believe that the future belongs to those who want to build -- not those who want to destroy. And that is the future that was sought by the Afghans who went to the polls, and the Afghan National Security Forces who protected them.
The United States did not support any candidate in this election. Our only interest was the result fairly, accurately reflecting the will of the Afghan people, and that is what we will continue to support as the votes are counted, and we wait for the official results from the Afghan Independent Electoral Commission and the Electoral Complaints Commission.
Meanwhile, we will continue to work with our Afghan partners to strengthen Afghan security, governance, and opportunity. Our goal is clear: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and their extremist allies. That goal will be achieved -- and our troops will be able to come home -- as Afghans continue to strengthen their own capacity, and take responsibility for their own future.
Our men and women in uniform are doing an extraordinary job in Afghanistan. So are the civilians who serve by their side. All of them are in our thoughts and prayers, as are their families back home. This is not a challenge that we asked for -- it came to our shores when al Qaeda launched the 9/11 attacks from Afghanistan. But America, our allies and partners, and above all the Afghan people share a common interest in pursuing security, opportunity, and justice.
We look forward to renewing our partnership with the Afghan people as they move ahead under a new government. I want to again congratulate the Afghanistan people on carrying out this historic election, and wish them a blessed month as they come together to welcome the beginning of Ramadan.
Thanks very much, everybody.
Q What about the hero's welcome in Libya, sir?
Q Do you consider Libya a terrorist state, sir?
THE PRESIDENT: I think it was highly objectionable.
END
1:41 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary
_____________________________________________________________________
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE                                            August 21, 2009
Below is the text of a web video from President Obama marking the beginning of Ramadan. Video of the President’s message is available HERE.
Remarks of President Barack Obama
Ramadan Message
Washington, DC
On behalf of the American people – including Muslim communities in all fifty states – I want to extend best wishes to Muslims in America and around the world. Ramadan Kareem.
Ramadan is the month in which Muslims believe the Koran was revealed to the Prophet Muhammad, beginning with a simple word – iqra. It is therefore a time when Muslims reflect upon the wisdom and guidance that comes with faith, and the responsibility that human beings have to one another, and to God.
Like many people of different faiths who have known Ramadan through our communities and families, I know this to be a festive time – a time when families gather, friends host iftars, and meals are shared.  But I also know that Ramadan is a time of intense devotion and reflection – a time when Muslims fast during the day and perform tarawih prayers at night, reciting and listening to the entire Koran over the course of the month.
These rituals remind us of the principles that we hold in common, and Islam’s role in advancing justice, progress, tolerance, and the dignity of all human beings.
For instance, fasting is a concept shared by many faiths – including my own Christian faith – as a way to bring people closer to God, and to those among us who cannot take their next meal for granted. And the support that Muslims provide to others recalls our responsibility to advance opportunity and prosperity for people everywhere. For all of us must remember that the world we want to build – and the changes that we want to make – must begin in our own hearts, and our own communities.
This summer, people across America have served in their communities – educating children, caring for the sick, and extending a hand to those who have fallen on hard times. Faith-based organizations, including many Islamic organizations, have been at the forefront in participating in this summer of service. And in these challenging times, this is a spirit of responsibility that we must sustain in the months and years to come.
Beyond America’s borders, we are also committed to keeping our responsibility to build a world that is more peaceful and secure.  That is why we are responsibly ending the war in Iraq. That is why we are isolating violent extremists while empowering the people in places like Afghanistan and Pakistan. That is why we are unyielding in our support for a two-state solution that recognizes the rights of Israelis and Palestinians to live in peace and security. And that is why America will always stand for the universal rights of all people to speak their mind, practice their religion, contribute fully to society and have confidence in the rule of law.
All of these efforts are a part of America’s commitment to engage Muslims and Muslim-majority nations on the basis of mutual interest and mutual respect. And at this time of renewal, I want to reiterate my commitment to a new beginning between America and Muslims around the world.
As I said in Cairo, this new beginning must be borne out in a sustained effort to listen to each other, to learn from each other, to respect one another, and to seek common ground. I believe an important part of this is listening, and in the last two months, American embassies around the world have reached out not just to governments, but directly to people in Muslim-majority countries.  From around the world, we have received an outpouring of feedback about how America can be a partner on behalf of peoples’ aspirations.
We have listened. We have heard you. And like you, we are focused on pursuing concrete actions that will make a difference over time – both in terms of the political and security issues that I have discussed, and in the areas that you have told us will make the most difference in peoples’ lives.
These consultations are helping us implement the partnerships that I called for in Cairo – to expand education exchange programs; to foster entrepreneurship and create jobs; and to increase collaboration on science and technology, while supporting literacy and vocational learning. We are also moving forward in partnering with the OIC and OIC member states to eradicate polio, while working closely with the international community to confront common health challenges like H1N1 – which I know is of particular to concern to many Muslims preparing for the upcoming hajj.
All of these efforts are aimed at advancing our common aspirations – to live in peace and security; to get an education and to work with dignity; to love our families, our communities, and our God. It will take time and patient effort. We cannot change things over night, but we can honestly resolve to do what must be done, while setting off in a new direction – toward the destination that we seek for ourselves, and for our children. That is the journey that we must travel together.
I look forward to continuing this critically important dialogue and turning it into action. And today, I want to join with the 1.5 billion Muslims around the world – and your families and friends – in welcoming the beginning of Ramadan, and wishing you a blessed month. May God’s peace be upon you.
##
 
THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary
____________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                        August 20, 2009

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN THE ORGANIZING FOR AMERICA
NATIONAL HEALTH CARE FORUM

DNC Headquarters
Washington, D.C.

2:45 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you, everybody.  Hey!  Thank you.

AUDIENCE:  Yes we can!  Yes we can!  Yes we can!  Yes we can!
THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  Thank you, everybody.  Please have a seat.  This looks like a casual crowd; I'm going to -- (laughter) -- take off my jacket here.  Let me begin by thanking Beth not just for the great introduction, but for the unbelievable dedication that she showed throughout the campaign, but more importantly almost now trying to actually get some things done. 
I want to thank Congresswoman Debbie Wasserman.  Where'd Debbie go?  (Applause.)  I hear you were on a scooter.  I want to see that at some point.  (Laughter.)  That's pretty cool -- always stylish.  (Laughter.)
I want to acknowledge my great friend Tim Kaine, who joined us earlier by phone, and is doing just a great job on behalf of not only the people of Virginia but also on behalf of Democrats all across the country. 
And to all of my Organizing for America volunteers, thank you so much for your unbelievable dedication.  It is good to be here.  (Applause.)
It's great to be here with all of you because it reminds me of how we got here in the first place.  We're here because you believed that after an era of selfishness and greed, that we could reclaim a sense of responsibility and a sense that we have obligations to each other not just here in Washington but all across the country.  You believed that instead of growing inequality, we could restore a sense of fairness and balance to our economic life and create lasting growth and prosperity.  You believed that at a time of war and turmoil, we could stand strong against our enemies, but also stand firmly for our ideals, and reach out to the rest of the world and describe to them what America is about and how we can forge together a world of common interests and common concerns.
That's the change that you believed in.  That's why you worked so hard, knocking on doors and making phone calls and hot sun and -- (laughter) -- cold winds and sometimes having doors slammed in your faces -- (laughter) -- and your family members all saying, why are you doing this, because this guy has no chance.  (Laughter.)  That's something I'll never forget.
But we all know that winning the election was just the beginning.  I said this election night, I said it at the inauguration, and somehow I think maybe some people thought I was just fooling.  I was serious.  Winning the election was just the start.  Victory in an election wasn't the change that we sought -- it had to manifest itself in the real day-to-day lives of ordinary Americans all across the country.  And I know that folks like Beth and all of you at OFA have been working to make that change, doing the same things you were doing during the campaign -- going block by block, neighbor by neighbor, having doors slammed in your faces, people telling you, why are you doing this; it doesn't make any chance. 
But just so you don't lose heart as we enter into probably our toughest fight, let's just recall what we've already gotten done.  Not one month into this administration, we responded to the worst financial crisis since the Great Depression by putting in place a sweeping economic recovery program that has already made an enormous difference in people's lives.  You've got millions of people who have unemployment insurance and got COBRA so they could keep their health insurance, and states who've been able to avoid layoffs of teachers and firefighters; a tax cut for 95 percent of working families, a commitment we made during the campaign that we have already fulfilled; thousands of people being put back to work all across the country rebuilding our roads and our bridges and our hospitals.
As a consequence of everything that we did, just in that first month, we've been able to see a stabilization of the financial system where a lot of economists thought that we were going to be dipping into a Great Depression.  Obviously we're not out of the woods yet, but we've taken steps to address the housing crisis and keep people in their homes.  We made some tough choices to keep the financial and the automotive sectors from collapsing, which would have further shocked our economy. 
That's on the economic side.  In the meantime, we lifted the ban on stem cell research; we expanded health insurance programs to 11 million more children across the country.  (Applause.)  We passed a national service bill that will give thousands of Americans opportunities to serve.  (Applause.)  (Coughing.)  I get all choked up just talking about it.  (Laughter.) 
We passed the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act -- (applause) -- to make sure that women are treated the same way as men.  We passed legislation to protect consumers from unfair rate hikes and abusive fees for credit card companies, and some of those rules went into effect today.  (Applause.)  We passed laws to protect our children from marketing by tobacco manufacturers.  We've prohibited torture.  We've begun to leave Iraq to its people.  We've taken the fight to al Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan.  We've rebuilt our military and we're restoring our alliances and our standing the world.  So not a bad track record.  (Applause.)
Not a bad track record.  We should be proud of what we've accomplished.  But we're not satisfied.  And we should be confident but not complacent.  We've got more work to do, and we've got more promises to keep.  And one of those promises is to achieve quality, affordable health care for every single American, and that is what we intend to do -- (applause.)
Now, we all know this has been an emotional debate.  We've seen tempers flare.  Accusations have been hurled.  And sometimes it seems like one loud voice can drown out all the civil, sensible voices out there.  But remember one thing:  Nothing is more powerful than millions of voices calling for change.  That's how we won this election.  You know this and that's why since OFA launched its health reform campaign in June you've hosted 11,000 events in more than 2,500 towns in every single state and every single congressional district, which is remarkable.  (Applause.)
And of course, the TV cameras aren't there when you're doing all this.  (Laughter.)  And when you notice that nobody is paying attention to what you're doing, just remember we've been through this before.  Some of you were involved when we were in Iowa, 30 points down, and all of Washington said, oh, it's over -- hand-wringing and angst and teeth-gnashing.  (Laughter.)  And then last year just about this time, you'll recall that the Republicans had just nominated their Vice Presidential candidate, and everybody was -- the media was obsessed with it, and cable was 24 hours a day, and "Obama's lost his mojo."  (Laughter.)  You remember all that?  (Laughter.)  There's something about August going into September -- (laughter) -- where everybody in Washington gets all wee-weed up.  (Laughter.)  I don't know what it is.  (Laughter.)  But that's what happens. 
But instead of being preoccupied with the polls and with the pundits and with the cable chatter, what you guys consistently did was you just kept on working steadily, deliberately, sensibly, knocking on doors, talking to people, talking to your co-workers, just giving people the facts, explaining to them a vision of how we're going to move forward.  And that's what we're going to have to do today, because we're going to have to cut through a lot of nonsense out there, a lot of absurd claims that have been made about health insurance reform.
There was a poll done -- some of you may have seen -- Wall Street Journal/NBC poll.  It turns out that a huge proportion of the American people are convinced, A, that somehow health reform means illegal immigrants are going to get health care; B, that it's a government takeover of health care; C, that all the money is going to be funding abortions; D, that -- what's the other one?  Death panels, that we're all going to be, you know, pulling the plug on Grandma.
Now, come on.  (Laughter and applause.)  We can have a -- we can have a real debate because health care is hard, and there are some legitimate issues out there that have to be sorted through and worked on, as Debbie talked about.  But what we're going to have to do is to cut through the noise and the misinformation, and the best ambassadors for true information, factual information, is all of you.  You have more credibility than anybody on television when it comes to your family members and your friends and your neighbors.  And that's why you being involved is so important.
Now, I don't have to explain to you why it's so important to pass health reform for the 46 million people who don't have health insurance.  But it's just as important that Americans who do have health insurance, which are the majority of Americans, that they understand what health reform means for them.  So let me just make sure I try to give you some bullet points here, because right now the system works very well for the insurance companies but it doesn't work so well for the American people.
First, no matter what you've heard, if you like your doctor, you can keep your doctor under the reform proposals that we've put forward.  If you like your private health insurance plan, you can keep it.  If your employer provides you health insurance on the job, nobody is talking about messing with that. 
If you don't have health insurance, we do intend to provide you high-quality, affordable options.  And that, by the way, is not just poor people who don't have health insurance -- in fact, a lot of poor Americans have health insurance under Medicaid.  Mostly it's working Americans who don't have health insurance on the job, or it's self-employed Americans, or it's small business owners, or people who work for small businesses who don't have health insurance.  And what we want to do is to give them a menu of options that they can choose from, and then a little bit of help in terms of making their premiums more affordable.
So that is absolutely critical.  Now, one of the options we want to provide them is a public option, and there's been -- this has been a confusion around this -- (applause) -- there's been a lot of confusion about this, so let me just clarify.  I think a public option is important.  And let me explain why. 
We're going to have a marketplace where people can select the options that work best for them, the insurance plan that works best for them.  A lot of those choices, the overwhelming majority of those choices, will be private insurance options, just like members of Congress have -- they're allowed to choose from various proposals or various plans that are part of the federal employees' health plan.
But what we do think is if we have a public option in there, that can help keep insurers honest; it can provide a benchmark for what an affordable basic plan should look like.  And so even though we've got a whole bunch of insurance regulations that ensure that any private insurer that's participating in the exchange is giving you a fair deal, this is sort of like the belt-and-suspenders concept -- it means that not only do they have to abide by these regulations, but they also have to compete with somebody whose interest is not just profit but instead is interested in making sure that the American people get decent care.
Now, having said that -- (applause) -- having said that, I want everybody to be clear that the public option is just one option.  It will be voluntary.  Nobody is talking about you having to be in the public option.  Only -- the only thing that we're talking about is this being available to you as a choice, expanding consumer choice.  And we think that's a good idea.
Now, there are a whole bunch of other aspects to health insurance reform, though, that people have to understand.  We want to make sure that, for example, insurance companies can't prevent you from getting health insurance because of a preexisting condition.  That will be the law whether you're in the health insurance exchange or you're just keeping the insurance that you already have.  You should be able to keep it regardless of preexisting condition.  You should be able to purchase it.  There shouldn't be lifetime caps or yearly caps where you bump up against it and suddenly you've got huge out-of-pocket costs that drive you into bankruptcy.  We've got to make sure that there are basic consumer protections on that.
You should be able to keep your health insurance if you get sick or you lose your job or you change jobs.  And all too often what happens is when you need insurance most, that's when the insurers decide to drop you.  And we've got to make sure that that is against the law.  And that's part of what health insurance reform is all about.
So it's going to bring down skyrocketing costs, it's going to save families money, it's going to save businesses money, and it's going to save government money.  We are going to make Medicare more efficient, guaranteeing today's seniors better benefits than they have right now.  We're going to make sure that that doughnut hole in the middle of their prescription drug plan, that that doughnut hole is closed, because we want to make sure that seniors who are already living on fixed incomes during difficult times aren't having to dig even deeper to increase drug company profits.
So I just want everybody to understand that in addition to providing health insurance for people who don't have it, even if you have health insurance, you've got a stake in this debate.  Fourteen thousand people are losing their health insurance every single day.  Millions of people all across the country are vulnerable to exclusions because of things like preexisting conditions.  Millions of Americans have experienced the fact that premiums have gone up three times faster than inflation and faster than incomes.
And if we go at the pace that we're going right now, there are going to be a whole lot of families who make the decision that they can't afford health insurance because the costs are simply unsustainable. 
And if you're a deficit hawk, then you should be especially concerned about passing health care reform, because at the pace we're on right now, Medicare is going to run out of money in eight years.  It won't be totally broke, but it will be in the red, because the costs are going up a lot faster than the money that's coming in. 
So when you're talking to seniors out there, tell them, number one, nobody is talking about cutting their benefits.  Talk to them about the fact that, by the way, Medicare is already a government program -- (laughter and applause) -- so when people say, "Keep government out of our health care," make sure they know that Medicare is a government program.  But also explain to them that part of what we want to do is strengthen the program so that it's going to be there over the long haul.  We don't want a situation in which Medicare runs short of money because we did not make the changes that were needed early on.
I am absolutely confident that we can get this done, but I want everybody to remember, this has never been easy -- never been easy.  When FDR proposed Social Security, all across what was I guess the equivalent of today's Internet, right -- (laughter) -- all the newspapers and the radio shows and all that -- he was accused of being a socialist.  He was going to bring socialism to America.  How dare he.
When JFK and then Lyndon Johnson proposed Medicare, everybody suggested, this is going to be a government takeover of health care; it's going to destroy your relationship with your doctor.  The same arguments that are being made now have been made every time we've tried to propose a significant change that ultimately made people more secure, improved our health care, improved our quality of life.
So we cannot be intimidated by some of these scare tactics.  We have to understand that there a lot of people who are invested in the status quo and make a lot of money out of it.  We've got to also understand that people are understandably nervous and worried about any significant changes when it comes to something as important as health care, because it touches on your lives, it's very personal -- and so they're more vulnerable to misinformation. 
And that's why what all of you do is so important, because people trust you -- your neighbors, your friends, fellow community members -- they trust you.  They know you.  And if you are presenting the facts clearly and fairly, I'm absolutely confident that we're going to win this debate.  But we're going to have a lot of work to do and I'm grateful that you're willing to do it.  Let's go get 'em.  Thank you very much, everybody.  (Applause.)
All right.  Thank you.  All right.
MR. STEWART:  Thank you, Mr. President.  Thank you for taking time out of your very busy schedule to talk to all of us, your supporters, about this critical issue.  I would just like to add, for folks who are interested, either watching this at home or at work, you can sign up to participate -- (laughter) -- or host a health care event right now by entering your zip code.  And for folks who are listening on the phone, please go to BarackObama.com and sign up to participate or host an event near you.
Sir, we've collected thousands of questions from across the country, and we're going to take three -- one from e-mail, one from the telephone, and another one from Twitter -- and then we're going to open it up to your volunteers here -- these are your best volunteers in the area -- to have you call on them and ask questions there.
So with the first question, Cindy.
Q    Good afternoon, Mr. President.  Our first question comes from Julia in Colorado Springs, Colorado.  Julia writes:  I am a volunteer community organizer in Colorado.  This summer our volunteers have called 4,800 members of the community and gathered declarations of support from over 2,600 people.  The debate is really heating up.  What do you think is the most compelling argument we can make for health reform?
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, thank you, Cindy, if you're listening.  I appreciate the question and the great work that you're doing. 
The first thing that you have to explain to folks when we're having a discussion about health care is that the status quo is unsustainable.  Or another way of putting it, if you like what you have now, unless we make some changes, you're not going to have exactly what it is that you like. 
And the reason is because health care costs are going up so fast -- as I said, three times faster than wages; much faster than inflation in every other area of life -- that it's going to gobble up a higher and higher percentage of your income in terms of premiums and out-of-pocket costs.  More and more employers are going to say, we just can't afford to provide you health insurance, or if we do, we're going to push more and more costs onto you. 
You're going to lose more and more of your paycheck, even if you don't know it.  It turns out in the 1990s, wages and incomes flatlined.  And part of the reason was because a lot of the company profits that normally would have gone to salary increases or wage increases ended up being gobbled up by health care.
So if you've got a private plan, you have something to worry about.  If you are on a public program like Medicare, you have something to worry about because we're going to be running out of money.  And so the status quo is unsustainable.  You've got to make sure that you explain that to folks.  It's not as if if we just stand still, everything is going to be okay.
Point number two is that if you don't have health insurance, we're not forcing you to go into a government plan.  We in fact just want to set up a system similar to what members of Congress enjoy where you'd have a menu of private insurance options, and we're just going to give you a little bit of help so that you could afford the premiums.  That's all we're talking about.
Now, one of the options will be a public option because we think that potentially could be a better deal for consumers.  But nobody is going to force you into that option.  It will, however, help keep the private insurers honest because if they're charging a lot more -- higher profits, higher overhead, worst deal in terms of insurance -- then a lot of people will say, well, I might as well take advantage of the public option.  But it will be the choice of the individual.  That's the second thing to emphasize.
The third thing to emphasize and probably the most important thing to emphasize when you're talking to people about this -- because most people have insurance, remember that.  The people who don't have health insurance, they're already in favor of reform.  But most Americans have health insurance. 
So the most important thing to describe to them is this will be a set of consumer protections that provide you more safety and security.  You know that you will be provided for if you get sick, because what we're going to do is we're going to say to insurance companies, you've got to do certain things like admit people even if they've got preexisting conditions.  You can't hide under the fine print a lot of terms that allow you to drop people when they get sick or exclude them from care. 
In fact, the House bill actually has a provision that says insurance companies, if they want to participate in the exchange, they can only -- they can only charge 15 percent in profits and administrative costs.  The rest of the care has to go to actually making people well.  So that'll be a cost-control element.
But the point is, is that all these forces taken together will help people know that when they pay their premiums and they've got health insurance, that in fact it's there when they need it, and that they can count on it, and they're not going to be jerked around. 
And over time, because of the cost-savings measures that we're putting in place -- for example, making sure that prevention and wellness is covered -- we're actually going to reduce the costs of health care overall over the long term.  And that's going to be equally important because eventually that's going to show up in your paychecks in lower premiums, because right now Americans are paying $5,000 to $6,000 more per person in health care costs than any other advanced nation.  So not only do these other countries have universal care, but they're paying $5,000 to $6,000 less per person.  We're not getting a good deal.  (Laughter.)
 
And so nobody is talking about a government takeover of health care.  We are talking about making sure that people are getting a good deal for the premiums that they're already paying. 
And I think that argument, most of the time, will win the day.  I was just on a conservative talk show this morning -- or this afternoon, and a woman called in and she said, you know, I have to admit that I'm glad you explained how this public option works because I thought your whole plan was just the public option. 
A lot of people just have a lot of misinformation, partly because, let's face it, health care is complicated and, you know, it's subject then to a lot of misinformation out there.  And that's why your efforts are so important.
So thank you, Cindy, wherever you are.
MR. STEWART:  All right.  Thank you, Mr. President.  We have our second question.  And our second question comes from the telephone.
Q    Our second question comes from a caller over the phone.  Connie Lind (ph) is a volunteer leader from Florida.  Go ahead, Connie.
THE PRESIDENT:  Connie, can you hear me?
Q    Good afternoon, Mr. President.
THE PRESIDENT:  Hi, Connie.
Q    Hi, Mr. President.  Good afternoon.  I'd like to thank you for taking my question.  My name is Connie Lind (ph) and I live in Florida.  I live in Congresswoman Debbie Wasserman Schultz's district.  (Laughter and applause.)  I'm a retired health care administrator.  I was a neighborhood team leader during your campaign.  And now I'm the new OFA community organizer.  My question, sir:  Are we winning support from members of Congress?  Do you think we're making a difference, sir?
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, look, the fact is, you've already got one of the best members of Congress, so if you talk to her you're kind of preaching to the choir -- especially since she's sitting here right now.  (Laughter.)  But can I just say that even if you live in a strongly Democratic district where there's a strong progressive member of Congress who's already in favor of health care reform, convincing people more broadly about the need for reform still makes a difference, because, unfortunately, Washington is obsessed with the snap poll; they are obsessed with what is played on talk radio or what's said at a town hall meeting.  You can have 20 really civil, sensible town hall meetings, but if there's one where somebody is screaming, you know which one is going to get on television.
And so every single person that you talk to whose mind is changed is going to make a difference.  And in your congressional district, I think Debbie would confirm there are a lot of senior citizens.  Seniors right now are the most worried of any population group about health reform.  They are the ones who are most nervous.  And it's understandable, A, because seniors need more health care than anybody else, and they already have good health care under Medicare.  And so their general attitude is, I don't want change; I just want to make sure that you're not taking away what I already have.
And that's why it's so important to emphasize to seniors, Connie, that you're talking to that we are not reducing benefits under Medicare; that we think Medicare is a sacred trust.  In fact, part of what we want to do is strengthen Medicare by closing the doughnut hole that is making prescription drugs really costly for those who need prescription drugs most, and by extending the life of the Medicare trust fund over time, because right now we are spending money on things like subsidies to profitable insurance companies.  About $17 billion a year is taken out of Medicare to pay to insurance companies who are already making a big profit without any competitive bidding whatsoever because they're running a portion of Medicare called Medicare Advantage.
Now, if we just have them compete, have them bid for participation, even if you still included them as a potential provider, that alone would save us $17 billion a year.  And that would extend the life of the Medicare trust fund.
So you've really got to emphasize, I think, to seniors that, number one, nobody is talking about messing with your Medicare benefits; and number two, reminding seniors that, at the same time, you've got kids or you've got grandkids -- they need to make sure that they've got the same security that Medicare provides seniors.  There are a lot of people who are 50, don't yet -- in their mid-50s right now, don't qualify for Medicare, may have lost their job that used to provide health care.  It is almost impossible for some of them to get health care because they've already had maybe a heart attack, maybe they've had an incident of cancer, maybe they've had some sort of other preexisting condition that makes insurers want to shy away from them.  Their attitude is, no, we'll take the young, healthy ones, and that way we never have to pay out and we make more profit.  And that's part of what we want to change, as well, and you've just got to remind seniors that there are a lot of their family members who deserve the same kind of security that they have.  Nobody is talking about taking away their security.  We just want to expand that security to more people.
Okay, great question, Connie.  Next question.
MR. STEWART:  Cindy.
Q    Our third question comes from Brandy, an OFA summer organizer in Phoenix, Arizona, who submitted her question over Twitter.  She writes:  There are too many lies about health insurance reform -- death panels, rationing, you name it.  Where are these lies from?  I want people to know the truth.
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, look, we know where these lies are coming from, I mean -- (laughter.)  I mean, I don't think it's any secret.  If you just flick channels and then stop on certain ones -- (laughter and applause) -- then you'll see -- you know, you'll see who's propagating this stuff.
I said during the campaign that the best offense against lies is the truth.  And so all we can do is just keep on pushing the truth.  The truth is, there's no plan that has ever been considered under health care reform in Congress that covers illegal immigrants.  Nobody has proposed that.  And yet, a huge percentage believe that that's the case.  So, anybody listening right now, let's dispel that myth. 
There are no plans under health reform to revoke the existing prohibition on using federal taxpayer dollars for abortions.  Nobody is talking about changing that existing provision, the Hyde Amendment.  Let's be clear about that.  It's just not true. 
Let's be clear about the fact that nobody has proposed anything remotely close to a government takeover of health care.  None of the plans that are out there, the most liberal, progressive plans that have come forward and come out of committee -- all of them presume that if you've got private health insurance, you can keep your health insurance.  Nobody is talking about getting between you and your doctor and interfering with that relationship.
What we have said is we don't want government bureaucrats interfering in that relationship.  We also don't want insurance company bureaucrats interfering with that relationship.  (Applause.)
The death panel idea -- the genesis of this -- I mean, this is an interesting example of sort of tracing how misinformation spreads.  There was a provision in the House bill that very sensibly said, you know, a lot of people towards the end of their life, they haven't prepared with things like a living will, they don't understand what their options are in terms of hospice, and we should reimburse people if they want that counseling.  Voluntarily.  If they want it, that's something that Medicare should reimburse for.  It shouldn't just be wealthy people who get good counseling and information about how to handle their affairs during a very difficult time.
So that voluntary provision that permits reimbursement, which, by the way, Republicans had supported previously -- this was previously considered a bipartisan concept -- a Republican senator, former Republican House member, introduced a even -- a much more aggressive bill on this issue in the prescription drug bill passed by the Republican members of Congress; they had a similar provision for terminally ill patients.  So this used to be just a sensible thing that everybody could agree to -- suddenly became death panels, and scared -- scared Grandma.  (Laughter.)  And it's just irresponsible. 
And I have to say, part of the reason it spreads is the way reporting is done today.  If somebody puts out misinformation, "Obama's Creating Death Panels," then the way the news report comes across is:  "Today such-and-such accused President Obama of putting forward death panels.  The White House responded that that wasn't true."  And then they go on to the next story.  And what they don't say is, in fact it isn't true.  (Laughter and applause.)
I mean, there's never any -- I just -- you know, it's fine to have a debate back and forth -- he said, she said -- except when somebody else is just not even telling remotely the truth.  Then you should say in your reports, oh, and by the way, that's just not true.  (Laughter.)
But that doesn't happen often enough.  And that's why it's so important that all of you deliver that message, and you've got to be able to back it up.  And all of you are receiving materials where it's not just us saying this.  I mean, these are third-party validators who are out there and can set the facts straight.  And when people get the facts and you show them, then most people will end up being persuaded. 
Not everybody.  There are going to be some people who -- look, there are some people who, for partisan reasons, just want to see this go down because they see this -- they see a replay of 1993 -- you know, if we can beat a health care bill like we did with Bill Clinton, then we'll be able to take over the House, you know, next year.  There's some of that.
And then there are some people who just ideologically, they just don't believe in government getting involved in anything.  And that's a respectable position.  I mean, there's a long American tradition of saying, government, just leave me alone and get off my back.  And those folks are consistent and they were critical of Bush when he got involved in government, and they're critical of me, in terms of being -- believing that government can do some good.  And I think there you can have a honest, philosophical debate, and they're just not going to agree with it.
But the majority of Americans understand we don't want government in all our business, but there are certain sensible reforms that we can pass so that consumers are protected, so that the market is working the way it should, so that the American people are getting a fair deal.  Those are the people that we're trying to persuade.  And I think if the majority of the people have the facts, then in fact they will be on our side.  Okay?
All right.  Next question.  Now we can just go to the audience members here, and we'll start with this gentleman right here.
Q    Mr. President, I'm Charles Cuttle (ph), I'm from North Carolina, and thank you for turning North Carolina blue.  (Applause.)  It's been a long time.  I have two wonderful children and I have four beautiful grandchildren.  And so I'm working for them and I'm working for people who, unlike me, don't have health insurance -- it's unconscionable.
Now, you've been outrageously good -- (laughter) -- let me be clear -- in trying to get a bipartisan bill through this Congress and you've got three wonderful Republicans willing to stand with you.  But America needs this to happen and you know that.  So where are we going to go from here?
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, let me -- we don't know yet whether we've got any Republican support.  We've got three Republicans who've been working very diligently. Charles Grassley, Mike Enzi, and Olympia Snowe have been working in the Senate Finance Committee with Max Baucus, the Senate Finance Chairman, a Democrat, to see if we can craft a bipartisan bill coming out of the Senate Finance Committee.  I give those three Republicans a lot of credit because they're under enormous pressure not to engage in any kind of negotiations at all.  And in the current political climate, they are showing some significant resolve.
I don't know if in the end they can get there.  I hope they can.  And we're going to just continue to wait to see if they can get a product done.  But at some point in the process, there's going to have to be a conclusion that either they can get a bill done or they can't get a bill done.  And my commitment to the American people is to get a good product -- which will include Republican ideas -- but I have no control over what the other side decides is their political strategy.  And my obligation to the American people says we're going to get this done one way or another.  (Applause.)
All right.  I'm going to -- you guys have been to my town hall meetings so you know I always go boy, girl, boy, girl.  (Laughter.) 
Q    Good afternoon, Mr. President.  My name is Teresa McRae (ph), and I am from Virginia, another state that flipped from red to blue.  (Applause.)  I live in Spotsylvania County and it's a rural county, but when I talk to people as a community organizer for OFA, it all comes down to money.  And I may suggest, well, there's long-term benefits and quality health care, but they come back to me and say, well, what's going to stop people from being in their employer-based health care and just quickly move over into the government health care, and who's going to pay for it?  What do I say?
THE PRESIDENT:  Okay.  Well, it's a great question.  There are a couple of issues involved here.  The first issue is, how are we paying for health care reform generally?  Now, one thing that's very important to remind people, because you notice there's been a talking point from opponents -- "trillion-dollar health care bill" -- they love repeating that -- "trillion-dollar health care bill."
First of all, it's important to remind people that when they say "trillion dollars," they're talking about over 10 years.  So this -- we're talking about $100 billion a year -- which is still a significant amount of money -- but just to give you a sense of perspective, I mean, the amount of money that we're spending in Iraq and Afghanistan is -- what's the latest figure, Debbie?  You figure nine -- $8 billion to $9 billion a month, right?  So for about the same cost per year as we've been spending over the last five to six years, we could have funded this health care reform proposal -- just to give you a sense of perspective.  That's point number one.
Point number two.  About two-thirds of the costs are actually going to be paid for from money that's already in the health care system, that taxpayers are already paying for, but is not a good deal.  So it's reallocating money that's being wasted right now -- taxpayer money that's being wasted right now, and using it in a way that actually makes people healthier.  That's point number two.
So remember I told you about those subsidies that we're providing to insurance companies?  That's an example.
Another example is, the way we reimburse hospitals right now, we don't incentivize hospitals to get their patients the best treatment the first time out, because if a patient is immediately readmitted, well, we just pay them the same rate as they were the first time.
Now, think about if your car needed repairs, and you sent it in and got it fixed -- you thought.  A week later the same thing breaks down.  When you went back to the auto shop, you'd probably want them to give you a little discount on fixing it the second time.
But we don't do that right now with respect to hospitals.  And those are the kinds of changes that we can make that would pay for about two-thirds of the cost of health reform. 
That leaves one-third -- and we do have to pay for that.  I actually think that we're going to get even more savings with prevention and wellness, but unfortunately we can't count that.  It's not, in congressional lingo, "scoreable."  We can't -- nobody gives us credit for it because it's not -- it's not provable how much money we'd save on those things, even though everybody understands that the investment we're making in prevention and wellness and health IT are going to make a difference.
So a third of it we're going to have to pay for.  And what I've proposed was that we would pay for it by having people over $250,000 a year have their itemized deductions go to the same rate as everybody else's -- 28 percent.  Right now they get more because their marginal tax rates are a little bit higher.  And if we just went back to their deductions that existed under Ronald Reagan, that radical -- (laughter) -- then we could pay for all of the health care reform that we're talking about.
Now, there are other ideas that are being floated out there both in the House and the Senate.  But the bottom line is what we're really talking about is about $30 billion to $40 billion a year that we've got to come up with.  And I am absolutely committed -- and you can say this to people -- the President is absolutely committed to making sure that that is not funded on the backs of middle-class families.  We're trying to help middle-class families and give them additional resources to get health insurance.  We're not trying to add to their tax burden, okay?  So that's very important.
Now, there was another question that you asked, though, and that is, how do I know that my employer is not just going to dump me into the public plan?  Well, there are actually provisions in the law that say if your employer is already providing you with good health insurance, then you can't just send your employee over into some sort of public option.  It's what's called a firewall.  And so there are provisions to prevent that kind of shift.
Now, there are going to be a lot of employers, small business owners, who immediately are going to qualify for signing up for the health insurance exchange because right now they can't afford to provide their health -- health insurance to their employees at all.  And we want to make sure that they are getting some help, partly because small businesses, they don't have any purchasing power when it comes to insurance companies.  If you've only got five employees or 10 employees or 15 employees, and you go to an insurance company and say, I want to get a good insurance policy, they're not going to give you a great deal, compared to if Xerox shows up with its thousands of employees.  And so when a small business joins this plan, they are going to be able to pool their purchasing power with all the small businesses and individuals out there who don't currently have health insurance, and that will help drive down cost.
Okay.  All right.  Who's next?  This gentleman right here.
Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  My name is Michael Perlmutter.  I'm from Durham, North Carolina.  I'm the co-chairperson of Durham for Obama's health care committee.  We have 11,000 members.
THE PRESIDENT:  Great.
Q    And all of my volunteers say the same thing -- they're behind reduced cost, they're behind guaranteed choice, they're behind health care for all.  And they believe, and I believe, that the only way to do this is to guarantee a public option available to anybody who wants one.  And my question is, if that's the solution that you believe in, why aren't we pushing it harder?  And if that's not the solution, what other solutions out there would accomplish all three goals that you have?
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, it's a great question, and this is an example of sort of a controversy that has been somewhat manufactured this week.  So let me just be clear:  I continue to support a public option, I think it is important, and I think it will help drive down costs and give consumers choices. 
The only thing that we have said -- and this continues to be the truth -- and I mean, sometimes you can fault me maybe for being honest to a fault -- is that the public option is just one component of a broader plan.  So let's just talk -- let's just use the example of making sure that insurance companies are treating their customers right.
One way that we're doing this in this health reform bill is very directly through insurance reforms.  We're saying to them, you have to take people with preexisting conditions, you cannot have caps on lifetime expenses or yearly expenses that people bump up against and suddenly have to pull out a lot of money out of pocket that they may not have.  So we're putting in place a whole bunch of insurance reforms that regulate the behavior of insurance companies.
Now, alongside that, if there's a public option that is also offering a good deal to consumers, then the insurance companies have to look over their shoulder and they say, gosh, you know, if the public option is providing that good deal to consumers, then maybe we can't just charge exorbitant rates and then mistreat our consumers.  So it gives them a benchmark from which to operate.
Now, my point is, this is sort of like the belt-and-suspenders concept, to keep up your pants.  You know, the insurance reforms are the belt.  The public option can be the suspenders.  And what we're trying to just suggest to people is, is that all these things are important, and that if the debate ends up being focused on just one aspect of it, then we're missing the boat. 
If all we're talking about is the public option, then the 80 percent of the American people who already have health insurance in the private insurance market, they say to themselves, well, what's in it for me?  Their attitude will be, this is not relevant to me, and in fact they start getting scared thinking, maybe what the public option means is that you're going to force me to give up my current private insurer and go into a public option. 
That's what those who are opposed to reform have been counting on, is to try to twist the debate and feed into Americans' natural suspicion about government and to use that to cloud the fact that right now people are not getting a good deal from their insurance companies.
So I just want to make sure that we're focusing on all the elements of reform -- what will benefit people without health insurance, what will benefit small businesses, what will benefit people who do have health insurance -- so that we can build the largest coalition possible to finally get this done.
Okay.  All right.  Go ahead.  Here, you got a mic right behind you.
Q    Thank you.  Hello, Mr. President.  I'm Katina Rojas Joy.  I was a convention delegate.
THE PRESIDENT:  Good to see you.
Q    Prince George's County, Maryland.  I have a two-part question.  One is choice -- the choice that we make to eat the foods that we eat and the lifestyle that we choose to engage in.  And the second part -- your family is very fit.  What do you and the First Lady and the girls do to encourage physical fitness, and what can we -- not the government, not private corporations -- do to encourage activity in the public school system and in young people?
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, this is a great question.  Look, this is an interesting statistic.  If we went back to the obesity rates that existed back in the 1980s, the Medicare system over several years could save as much as a trillion dollars.  I mean, that's how much our obesity rate has made a difference in terms of diabetes and heart failure and all sorts of preventable diseases.
And so what we want to do is to, first of all, in health care reform, in the legislation, encourage prevention and wellness programs by saying that any health care plan out there has to provide for free checkups, prevention, and wellness care.  That's got to be part of your deal, part of your package.  And that way nobody has got an excuse not to go in and get a checkup.
Now, even if we do all that -- and there are a lot of businesses out there that on their own are already providing incentives to their employees -- Safeway, for example, is a company that has given financial incentives to employees to make sure that they are taking care of themselves and getting regular checkups and mammograms and colonoscopies and so forth, and it has saved them a lot of money in terms of their premiums.  So there's a financial incentive for a lot of businesses to get in the business of prevention and wellness. 
But you're absolutely right that even if we've got legislation, even if companies are encouraging it, part of what we also have to do, though, is teach our children early the importance of health.  And that means that all of us have to, in our communities, in our places of worship, in our school systems, encourage nutrition programs, provide young people outdoor activities that give them exercise.  Michelle and I always talk about the fact, when we were kids during the summer, you know, basically Mom just said, "see ya" after breakfast -- you were gone.  (Laughter.)  You might run in, get some lunch, go back out.  And you wouldn't be back till dinner.  And that whole time, all you're doing is moving.
Now, unfortunately, times have changed.  Sometimes safety concerns prevent kids from doing that.  Sometimes a lot of kids just don't have a playground.  Little leagues may be diminished.  That means that we as adults in the community may have to provide more and more outlets for young people to get the kind of exercise that they need.
When it comes to food, one of the things that we are doing is working with school districts, and the child nutrition legislation is going to be coming up.  We provide an awful lot of school lunches out there and reimburse local school districts for school lunch programs.  Let's figure out how can we get some fresh fruits and vegetables in the mix, because sometimes you go into schools and you know what the menu is.  You know, it's French fries, Tater Tots, hot dogs, pizza.  Now, that's what kids -- let's face it, that's what kids want to eat anyway.  So it's not just the school's fault.  A, that's what kids may want to eat; B, it turns out that that food is a lot cheaper because of the distributions that we've set up.  And so what we've got to do is to change how we think about, for example, getting local farmers connected to school districts, because that would benefit the farmers delivering fresh produce, but right now they just don't have the distribution mechanisms set up.
So, you know, Michelle set up that garden in the White House.  One of the things that we're trying to do now is to figure out, can we get a little farmer's market outside of the White House -- I'm not going to have all y'all just tromping around -- (laughter) -- but right outside the White House so that we can -- and that is a win-win situation.  It gives suddenly D.C. more access to good, fresh food, but it also is this enormous potential revenue maker for local farmers in the area.  And those kids of connections can be made all throughout the country and has to be part of how we think about health.
Okay.
MR. STEWART:  Sir, sir, we have time for one more question.
THE PRESIDENT:  One more question.  All right.  This gentleman gets the last question here.  Here, you got a microphone right there.
Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  Fred Smalls (ph), the city of Laurel, Maryland.  Mr. President, there is a large number of young adults who are trying to figure out where they fall into the health reform plan.  Many of them are too old to be continued carrying on their parents' insurance plan, yet they may be underemployed and cannot afford good health care.  How does your plan account for these young people?
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, it's a great question.  Look, first of all, one of the things that we've proposed is to extend the number of years that young people can stay on their parents' insurance plan, to 25 or 26.  That then fills the gap between college, where typically they can get health care, and those first few jobs they get.  I remember my first few jobs -- (laughter) -- and, you know, you're broke.  (Laughter.)  And a lot of times they're not giving you any health care.  And if they do offer you health care, you're opting out of it because you're trying to buy food, which you think is important for your health.  (Laughter.)  So being able to stay on a parent's health care plan a little bit later, until you've got a more stable job, that can help pull in a whole lot of young people.
Now, after that -- it turns out that young people are actually relatively cheap to ensure.  And so them being part of this pool, part of the exchange where they can go directly and buy health insurance, they will be able to get a premium that's priced comparable to if they worked for a big company.  Now, it's still going to cost them some money.  And there are going to be some young people out there who still would opt -- you know, prefer, even if they can afford it, just not to get health insurance.  And this is where there are going to be some young people who may be frustrated, because what we're going to tell them is, you know what, we don't want to treat you in the emergency room where everybody else has to subsidize you if you get hit by a truck.  So you are going to have to buy some minimal coverage, just like you have to do with auto insurance, to make sure that at the very least you're protected against some sort of catastrophic illness, and that you're also able to get some regular checkups.  But it will be affordable based on a sliding scale based on their income.
And then there are going to be hardship exemptions.  There are going to be some folks who fall in a different category.  They may be a little bit older.  They're quite poor.  But even with the subsidies, they still just can't afford health insurance.  And we may have to give some hardship exemptions to folks like that, where basically we say to you, okay, if you make -- you have the option of buying insurance at, let's say, 10 percent of your income.  But if you are just in such a strapped situation that you just can't afford that, then you are exempted, okay?
So here is my closing message, everybody.  The easiest thing to do as a politician is to do nothing.  You don't offend anybody.  You say all the right things.  You don't rock the boat.  Your poll numbers go up.  Everybody in Washington says, boy, that guy is a great politician.  Look at his poll numbers.  (Laughter.)  And you can get away with doing that for years.  But that's not why I came here.  And that's not why you worked so hard to win this election.  You came here because you knew that America can be a little fairer, a little more just, a little more efficient.  We can provide better health care coverage; we can make sure that we use less foreign oil and develop clean energy here in the United States; that we can make our school system work for every child and not just some, and produce more scientists and engineers that are going to be the key to unlocking a 21st-century economy.
We understood that we're human, and government is a human enterprise, so it's imperfect, but we can do better than we've been doing.  And this debate that we're having right now, this health care debate, is a test to that proposition.  There are a whole bunch of folks in this town who were just waiting for this debate to take place because the storyline they want to write about is, all the naïve, idealistic folks -- "Change We Can Believe In," "Yes We Can" -- that all their hopes were dashed, because this is a tough, cynical town, and we are going to be able to show them that basically you can't get anything done in this town.  You can't change things.  Everything always immediately becomes partisan.  Government is way too complicated and Congress is way too paralyzed and the special interests are way too powerful to bring about meaningful, big changes that help the American people.
That's the storyline they're operating on, but that's the storyline we've been fighting against this entire time.  From the day we announced this race, we were fighting against that.  And they have been trying to write that story again and again and again.  We are not going to give up now.  (Applause.)  We are not going to give up now.  We are going to get this done, and show the American people that government can work for them. 
Thank you, everybody.  God bless you.  (Applause.)

END               3:50 P.M. EDT
 

THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary
______________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                           August 20, 2009

RADIO INTERVIEW OF THE PRESIDENT
BY MICHAEL SMERCONISH

Diplomatic Reception Room
 

1:05 P.M. EDT

MR. SMERCONISH:  Hi, everybody.  Welcome back to the program.  I'm Michael Smerconish.  What an honor for me to say I'm live at the White House and I'm joined by the President of the United States.

Mr. President, what an honor for me, and thank you, sir, for this privilege, and thank you for coming back to my radio program.
THE PRESIDENT:  Michael, it's great to be on the show again.  Every time we've been on it's been a great time.  So I appreciate the opportunity.
MR. SMERCONISH:  Folks are stacked up, as you might imagine.  They're anxious to pose some questions about health care to the President of the United States.  More than 5,000 e-mail suggestions have flowed through my Web site in just the last 24 hours alone. 
If it's all right, I'll start by posing a couple of questions and some of the things that I continue to hear from folks, and we'll welcome phone callers, as well.
Allow me, sir, to begin with this.  Did Secretary Sebelius misspeak last weekend?  You know, a great deal has been made as to what she said pertaining to the so-called public option.
THE PRESIDENT:  She really didn't misspeak.  The surprising thing is she'd been saying this all along.  She said the same thing a month ago.  And let me just describe what the issue is here.  We have consistently talked about the need for health care reform because family premiums are going up three times faster than inflation and wages.  The costs of Medicare and Medicaid will bankrupt this country if we don't reduce the cost inflation of health care.  You've got families who can't get health care because of preexisting conditions or they bump up against some lifetime cap if a family member gets really ill.
So what we've said is there are a number of components of health care.  One is that for people who already have health insurance, they can keep their health insurance, but we're going to have some consumer protections to regulate how insurers operate.  For example, they can't prohibit people from getting it, health insurance, because of a preexisting condition.  They can't have lifetime caps or yearly caps that prevent people from getting the care that they need.
We're also going -- for people who don't have health insurance -- to set up a system similar to what Congress has, where you can buy into a bigger pool, get better rates, have better protections around you.  You would be buying that insurance from private insurers. 
But one of the options we talked about was a public option where there wouldn't be a profit motive involved.  It would be non-for-profit, and that public option would give you affordable health insurance.
Now, what we've said is we think that's a good idea.  But we haven't said that that's the only aspect of health insurance.  And what she essentially said was, is that all these other insurance reforms are just as important as the public option.  The press got a little excited and some folks on the left got a little excited about this.  Our position hasn't changed.  We think that the key is cost control, competition, making sure that people have good, quality options.  If we're able to achieve that, that's the end that we're seeking.  And the means -- you know, we can have some good arguments about what the best way to achieve it is, but we've got to change because the status quo is unsustainable.
MR. SMERCONISH:  Mr. President, there's a mindset among many folks in many audience who say that the endgame, it's all about single-payer; that it's a public option or it's a co-operative.  And sir, you know that there's a perception out there that you want it all -- you know, you want to be in the banks, you want to be in the automotive industry, and now you want to be in health care.  Can you address that mindset?
THE PRESIDENT:  I absolutely can.  First of all, look, the intervention in the banks wasn't started by me, it was started by a conservative Republican administration -- and rightly so, because our banks were on the verge of meltdown.  The only thing that we've done is said, let's put in place some financial regulations to make sure that this doesn't happen again.
The auto interventions weren't started by me -- they were started by a conservative Republican administration.  The only thing that we did was rather than just write GM and Chrysler a blank check, we said, you know what, if you're going to get any more taxpayer money, you've got to be accountable.  They went through a record bankruptcy, and now GM for the first time is actually hiring folks back.
So I know that there's this perception that somehow we have engaged in these extraordinary interventions.  Part of it had to do with the worst financial crisis in history.  And the fact that both the auto bailout and the bank bailout were started under a previous, conservative Republican administration indicates the fact that this wasn't ideological; this was a matter of necessity.
Now, as far as health care goes, I've consistently said I would love the private marketplace to be handling this without any government intervention.  The problem is it's not working.  What we're seeing is about 14,000 folks lose their health insurance every single day.  We are seeing health care inflation go up about twice as fast as regular inflation.  Businesses are being crippled by it.  Small businesses especially have almost no access to the marketplace because they've got no leverage with insurance companies. 
So all we've said is let's keep the private system intact, but let's make sure that people who right now can't get health insurance -- about 46 million -- that they're able to buy into the market.  And number two, let's have some consumer protections to make sure that those of us who have health insurance don't end up getting a bad deal because we didn't read the fine print and we think that we have coverage; when we finally get sick and we need it, it turns out that we're vulnerable because insurance companies aren't operating in the interests of their customers.
MR. SMERCONISH:  I like to drive an MDX and an F-150, and I've communicated by e-mail in the last 24 hours with the woman who sold me the MDX and the guy who sold me the F-150, and each of them, Mr. President, are saying that Cash for Clunkers has been a great idea and a wonderful initiative and they closed a lot of deals, but the payments are late.  And I'm hearing from a number of folks who say, come on, if the federal government can't get it together relative to Cash for Clunkers, I don't want to entrust my health care to the federal government.
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, let me first address Cash for Clunkers.  It has been successful beyond anybody's imagination.  And we're now slightly victims of success because the thing happened so quick, there was so much more demand than anybody expected, that dealers were overwhelmed with applications. 
Now, this program has only been going on for a few weeks, and we have hired three times as many people to process this stuff as we originally had.  There has not been extraordinary delays on the U.S. government's part -- I understand dealers want to get their money back as soon as possible, but the fact of the matter is this is a good-news story; they are seeing sales that they have not seen in years. 
And they will get their money, but we've got to process it properly, because if we were careless about it, if we were just sending out checks where applications were incomplete and so on, first of all, we'd be breaking the law because there are statutes set up in terms of how this is supposed to go; and secondly, there'd probably be some story -- you'd be asking me about scandals where there were a whole bunch of checks of taxpayer money being wasted, going out to people who hadn't actually bought cars.
So I think this is actually a high-class problem to have -- that we're selling too many cars too quickly and there's some backlog in the application process.  It is getting fixed.
MR. SMERCONISH:  Mr. President, Ernie is a listener of mine on WTKK in Boston and wishes to pose the following question.  Ernie, go ahead for the President of the United States.
Q    Thank you, Michael.  Mr. President --
THE PRESIDENT:  How are you, Ernie?
Q    I'm good.  Thank you for taking this call.
THE PRESIDENT:  Great to talk to you.
Q    I understand you've said that the federal health care plan for government employees is a pretty good plan.
THE PRESIDENT:  It is.
Q    And Congress has voted, to my understanding, not to join the public plan once it passes because they want to keep their good federal plan.  Would you be willing to either urge Congress to have the federal employees join the public plan, or would you be willing to urge Congress to somehow open up the federal health plan to all Americans?
MR. SMERCONISH:  Thank you, Ernie.  I hear this all the time, Mr. President.
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, it's a great question, Ernie.  First of all, understand that currently federal employees have a very good health care plan because they're able to leverage the insurance companies.  There are so many members of their -- of the federal workforce that they can get the best rates possible.  Every insurance company wants to do business with the federal government.  So premiums are lower and it's a better deal overall.
The same concept is what we're trying to do in setting up what's called a health insurance exchange.  Essentially it'd be a marketplace where people who currently don't have health insurance or small businesses could pool their numbers so they have leverage over the insurance companies and they could go on a Web site and look at the various options, the types of various private health insurance plans that are being offered, and choose the one that's best for their families.  So we're actually trying to duplicate what exists for federal employees.  We want to make that available to everybody else.
Now, what we have said is, let's make a public option one choice of many choices that are available to people who are joining the exchange.  And I see nothing wrong with potentially having that public option as one option for federal employees, as well. 
But the important thing that I think I have to make absolutely clear:  Nobody would be obligated to choose the public option.  If you went on that Web site and you said, you know what, Aetna or Blue Cross Blue Shield are offering a good deal and I would rather choose that plan than the public plan, you'd be perfectly free to do so.  Nobody would be saying you are obligated to go into a public plan.
MR. SMERCONISH:  I think what folks are saying is that they'd love it if you'd stand up and say, whatever it is that we're creating, be it a co-op, be it a public option, whatever name ultimately might be ascribed to it, we in the executive branch, we in the Congress, we will live with exactly these parameters.
THE PRESIDENT:  I think there would be -- I think it would make perfect sense for us to make the public option available to federal employees, as well.  But keep in mind it would just be a choice.
MR. SMERCONISH:  Understood.  Let me keep moving, if I may.  Tracy listens on WXNT News Talk 1430 in Indianapolis.  Tracy, your question for the President.
Q    Mr. President, thanks for taking my call.
THE PRESIDENT:  Hi, Tracy.
Q    Hi.  Until I heard you say that a private option is just a sliver of your health care proposal recently, I think myself and many Americans thought that pretty much was your proposal.
THE PRESIDENT:  I know.
Q    So my question is, could you please quickly list five or six bullet points of what legislation must include for you to be willing to sign it?  For instance, employer mandates, tort reform, illegal immigrants -- what about them?  Must it include a public option?
THE PRESIDENT:  I'd be happy to.  First of all, you mentioned illegal immigrants.  This has been an example of just pure misinformation out there.  None of the bills that have been voted on in Congress, and none of the proposals coming out of the White House propose giving coverage to illegal immigrants -- none of them.  That has never been on the table; nobody has discussed it.  So everybody who is listening out there, when you start hearing that somehow this is all designed to provide health insurance to illegal immigrants, that is simply not true and has never been the case.
MR. SMERCONISH:  What is their fate, if I might ask?  Because there's a 1986 law on the book that says if you show up at an ER, you've got to be treated.
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, that will continue because we don't want a situation in which some child, even if they're an illegal immigrant, shows up in an emergency room with tuberculosis and nobody is giving them treatment, and then they're going back to the playground and playing next to our kids. 
So I think there is a basic standard of decency where if somebody is in a death situation or a severe illness, that we're going to provide them emergency care.  But nobody has talked about providing health insurance to illegal immigrants.  I want to make that absolutely clear.
Now, Tracy, you had a good point about what are the bullet points that I want.  Number one, it's got to be deficit-neutral.  This has to be paid for, because in the past, some of the health care plans that we've put forward have not been paid for.  A good example of this was the prescription drug benefit for seniors.  That was a important thing to do, but we never actually figured out how to pay for it.  That just went directly into the deficit and the national debt.  We can't afford to do that.  So that would be point number one.
Point number two, it has to bend the cost curve.  What that means is that we've got to create a plan that experts credibly say will reduce health care inflation, because if all we're doing is adding more people, but we're not controlling costs, that will blow up the deficit over the long term and it will blow up the burdens on individual families and businesses.  We've got to get control of our costs.  We spend $6,000 more than any other advanced country per person on health care.  That's number two.
Number three, we've got to have the insurance reforms I talked about for people who already have health insurance.  And that means making sure you can get health insurance even if you've got a preexisting condition; making sure that you're not burdened by lifetime caps; making sure that insurance companies can't drop you just because you get sick or because you're older or because you're not as healthy -- so making sure that there are basic insurance protections, that's very important.
Number four is I want to make sure that we have a health exchange, as I just described, that is similar to what members of Congress have where you will have a set of options.  If you're a small business, if you're an individual, self-employed, you have trouble getting health insurance right now, you can go and look at a bunch of options.  And we've got to make it affordable for middle-class families, so part of the plan has to be that if you can't afford a market-based premium, that we're giving you a little bit of help and you're able to get health insurance.
Choice, competition, reducing costs -- those are the things that I want to see accomplished in this health reform bill.
MR. SMERCONISH:  Where, Mr. President, does personal responsibility factor into all this?  There was a front-page story in USA Today recently that talked about obesity being the single most significant factor -- I mean, you're a fit guy.  How about rewarding those who get on a StairMaster every day?
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, the interesting thing is you're already starting to see this happen among a lot of private companies.  Safeway, for example, is a company that has done a great job in helping encourage its employees to get fit, and they actually give them an incentive.  They say, look, you're going to save X amount on your insurance premiums; you'll see that in your paycheck if you are taking steps to take care of yourself.  And I think that creating incentives like that for prevention, for wellness, creating cash incentives for people where it shows up they're saving money on their health insurance because of it, I think that's something that should be part of this.
MR. SMERCONISH:  Mr. President, Joe listens to me at Home Base, which is the Big Talker 1210 in Philadelphia.
Joseph, go ahead for the President of the United States.
Q    Thank you for taking my call, Mr. President. 
THE PRESIDENT:  Hey, Joe, how are you?
Q    Oh, I'm scared out of my mind talking to you here.  (Laughter.)  I'm a supporter, worked hard for you last year. 
THE PRESIDENT:  I appreciate you.
Q    I'm getting a little ticked off that it feels like the knees are buckling a little bit.  You have an overwhelming majority in both the House and the Senate, and you own the whole shooting match.  And I'm just not getting -- it's very frustrating to watch you try and compromise with a lot of these people who aren't willing to compromise with you.
MR. SMERCONISH:  Are your knees buckling?  That's his question.
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, look, I guarantee you, Joe, we are going to get health care reform done.  And I know that there are a lot of people out there who have been hand-wringing, and folks in the press are following every little twist and turn of the legislative process.  You know, passing a big bill like this is always messy.  FDR was called a socialist when he passed Social Security.  JFK and Lyndon Johnson, they were both accused of a government takeover of health care when they passed Medicare.  This is the process that we go through -- because, understandably, the American people have a long tradition of being suspicious of government, until the government actually does something that helps them, and then they don't want anybody messing with whatever gets set up.
And I'm confident we're going to get it done, and as far as negotiations with Republicans, my attitude has always been let's see if we can get this done with some consensus.  I would love to have more Republicans engaged and involved in this process.  I think early on a decision was made by the Republican leadership that said, look, let's not give them a victory and maybe we can have a replay of 1993-94 when Clinton came in; he failed on health care and then we won in the midterm elections and we got the majority.  And I think there's some folks who are taking a page out of that playbook.
But this shouldn't be a political issue.  This is a issue for the American people.  There are a bunch of Republicans out there who have been working very constructively.  One of them, Olympia Snowe in Maine, she's been dedicated on this.  Chuck Grassley, Mike Enzi, others -- they've been meeting in the Senate Finance Committee.  I want to give them a chance to work through these processes. 
And we're happy to make sensible compromises.  What we're not willing to do is give up on the core principle that Americans who don't have health insurance should get it; that Americans who do have health insurance should get a better deal from insurance companies and have consumer protections.  We've got to reduce health care inflation so that everybody can keep the health care that they have.  That's going to be my priorities, and I think we can get it done.
MR. SMERCONISH:  A bit off message.  Today the Scots released the Lockerbie bomber due to -- actually maybe it is health care-related.  He's got terminal cancer.  Your take on this.  A lot of folks very offended over a perceived lack of justice.
THE PRESIDENT:  We have been in contact with the Scottish government, indicating that we objected to this.  And we thought it was a mistake.  We're now in contact with the Libyan government, and want to make sure that if in fact this transfer has taken place, that he's not welcomed back in some way, but instead should be under house arrest.  We've also obviously been in contact with the families of the Pan Am victims, and indicated to them that we don't think this was appropriate.
MR. SMERCONISH:  Mr. President, in each of our prior three conversations, I spoke with you extensively about the need for closure, and we agreed relative to bin Laden and Ayman al Zawahiri.  And as a matter of fact, and this is well documented -- I've written and spoken about it extensively -- things that you said during the course of the campaign played a critical role in my personal decision-making pertaining to the 2008 election.  So I feel I'd be derelict in my duty if I didn't come here today and say, where are we?  I know we had a major victory recently with the number-one individual for the Taliban in those tribal regions.  But pertaining to bin Laden and Ayman al Zawahiri, where is it?
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, here's where we're at.  We are continuing to ramp up the pressure in Afghanistan.  And we had a -- what appears to be a successful election in Afghanistan despite the Taliban's effort to disrupt it.  You've got General McChrystal now over there and more troops who are putting pressure on the eastern and southern portions of Afghanistan.
On the other hand, you've got the Pakistani army for the first time actually fighting in a very aggressive way, and that's how we took out Baitullah Mehsud --
MR. SMERCONISH:  Right.
THE PRESIDENT:  -- the top Taliban leader in Pakistan, who was also one of bin Laden's key allies.  So the goal here is essentially to have a pincher where we are squeezing them on both sides, we're eliminating their allies, it's making it more difficult for them to communicate, making it more difficult for them to operate safe havens, and over time what we hope to do is to flush them out.  We are going to keep on putting pressure on them, and I know that it's at great cost.  I have to sign letters to family members who have fallen and a lot more are falling in Afghanistan than in Iraq.  And as a consequence, we've got to make sure that we are really focused on finishing the job in Afghanistan, but it's going to take some time.
MR. SMERCONISH:  Mr. President, Susan listens to WOR News Radio 710 in New York City.  Susan, go ahead for the President of the United States.
Q    Yes, thank you very much, Mr. President, for talking to us directly about this important issue.
THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you, Susan.
Q    We all want reform.  I guess it's really a matter of what the best solution is.  And a lot of us feel that the federal government is just not equipped for or it's their role to be getting involved in delivering health care services.  And we're very concerned that most of the money will actually go -- instead of taking care of people, it will go to, you know, the cost of administering a huge government bureaucracy.  Why not do something more like giving incentives to the states?  Like here in New York we already have free health care for people who can't afford it.  And, you know, it should only be for people who can't afford it, not for the 20- and 30-somethings that choose to spend their money on SUVs and the latest electronic gadgets.  And it's not free because we all know that we're going to be paying for it, and it should be only for the people who can't really afford it.  And we want to have our own health care decisions locally, and we don't want the federal government making those decisions for us.
MR. SMERCONISH:  Is there a state solution here, Mr. President?
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, look, first of all, Susan, I think that it's important to understand that part of the health reform proposal that we've put forward would involve the states.  The states in some cases would be empowered to expand Medicaid to cover more people, the same way that they've been able to cover more children under the Children's Health Insurance Program.  So a sizable portion of the people who are currently uninsured would in fact be getting their insurance through the states.  That's how the current Medicaid program is able to allow states to cover more people.
Keep in mind that nobody is talking about the government administering all of health care.  What we're talking about here is a public option that people could sign up for, but in that situation they'd have to operate like any private insurer.  They'd have to be collecting premiums and so forth.
The track record for government administering health care actually is surprisingly good.  Medicare, for example, a government program, has much lower administrative costs than private insurers do.  Now, part of it is, is because they don't have -- either somebody is qualified or they're not, and so signing them up is a lot more automatic. 
But that points to one of the big problems that we have.  In private insurance, huge amounts of insurance companies are spending a lot of money and a lot of effort and a lot of staff just trying to cherry pick people who are healthy, and sign them up, and then eliminate people who are sick.  And part of what we want to do here is just reform the system so that insurance companies are operating more fairly to all people.
If you're young, actually, it's easier to get health insurance these days.  The really tough population are folks who are from 50 to 64.  Maybe they just got laid off.  Maybe they're self-employed.  They have a whale of a time trying to buy health insurance, and we want to make sure that there is a market for them.
Last point that I would make is that -- you mention the fact that a lot of young people opt out.  One of the things that we would do under reform is to say, if you want, you can stay on your health insurance or your parents' health insurance up to the age of 26.  That would cover a lot of young people who they fall in that gap.  Their first job doesn't necessarily offer them insurance.  It gives them a way of having coverage until they get that job that has a little bit more security.
MR. SMERCONISH:  You're needed across town.  I appreciate very much the privilege of coming to the White House.  Mr. President, thank you so much for being on the Michael Smerconish program.
THE PRESIDENT:  Mike, it's always a pleasure.  And I want to thank all your listeners.  Terrific questions.  There's a great dialogue that takes place on this show, and I just hope that we can continue that dialogue in the same spirit to solve some of America's big problems.
MR. SMERCONISH:  Thank you, sir.  I'll be back in just a moment from the White House

END               1:31 P.M. EDT
 

THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary
____________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                         August 19, 2009

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
HONORING 2008 NASCAR SPRINT CUP CHAMPION JIMMIE JOHNSON

South Portico

4:16 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Good afternoon, everyone.  Please have a seat.  Welcome to the White House.

Just before I begin, there are a couple of acknowledgements I want to make.  First of all, we've got some Wounded Warriors from Walter Reed and National Naval Medical Center, and I want everybody to give them a big round of applause.  We are grateful to them.  (Applause.)  They're big NASCAR fans.
I also want to thank a good friend and a terrific governor, Brad Henry from Oklahoma is here.  Stand up, Brad.  (Applause.) 
You know, it is not every day that we have a championship stock car parked out on the South Lawn.  (Laughter.)  Fortunately, we got Jimmie to agree not to do any burnouts or tear up my backyard.  I also suggested to Jimmie that, in exchange for free parking, he should let me take the 48 out for a few laps.  (Laughter.)  He said that was fine -- but Secret Service didn't think it was fine.  (Laughter.)
But that's okay, because I'm just glad Jimmie could be here so we can honor him for winning his third consecutive Sprint Cup Championship.  Give him a big round of applause.  (Applause.)  Jimmie got his start racing in motocross events at the age of five and has been racking up trophies and titles for nearly three decades now.  But like me, I think his greatest achievement is probably just how far he married up.  I had a chance to meet his wife, Chandra, and I'm so glad that she could be here today, as well.  Congratulations for your family's success.
We want to keep -- everyone who keeps the 48 up front -- we want to congratulate all of them:  owner Rick Hendrick, the crew chief -- (applause.)  Rick deserves a round of applause.  Crew chief Chad Knaus -- did I say that right?  And all the folks at Hendrick Motorsports, because we all know NASCAR, winning isn't just about who's behind the wheel during the race, it's also about who's got your back in the pit and everyone back at the shop who preps these cars week after week. 
With these folks at his side, Jimmie is hoping for a fourth series championship in a row this year.  But I think there's another group of guys back here who may have something to say about that -- Jeff, good luck in your "drive for five."  And good luck to all the other chase drivers joining us today.  I'm extraordinarily grateful to them.
We're also joined today by one of NASCAR's all-time greats, "The King," Richard Petty.  Sitting right here.  (Applause.)   With a family tradition that's generations strong, the Pettys are about as close as you can get to a NASCAR dynasty.
 
And finally, I want to recognize Mike Helton, NASCAR's president, for his dedicated leadership, and, of course, Brian France, NASCAR's chairman, and his wonderful wife, Amy, who've done so much for the sport.  Please give them a big round of applause.  (Applause.) 
And let me also take the opportunity to say that our thoughts are with the NASCAR community at the recent passing of Tom Murphy, a man who put his heart and soul into NASCAR over the years.
You know, it's fitting that you've all come here to the White House -- the American people's house -- because NASCAR is a uniquely American sport.  Since its humble beginnings, when moonshiners raced on the sands of Daytona Beach during prohibition, it's grown into a sport with tens of millions of fans here in America and around the world. 
But NASCAR is about a lot more than just racing cars.  It's as much about what you give back off the track as you give on the track.  It's about what you're doing to protect our environment and help America become energy independent -- using solar energy, and working to offset carbon emissions, and even hiring a director of green innovation to take your commitment to the next level.  
It's about supporting our troops and our veterans, from flyovers and red, white and blue paint jobs on Memorial Day to your visits to Walter Reed and Iraq and Afghanistan that show our appreciation for the brave men and women who are serving our country.  
And it's about all the foundations NASCAR has started to support schools and hospitals, combat hunger and homelessness, and work to help folks in our communities -- like the campers here from Victory Junction; kids who can teach us all a thing or two about courage and hope, and I hope had the time of their lives at summer camp. 
After all, one of the core values of the NASCAR community is the belief that service isn't just something you do once in a while when it's convenient -- it's a way of life.  I think Jeff Gordon put it best when he said, simply, "Any person out there should do something some way to give back to their community." 
And that's what folks from more than 150 countries see around the world when they tune in to your races -- not just your speed and your skill, but also your compassion, your dedication to your families and our communities, how much you love this country and how strongly you support the heroes who serve it.  That's the face of America that you show to the world.
So today, I want to thank all of you for that and for everything you do to make this country a better country.  And I wish you all the best of luck in this year's chase. 
God bless all of you, and God bless the United States of America.  Thank you very much, everybody.  (Applause.)
I think I've got to take a shot next to the cup here.

END              4:23 P.M. EDT
 

THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary
_________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                    August 18, 2009

REMARKS BY PRESIDENT OBAMA
AND PRESIDENT MUBARAK OF EGYPT
DURING PRESS AVAILABILITY

Oval Office
 

12:28 P.M. EDT

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, let me, on behalf of the American people and my administration, welcome President Mubarak for his first visit since I've taken office.  I want to publicly thank him for the extraordinary hospitality that he showed us when I traveled to Egypt and delivered my speech at Cairo University.  It was an extraordinary visit, not only because of the great welcome that I received from the President and the college students who were in attendance, but also having an opportunity to visit the pyramids was a once-in-a-lifetime experience for me.

The United States and Egypt have worked together closely for many years, and for many of those years President Mubarak has been a leader and a counselor and a friend to the United States.  We obviously have a lot of great challenges that have to be dealt with and we are continuing to work together to find those areas where we can find common ground and to work in concert to bring peace and security to the region.
The Arab-Israeli situation is something that has been of ongoing interest and we had an extensive conversation about how we could help to jumpstart an effective process on all sides to move away from a status quo that is not working for the Israeli people, the Palestinian people, or, I think, the region as a whole.
We discussed our common concerns about the potential proliferation of nuclear weapons in the region, including the development of nuclear weapons by Iran, and how we could work together on those fronts.  We discussed Iraq -- and I want to thank the government of Egypt for being an Arab country that has moved forward to try to strengthen Iraq as it emerges from a wartime footing and a transition to a more stable democracy.
And we continued to talk about how we can work together on economic development issues, education issues, health issues, that can promote the interests of both the American people as well as the Egyptian people.  Just to take one example, we have agreed to work together with the Organization of Islamic States to eradicate polio, something that we've been able to successfully deal with here in the United States but still has impact on populations throughout the Muslim communities around the world.
And so these are the kinds of partnerships that we want to continue to build.  There are some areas where we still have disagreements, and where we do have disagreements we have a frank and honest exchange.
So I just want to say once again that I am grateful to President Mubarak for his visit, for his willingness to work with us on these critical issues, and to help advance the interest of peace and prosperity around the world.
Thank you very much.  Welcome.
PRESIDENT MUBARAK:  (As translated.)  First of all, this is the third time that I meet with President Obama.  The first time was in Cairo, when he came to give his address.  It was a very strong address and it removed all doubts about the United States and the Muslim world.  The importance of the Cairo visit was very appreciated by the Muslim and Islamic world because the Islamic world had thought that the U.S. was against Islam, but his great, fantastic address there has removed all those doubts.
     That was the first time.  Now, the second time where we met was in Italy during the G15 summit.  We didn't have much time to go in depth into discussions, but we did have some quick discussion.
     The third time I meet with President Obama is here today at the White House.  We have discussed an array of issues from our bilateral relations to the issues of the Middle East, the region, to the Palestinian issue, to the issue of Iran, Somalia, and the Africa Horn.  Also, several other issues -- even we discussed the issue of reform inside Egypt.  And I told to President Obama very frankly and very friendly that I have entered into the elections based on a platform that included reforms, and therefore we have started to implement some of it and we still have two more years to implement it.
     Our relations between us and the United States are very good relations and strategic relations.  And despite some of the hoops that we had with previous administrations, this did not change the nature of our bilateral relations.
     We have perhaps focused greatly on the Palestinian issue because it's the pivotal issue.  And the Palestinian issue has impact on the world, on the region, whether for the West or also for the United States.
     We have also discussed the issue of Iran and the issue of nuclear Iran, and we talked about these issues very frankly.
     And in conclusion of my remarks, I would like to thank President Obama for his welcome to me here at the White House and I also salute him as I did -- and this is since five years  -- I also salute President Obama for all his efforts with regard to the Palestinian issue.  Since his first day at the White House he started working on it.  And I assured him that we will cooperate with him and we will be very strong in these efforts, whether with regard to the Palestinian issue or the other regional issues. 
And I thank him again.
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Okay, we've got one question each.
Q    Both Presidents, if I may.  Reports from Jerusalem today that the Israeli government has not given permission for any new settlements to be built, although ones that were in process are still in process -- and I'm wondering if you have talked about that issue and if that's the sort of thing that goes at least partway to meeting what you're asking the Israelis to do.  And also what's in the West Bank and in Jerusalem.
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  There has been movement in the right direction and I came in from the start saying that all parties concerned had to take some concrete steps to restart serious negotiations to resolve what has been a longstanding conflict that is not good for the Israeli people and is not good for its neighbors.  And I think that the Israeli government has taken discussions with us very seriously.  George Mitchell has been back and forth repeatedly; he will be heading back out there next week.  And my hope is that we are going to see not just movement from the Israelis, but also from the Palestinians around issues of incitement and security, from Arab states that show their willingness to engage Israel.  
If all sides are willing to move off of the rut that we're in currently, then I think there is a extraordinary opportunity to make real progress.  But we're not there yet.  I'm encouraged by some of the things I'm seeing on the ground.  We've been seeing reports in the West Bank in particular that checkpoints have been removed in some situations.  The security forces of the Palestinian Authority have greatly improved and have been able to deal with the security situation on the West Bank in a way that has inspired not just confidence among the Israeli people, but also among the Palestinian people.
There's been some increased economic activity on the West Bank.  All of this is creating a climate in which it's possible for us to see some positive steps and hopefully negotiate towards a final resolution of these longstanding issues.  But everybody is going to have to take steps; everybody is going to have to take some risks.  It's going to require a lot of hard work, and the United States is committed to being a partner in this process. 
And Egypt will be as important as any other party in helping to move the process forward because Egypt is uniquely positioned in some ways having very strong relationships with Israel, with the Palestinians, and with other Arab states, and President Mubarak has as much experience in the region as anybody.
PRESIDENT MUBARAK:  I would like to add on what President Obama has just said, and I say that we are trying and working on this goal to bring the two parties to sit together and to get something from the Israeli party and to get something from the Palestinian party.  If we perhaps can get them to sit together, we will help.
     And also, I have contacts with the Israeli party.  I have received calls and contacts with the Prime Minister of Israel, with the head of the state, and also with the Minister of Defense.  We are speaking in a good manner and we are moving into the right direction.  But the two parties need to sit together, and this then will give hope that there is a possibility of finding a solution to the Palestinian issue, because it has been ongoing since 60 years.  And with this issue ongoing, we lose a lot, and also this will increase violence. So we support the efforts of the United States to move towards finding a solution.
     If this is the issue of Jerusalem that you are asking about, I tell you this is a complicated issue.  Then -- back then, a time ago, when we -- at former President Clinton's era, we almost neared finding an equation to find a solution for this issue.  But afterwards, eight years afterwards, there was nothing and this issue moved very slowly.  However, if we can find some solution to this, this would be helpful.
     Q    President Mubarak, you just mentioned about the 60 years conflict.  You have been in that conflict as a warrior and as a peacemaker together for a long time.  What's different this time?  It has been ups and downs, disappointments and achievements.  What's different this time?  And are we going into another peace process, or are we going again heading for a final status kind of negotiations that finish that business? 
     And for President Obama, if you care to comment -- President Mubarak said we cannot afford failure this time.  What stands between us now and success?
      PRESIDENT MUBARAK:  As I said before, this is a complicated issue.  I have worked a long time ago when I was in the army, and afterwards during my access of presidency.  This issue has been ongoing 60 years.  And we cannot afford wasting more time, because violence will increase, and violence has increased.  The level of violence is now much more than it was 10 years ago.  Therefore, we need to find -- to move to the final status solution and level. 
     And I have contacted the Israelis, and they said perhaps you can talk about a temporary solution or perhaps the final status.  But I told them, no, forget about the temporary solution and forget about temporary borders.  That's why I came today to talk to President Obama and to see that if we move forward on this issue, it will give more hope and more confidence to the people about this issue.
     The negotiations of the final status will not be easy and it will be fraught of complications.  This issue contains the issue of Jerusalem, the issue of refugees, the issue of the borders.  But I believe that, in cooperation with the United States and through our relations with Israel, I believe that we can reach a solution, because the Arab people want peace and want a better life, and the Israeli people also want peace and stability in their lives.
     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, I think President Mubarak said it well:  It's going to be difficult.  I do believe that what may have changed -- and this is what we have to test -- is a growing realization on the part of the Palestinians that Israel is not going anywhere and is a fact, a reality that has to be dealt with; and a recognition on the part of the Israelis that their long-term security interests require finding an accommodation with the Palestinians and ultimately with their Arab neighbors.  So the interests on both sides are towards peace. 
    
     Now, one of the things that you discover in studying history and being a part of politics is just because something makes sense doesn't mean it happens.  And we are going to have to work very hard.  And ultimately there is going to have to be some courageous leadership not only from the Palestinians and the Israelis but also from the other Arab states to support this effort.  And the United States is going to devote time and energy and resources to try to make this happen. 
And what I can say as different from the United States' perspective is that even in the midst of the worst financial crisis since the Great Depression, we started dealing with this issue on day one.  We didn't wait until year six or year seven, after I had been reelected before we started taking this on.  We started dealing with this issue immediately, precisely because it's a difficult issue that requires a lot of groundwork to be laid and sometimes proceeds in fits and starts.  But with the partnership of countries like Egypt, we think we can make progress.
Okay, thank you, everybody.
Go ahead, please.
PRESIDENT MUBARAK:  I believe that President Obama is talking about support from the Arab states to this issue.  I would say here that if negotiations start, this will lead to the Arab state to support the peace process and to move it forward, because I can tell you that the Arab people are fed up with the length that this issue has taken, and the issue of the displaced people.  So I believe if the two parties sit down, this will lead to have Arab state support moving the peace process forward.
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you, everybody.

END                   12:53 P.M. EDT