THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
_________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                 September 16, 2009
REMARKS BY PRESIDENT OBAMA
AND CANADIAN PRIME MINISTER HARPER
DURING JOINT PRESS AVAILABILITY
Oval Office
11:49 A.M. EDT
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Hello, everybody.  Prime Minister Harper and I have just had an excellent conversation, reiterating the extraordinary friendship and bond between the American and the Canadian people.  We discussed both our bilateral relationship on issues of energy, our borders, issues of trade, and how we can continue to strengthen the already excellent relations that we have.
We also have discussed a range of international issues.  Obviously we've been partnering with Canada on improving the global economy.  We both agree that although we are not out of the woods yet that we have seen signs of stability and that both Canada and the United States are on the path to positive economic growth.  We both agree that coordination still needs to continue at the international level and are looking forward to the G20, where we can both discuss how to sustain efforts to kick start the economy, but also make sure that we're starting to look at exit strategies and what a sustainable growth model would be long term.
We had discussions about some of the international threats that continue to exist out there.  We discussed climate change and preparations for the Copenhagen conference; Afghanistan and the need for us to move forward in a clear direction over the next several years; and the situation with Iran and the potential development of weapons and how we respond to the potential development of nuclear weapons in Iran.
So overall I just want to again publicly thank Prime Minister Harper for being an outstanding partner to the United States.  We appreciate his excellent work.  We very much appreciate the Canadian people.  And we are looking forward to seeing them next week in both the United Nations context and the G20.
PRIME MINISTER HARPER:  Well, thank you very much, Mr. President.  First of all, Barack, let me just say I really appreciate -- this is our seventh time I think in some form or another we've had a chance to discuss some of these issues and we appreciate your time and of course both your and your country's alliance, neighborliness, and friendship.  It's our most important relationship in the world.  We're always delighted to sit down and talk.
(Speaking French.)
Once again we discussed three major subjects, as I indicated we would yesterday.  First of all, the economy.  The recovery is happening, but it is fragile and we really must redouble our efforts to apply stimulus measures and get those out the door, as we're doing in Canada, to make sure we continue to fix internationally the problems of financial institutions.  And I noted the President's speech this week in Wall Street in this regard, which I think was an important message for everyone.
We're planning for the G20; we're looking forward to that.  I think that's well in hand.  I think we're going to have very useful and productive meetings there.  And we discussed some of these irritants that arise in our trade relationship.  Particularly I do want to mention this question of the charter flights, the NHL charter flights, which has been a difficulty in recent months.  We think we're very close to resolving that in the next very little while.  I think we have some kind of a tentative agreement in principle and we're working to finalize that in the next few days.
We discussed energy security and climate change.  I remind all our American friends that Canada is by far the largest supplier of energy to the United States.  And we are determined to be a continental partner in dealing with the joint -- with the very linked problems of climate change and energy security.  Our two ministers, our respective ministers have provided us with a report on the clean energy dialogue, which I think shows some great progress in identifying areas of joint action.  I think the next step will be some specific projects that we can pursue.
Today, Canada is announcing a major hydroelectric project, a big transmission line in northwestern British Columbia, which has the capacity down the road to be part of a more integrated North American hydroelectric system that will be obviously part of dealing with both these problems of energy security and climate change.
And finally, as I said, we would discuss international peace and security.  And as the President mentioned, we discussed the great challenge the world has in Iran.  But we also did discuss, of course, Afghanistan.  We have a joint mission there and we certainly have very much welcomed the renewed engagement of the United States in that country and always -- particularly in our sector of the country.  And of course we always value joint cooperation with the United States on defense and security matters.  And our two militaries and our civilian people are working tremendously in southern Afghanistan and we look forward to some of that work continuing.
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Okay.  All right, Ben Feller.
Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  I'd like to ask both of you:  At this point are U.S. and NATO forces winning the war in Afghanistan?
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  You know, I think that what is clear is that we have lacked as clear of a strategy and a mission as is necessary in order to meet our overriding objective, which is to dismantle and disrupt and destroy al Qaeda and prevent it from being able to project violence against the United States, allies like Canada, our bases and operations around the world.  So that has not yet occurred.
When I came in I had to make a series of immediate decisions about sending additional troops to ensure that the election could take place during the fighting season.  But I was crystal clear at the time that post-election we were going to need to do an additional assessment.  General McChrystal has carried out his own assessment on the military strategy, but it's important that we also do an assessment on the civilian side, the diplomatic side, the development side; that we analyze the results of the election and then make further decisions moving forward.
My determination is to get this right.  And that means broad consultation not only inside the U.S. government, but also with our ISAF partners and our NATO allies.  And I'm going to take a very deliberate process in making those decisions.  So I just want to be absolutely clear, because there's been a lot of discussion in the press about this, that there is no immediate decision pending on resources, because one of the things that I'm absolutely clear about is you have to get the strategy right and then make determinations about resources.  You don't make determinations about resources, and certainly you don't make determinations about sending young men and women into battle without having absolute clarity about what the strategy is going to be.
So we are going to proceed and make sure that we don't put the cart before the horse.
PRIME MINISTER HARPER:  Just very quickly, to try and answer that question directly.  I certainly don't think, notwithstanding the continued problems in many parts of the country, the fierce efforts of the insurgency, I don't think the Taliban in any way constitutes an alternative government or any immediate threat to replacing the government of Afghanistan.  So I think in that sense, you know, we can see the progress that's been made.  Obviously, though, we are concerned about the strength of the insurgency.  We, as I say, welcome the renewed American effort and effort of some NATO countries.
Our emphasis in Canada for some time now, particularly since we extended our mission, has been really the necessity of seeing the Afghan government accept and be able to handle greater responsibility for the day-to-day security of that country as we move forward.
Afghanistan is a very difficult country, I think.  All of our military -- Canadian, American, British, those who have been highly engaged -- I think have done a tremendous job moving the ball forward.  But in the end, we have to be clear that the security and sovereignty of Afghanistan can in the long term only be done by Afghans themselves.  So I think whatever we do on both sides of the border and with our NATO partners has to have that as its long-term objective.
Eric.
Q    Mr. President, Prime Minister, in contrast to that smart, brief question I have a double-barreled question under the umbrella of security.
Canada and other NATO allies have set deadlines to leave Afghanistan.  Mr. President, are you worried that the U.S. will be left to carry the burden in Afghanistan?  What role would you like to see for Canada beyond 2011?  Prime Minister, do you have any advice for the President, exit strategy or otherwise?
And then on economic security, Mr. President, despite assurances not to worry, U.S. protectionism is hurting Canadian businesses, according to Canadian businesses.  And I just -- we wonder if there is anything more you feel you can or that you should do about that?
And Mr. Prime Minister, your views at this stage now that we've seen "Buy American" play itself out?
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, let me start with Afghanistan, and I'll just reiterate what I said earlier.  We are in the process of making a strategy -- a series of strategic decisions that will be sustainable, and we'll be doing so in close consultation with our allies and our partners.
We are tremendously grateful for the extraordinary sacrifices of the Canadian military.  They have fought.  They have had staying power.  They have absorbed losses that we all grieve for.
And so I'm not worried about what will happen post-2011.  I want to make sure that given the commitments that have already been made and that are continuing that we make sure that the Canadian presence there fits into a coherent whole, and that it's accomplishing our goals.  And our goals are to eliminate al Qaeda as a threat and, as Prime Minister Harper mentioned, I think it is important to recognize that ultimately Afghan security has to transition onto the shoulders of Afghan -- the Afghan government and Afghan security forces.  And so the degree to which we are training them and building capacity, that's something that I'm certain will be part of any long-term strategy, sustainable strategy.
On the economic front, the issue of "Buy American" in the stimulus package, I'm glad to hear that Canadians see this as -- the recovery package as being so significant.  I've been trying to persuade the American public of precisely that fact, that we're actually creating jobs and putting people back to work.
The "Buy American" provisions that were there, as I noted at the time, we made sure that they were WTO compliant.  That doesn't mean that they're not a source of irritation between the United States and Canada.  Prime Minister Harper, I want to emphasize, has brought this up with me every single time we've met, so he's been on the job on this issue.  And our teams have been working together.  It appears that there may be ways to deal with this bilaterally, but also potentially multilaterally.
The provincial governments in Canada, my understanding is, are not signatories to the WTO government procurement agreements that would have preempted any of these "Buy America" agreements.  That might be one solution.  But in addition, we're pursuing, on a bilateral track, efforts to make sure that these sources of tension diminish.
But I do want to keep things in perspective.  U.S.-Canadian trade continues to be robust.  Canada continues to be a huge trading partner to the United States.  Businesses in the United States and Canada both benefit from that trade, as do consumers.  There is no prospect of any budding trade wars between our two countries.  These are legitimate issues that have to be concerned -- have to be raised, but I think it's important to understand that on the scale of our overall trading relationship, these aren't the -- these shouldn't be considered the dominant element of our economic relationship.
PRIME MINISTER HARPER:  Eric, first of all on Afghanistan, I think it's important to rephrase your question, which is, Canada is not leaving Afghanistan; Canada will be transitioning from a predominantly military mission to a mission that will be a civilian humanitarian development mission after 2011.  That transition is already in place.
As you know, Canada has had a very robust engagement for some time.  We've actually, over the course of the last three or four years, as a consequence of that, increased our troop levels.  I think you heard what I said earlier, that what's essential is that whatever we in NATO and our U.N. allies are doing, that we make sure that eventually this country can stand on its own two feet, particularly on the security side, where they have their primary responsibility so we can help more and more on the development and humanitarian side.
On "Buy America," we obviously had the discussions.  The President indicated we have negotiators who are looking at a range of options.  We talked about some of those today, and we'll be giving more detailed direction to them in terms of the kinds of options they should look at.
As you know, I agree with the President's assessment.  We shouldn't move the forest for the trees.  These are important irritants; they are having some real impacts.  But they are relatively small compared to the overall scale of Canadian-American trade.  But I would emphasize that it is critical at a time where we're trying to see a recovery in the global economy, where forces of protectionism are a very significant threat, that we continue to demonstrate to the world that Canada and the United States can manage trade relations in a way that's extremely positive and a model for other countries.
(Speaking French.)
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you, everybody.
END              
12:11 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
___________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                 September 15, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT FUNDRAISING RECEPTION FOR SENATOR ARLEN SPECTER
Pennsylvania Convention Center
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
5:26 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you so much, everybody. Please, have a seat. Thank you. It was, first of all, wonderful to meet all of you as we were taking pictures. And I want to say that I am so pleased to be here not only because of Arlen's outstanding track record, but because, like me, he married up in life. (Laughter.) We are both lawyers. We both appreciate the Constitution. We're both fighters, and sometimes people count us out.
So although we come from different parts of the country, we have this bond, this thread. And as Arlen I think has mentioned, one of the most important bonds is we're basically a couple of Kansas kids who somehow got displaced -- (laughter) -- him in Philadelphia and me in Honolulu. (Applause.)
I want to make sure that I give a word of thanks to Bob Casey, who is one of the finest people I know, has just been a great friend to me -- and his entire family, obviously, is just legendary here in Pennsylvania. So please give Bob Casey a big round of applause. (Applause.)
And I want to thank David Cohen for being such a great supporter of mine, a great supporter of Arlen's. And I suspect that David is in the middle of just about every civic activity that takes place in Philadelphia, and he does it with just a lot of class and always a smile on his face. So, thank you, David, for all your help. (Applause.)
You know, if you'd think back to where we were eight months ago, it's hard to imagine. When I was sworn into office, we were in the midst of the worst recession since the Great Depression, and a lot of economists -- both left and right -- thought that we might be plunging into a Great Depression. We were shedding 700,000 jobs a month. Credit was almost entirely frozen. Not only could you not get a bank loan or a student loan or a home loan, but banks weren't lending money to each other.
And at that point I think there was a sense that in the absence of effective government action, we could end up being in a real disaster. So we determined that we had to move boldly and swiftly to turn this around. And we put together -- after consulting with the best economists in the country from all walks of life and all parties, we decided that we needed to put together a recovery package that would have a variety of elements. It would provide tax cuts to businesses and individuals. It would provide support for states that were seeing their budgets plummet. It would provide help to individuals who were being laid off. And it would start building the kind of infrastructure that would move America into the 21st century.
And there's been a little bit of a selective memory about -- a little historical revisionism about the situation that we were in. But even then, even as scared as people were, there were some in Washington who decided that this is a political opportunity, this is ideological, that we should fight this and perpetuate the kind of gridlock that has caused us so many problems in the past.
I'm pleased that I had a partner in Arlen Specter in getting that recovery package done, because it displayed all the traits that I think makes him such an exceptional senator: Obviously the first, independence; he is somebody who has always fought for the people who sent him to Washington and not just party. A terrific intellect, being able to follow all the arguments about how to structure a plan that had the best chance of being effective. Toughness, being able to put up with an awful lot of grief in the midst of what was a eventually pretty acrimonious debate. And integrity, willingness to stand for what he believed in.
Because of Arlen, we were able to get that recovery package passed. We are now seeing that this economy has pulled itself back from the brink. The financial markets are working again. The stock market has recovered a lot of its value, which means people's 401(k)s have recovered a lot of their value. Banks aren't lending as much as we'd like, but at least things are functioning. We saw this month, for the first time in three years, manufacturing actually ticking up, consumer confidence is up. We are not out of the woods, but we've pulled back from the abyss.
Now, the challenge for us is figuring out how do we create an economy that doesn't go through these wild boom and bust cycles. How can we create sustained growth? How can we make sure that we've laid the foundations for a competitive America in the 21st century, just like the foundation was laid for the American Century, the 20th century.
And in that process there are going to be some critical decisions that we're going to have to make. Are we willing to invest in the education of our young people so that we can develop the science and engineering and technology and mathematical skills that keep us at the cutting edge? We're not going to get that free; it's not just going to be a matter of money, it's also going to be a matter of reform. But we've got to have a sense of urgency about how we pick up the pace in our schools. We're going to have to have an entirely new approach to energy -- not just because of climate change and the environment, not just because of our addiction to foreign oil that ends up having us send billions of dollars overseas, but also because it is putting us at a huge competitive disadvantage.
We're going to have to fix our health care system. We're in the midst of a major debate about health care. And if you are a liberal, then you're concerned about making sure that 30 million American citizens get coverage. If you're a moderate and not all that interested in politics, you should still be concerned about the fact that your health care is less secure and less stable than it has ever been. And if you're a conservative, then you should know that the only thing that is going to allow us to close the structural deficit that we have that is piling on debt for our children and our grandchildren is if we are able to bend the cost curve and reduce the cost of health care inflation over the next 20, 30 years. If we don't do that, there's no way for us to balance our budget. There's so much at stake in fixing our health care system.
Now, this is before we start getting into foreign policy and the decisions we're going to have to make in terms of how we project our power effectively: How do we balance diplomacy and our military might in an intelligent way so that we're serving the national security interests of the American people? How do we make sure that we preserve our civil liberties even in the midst of going aggressively after those who would try to do us harm? How do we affirm our constitutional values at a time when the country is becoming more diverse? That can lead to incredible dynamism. That's always been a source of strength for America, but it can also lead to contentiousness and conflict and strife.
On each and every one of these questions, the presidency can only take you so far. I've got a clear sense of where we need to go and I'm absolutely convinced that if we make the right decisions right now and we battle through some difficult choices and we're willing to make some sacrifices, that we are going to be able to lay that foundation for the next generation.
But the President can't do it alone. Every single issue that I just mentioned, I've got to have effective, tough partners with integrity and vision, who feel accountable not to special interests in Washington but feel accountable to the folks who sent him there. That's the kind of senator you've got in Bob Casey. That's the kind of senator that you have had for many years and you need to continue to have in Arlen Specter.
And that's why I'm here today. I'm here today because I'm going to need all of you to redouble your efforts in the months to come to fight for Arlen, because he's fighting for you and he's fighting for what's right. And it's not going to be easy. It's not easy because we live in a polarized environment and politics has become sport and it's hard to sustain complex arguments about why we have to make choices that don't always seem real attractive on the surface. And so that creates political vulnerabilities for all of us. And all of you who know better, who know why it's so important for us to make these tough decisions, you've got to make sure that you support somebody who's got the savvy and intelligence and the tenacity to actually get things done.
That's who Arlen Specter is. I'm proud to call him a friend. I am glad that he is in the Senate. And I'm going to keep on needing him in the Senate in the years to come. So I hope that all of you work as hard as you can -- if you do, then I'm absolutely confident that we're going to get through these tough times and brighter days are going to be ahead not just for Pennsylvania, but for the United States of America.
So thank you so much for being here, everybody. God bless you. Thank you. (Applause.)
END
5:37 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
___________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                September 15, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT FUNDRAISING EVENT FOR SENATOR ARLEN SPECTER
Pennsylvania Convention Center
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
4:08 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Hello, Philadelphia! (Applause.) It is good to be back in Philly with a man who's always put his state before politics, before party -- your senator, Arlen Specter. (Applause.)
We've got a number of other luminaries here today, starting with the great governor and sports fan -- (laughter) -- here in Pennsylvania -- Ed Rendell is in the house. (Applause.) The outstanding young mayor of the city of Philadelphia, Michael Nutter, is here. (Applause.) Not here, but I want to give him a shout-out anyway because we're in his district -- Congressman Bob Brady, doing great work for us. (Applause.) Senator Bob Casey is on the way and will be here soon, and we love Bob Casey. (Applause.)
TJ Rooney, chairman of the Democratic state party, is here. (Applause.) And I want to acknowledge a special friend, somebody who is a great supporter of mine and is the chairman of this event -- David Cohen is in the house. Please give him a round of applause. (Applause.)
Now, I want to say a few things about Arlen Specter. Arlen is not someone who came to Washington to fight for a particular ideology. He came to fight for the working men and women of Pennsylvania. And he has a long and successful record of doing just that. This is a man who has voted to raise the minimum wage 20 times -- (applause) -- because he understands if you work in this society, you shouldn't be in poverty. This is a man who's fought for workplace safety and mine safety, who stood up for the American steelworker and American manufacturer; who has voted to extend unemployment benefits time and time again.
I'll never forget that in the height of this recession, when we had just been sworn in -- you remember. There's some selective memory going on out there. (Laughter.) You remember what it was like. We thought we might be tipping into a great depression, losing 700 [sic] jobs per month; financial system on the verge of collapse. We had to act boldly, we had to act swiftly, and Arlen Specter cast the deciding vote in favor of a Recovery Act that has helped pull us back from the brink. (Applause.) A Recovery Act that's already making a difference in the lives of millions of Pennsylvanians.
Since the Recovery Act was signed, nearly 5 million Pennsylvanians are seeing a tax cut in their paycheck. Think about that -- 5 million people getting tax cuts -- as I promised during the campaign. We provided relief to 2.5 million seniors and veterans and other struggling Americans. This puts money in their pockets. (Applause.) That means they're spending it in small businesses and circulating it within the economy.
We've extended unemployment benefits for over 800,000 Pennsylvanians who've borne the brunt of this recession. We've approved over 700 loans to small businesses throughout Pennsylvania.
You talk to your governor, Ed Rendell, about the kinds of drastic cuts and layoffs that would have had to occur had it not been for the Recovery Act -- tens of thousands of state workers potentially laid off.
At the time, this was not an easy vote for Arlen to take. You can imagine the pressure he was under from the other side. But Arlen knew that it was more important to answer to the people who sent him to Washington than to the party he belonged to. That's why you should send him back to Washington for six more years -- because you know he's going to fight for you regardless of what the politics are. (Applause.)
For the same reason that Arlen has been fighting so hard for health insurance reform -- for him, this is not an issue of politics or party; this is personal. This is a man who has seen the health care system up close -- the good and the bad. This is a man who courageously battled cancer, and is here today because he was able to receive some of the best health care available in the world -- and also because he's a tough son of a gun. (Laughter and applause.)
And he knows that. And he believes that every American should be able to get that kind of care, no matter who you are or how much money you have. (Applause.) That's why he's spent the summer holding town hall meetings across the state. That's why he hasn't been afraid to take some criticism and some hard questions and occasionally some -- well -- (laughter) -- he knows how important it is to pass health care reform this year.
It has now been nearly a century since Ted -- Teddy Roosevelt first called for health care reform. It's been attempted by nearly every President and every Congress ever since. And our failure to get it done year after year, decade after decade, has placed a burden on families, on businesses, and on taxpayers that we can no longer sustain.
We know what will happen if we don't do anything, if we fail again. If we do nothing, premiums will continue to rise faster than your wages. If we do nothing, more businesses will close down; fewer will open in the first place. If you have health insurance, you are going to see more and more of those costs taken out of your paycheck. And eventually, some of your employers are going to decide, we just can't afford to bear the burden.
If we do nothing, we will eventually spend more on Medicare and Medicaid than every other government program combined. We would end up having to use all the money that we currently spend on student loans, or national parks, or Department of Homeland Security -- all of that would be consumed by Medicare and Medicaid -- if we don't make a change in the system.
That is not an option for the United States of America. (Applause.) Arlen Specter understands it's not an option. That's why he's fighting alongside me to get this thing done. (Applause.) Because as I said last week, I may not be the first President to take up the cause of health care reform, but I'm determined to be the last. (Applause.)
The plan we've put forward will offer security to those Americans with health insurance. It will offer health insurance that's affordable to those who don't have it right now. And it will bring down the cost of health care for families and businesses and taxpayers.
If you're among the hundreds of millions of Americans who already have health insurance through the job, or Medicare, or Medicaid, or the VA, nothing in this plan will require you or your employer to change your coverage or drop the doctor that you have. But what it will do is it will make sure that even if you lose your job, you can still go get health insurance, even if you have a preexisting condition. (Applause.)
Well, this young lady knows all about that. It will make sure that your out-of-pocket costs are capped, that you are not -- meaning, on the other hand, a lifetime cap where at a certain point an insurance company just says, you know what, we can't pay anymore. It will make insurance work better for you. That's if you have health insurance.
Now, if you don't have health insurance, you're going to be able to buy into an exchange with millions of other Americans, which means you have leverage and you can now get the same kind of better deal that people who work for the biggest companies or work for the federal government -- or, by the way, our members of Congress are able to get for themselves. That's a deal that all Americans should be able to enjoy. (Applause.)
AUDIENCE PARTICIPANT: Particularly Joe Wilson! (Laughter.)
THE PRESIDENT: Now, everybody knows we have to change the system. But people have a legitimate question, and that is, how are we going to pay for all this? Arlen is fiscally conservative. He doesn't want to see us wasting taxpayer dollars. Neither do I. We can't afford it -- especially when we inherited a $1.3 trillion deficit, in part because the war in Iraq and the war in Afghanistan, and the prescription drug plan and tax cuts for the wealthiest Americans were not paid for. I'm not going to make that same mistake when it comes to health care. Arlen Specter will make sure we don't make that same mistake. (Applause.)
And that's why what we've said is let's use the money that's being wasted in the system right now -- subsidies to insurance companies that are already making a profit; tens of billions of dollars in waste and abuse -- the majority of this health care plan can be paid for with money that's already in the system but just not used wisely, not making people healthier. (Applause.)
And I want to say to all the senior citizens out there, don't let these folks scare you about Medicare. Nobody has been more of a champion of Medicare than me and the Democratic Party. We are going to keep on doing it. Not a dollar is going to come out of the Medicare trust fund. (Applause.) Don't believe these stories. We want to make Medicare stronger and close that doughnut hole in the Medicare system that is causing seniors to have to shell out thousands of dollars for their prescription drug costs.
We're going to get this done. This is going to be a priority because one of the things that Arlen Specter came to Washington to do is to solve problems. He and I, even when we were on the opposite side of the aisle, understood that the American people aren't looking for slogans, they're not looking for ideology, they're not looking for bickering. They're looking for the solutions that can help build a foundation for long-term economic growth and security for the American middle class. That's what they're looking for. That's what we're fighting for.
But we can't do it without you. There is a lot of noise out there. There's a lot of misinformation out there -- not just on health care. We also need to have a clean energy economy that can produce good jobs that can't be outsourced. (Applause.) We've got to have the school system that works for every American and every young person here in Philadelphia. (Applause.)
Those are all parts -- part of a foundation for long-term economic growth. And it's not going to happen unless the American people mobilize and say to themselves, now is the time -- we're going to stop putting off the tough problems.
I understand that the American people are feeling anxious and we're going through a recession right now, and people are wondering, can this be the "American century" the way the 20th century was the "American century"? I know that there are doubts that creep into people's minds. I know that there's a tendency during tough times for us to turn on each other instead of come together. But the one thing that American history shows us is that each and every time that we confront major challenges, each -- every time where we come to the fork in the road where we can keep on doing the same thing and going into slow decline, or we can go through some transformation and make some changes even when they're hard, we always take the harder, better road.
We do it not only for ourselves; we do it for our children, we do it for our grandchildren. We know that the central idea in America is we don't have to stand pat; we are going to make sure that the next generation has it better off than we do. (Applause.) We're going to build a stronger America, a more prosperous America, a more secure America.
That's why Arlen got into politics so many years ago. That's why he was a prosecutor. That's why he has excelled in the United States Senate. That's why he is -- he was a great senator when he was a Republican; he's going to be a even better senator now that he's a Democrat. (Applause.) And that's why you are all going to work just as hard as you can to make sure that he gets reelected and is continuing to help me move this country forward.
Thank you very much, Philadelphia. (Applause.) I love you, and I love Arlen Specter. I appreciate you guys. Thank you. (Applause.)
END
4:21 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
___________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                 September 15, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT AT AFL-CIO CONVENTION
David L. Lawrence Convention Center
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania
1:23 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Thank you, AFL-CIO. Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you so much. Please, everybody have a seat. Thank you. Thank you, guys. Thank you very much, everybody. All right, you guys are making me blush. Thank you.
AUDIENCE: Obama! Obama! Obama! (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you so much, everybody. You know, I tell you what, the White House is pretty nice, but there's nothing like being back in the House of Labor. (Applause.) Let me begin by recognizing a man who came to Washington to fight for the working men and women of Pennsylvania and who has a distinguished record of doing just that, Arlen Specter. (Applause.)
I want to give my thanks and the thanks of our nation to one of the great labor leaders of our time, a man whose entire life has been devoted to working people, who brought new life to a movement, who worked tirelessly on behalf of organized workers, and who will be stepping down tomorrow, your President, John Sweeney. (Applause.) John, I know that Maureen is looking forward to seeing a little more of you, and your granddaughter Kennedy is about to get a whole lot more spoiled by her grandpa. But we are so proud of the work that you've done, and grateful for your lifetime of service.
I know it's bad luck to congratulate somebody before they are officially elected, but I'm going to go ahead and take my chances and congratulate the man who will pick up John's mantle, the son and grandson of Pennsylvania coal miners, a man who worked his way through college to lead the United Mine Workers, my friend, a fiery advocate for America's ideals, Rich Trumka. (Applause.) I also want to congratulate the officers coming in with Rich: Arlene, who will be continuing her service; and Liz, who will be making history as the first woman elected secretary-treasurer. I am looking forward to working with every single one of you. (Applause.)
Now, being here with all of you is a reminder of what we're trying to do in Washington and why I'm there in the first place -- because one of the fundamental reasons I ran for President was to stand up for hardworking families; to ease the struggles, to lift the hopes, and make possible the dreams of middle-class Americans.
Your stories are what drive me each and every day in the White House. Stories I read about in letters, or I hear about in town hall meetings, or somebody grabs me in a rope line and starts telling me something, stories I remember from the campaign trail. Stories like one told by Steve Skvara, a proud member of the United Steelworkers in Indiana. Steve spent 34 years at LTV Steel, until a car accident left him with a disability and forced him to retire. When the company went broke a couple years later, Steve lost his pension, and his family lost their health care.
So rising to ask a question at the CFL -- the AFL-CIO debate during the campaign, Steve said -- and I'm quoting him now -- "Every day of my life, I sit at the kitchen table across from the woman who devoted 36 years of her life to my family, and I can't afford to pay for her health care." And as he said it, he got choked up, and his voice started to crack.
Brothers and sisters, this isn't just about Steve -- this is about all of us. Because when hardworking Americans like Steve succeed -- that's when organized labor succeeds. And when organized labor succeeds -- that's when our middle class succeeds. And when our middle class succeeds -- that's when the United States of America succeeds. That's what we're fighting for. (Applause.)
For over half a century, the success of America has been built on the success of our middle class. It was the creation of the middle class that lifted this nation up in the wake of a Great Depression. It was the expansion of the middle class that opened the doors of opportunity to millions more. It was a strong middle class that powered American industries and propelled America's economy and made the 20th century the American century.
And the fundamental test of this century, of our time, is whether we will heed this lesson; whether we will let America become a nation of the very rich and the very poor, of the haves and the have-nots; or whether we will remain true to the promise of this country and build a future where the success of all of us is built on the success of each of us. (Applause.)
That's the future I want to build. That's the future the AFL-CIO wants to build. That's the future the American people want to build. That's the future that I've been working to build from the moment I took office. (Applause.)
Now, we've been hearing a lot of stuff from folks who aren't that friendly to me -- (laughter) -- or the union movement. So let's just take a stroll down memory lane. See, so let's just remember where we were when I took the oath of office a little over eight months ago.
At the time, folks were fearing the complete collapse of our entire financial system. Our economy was shedding about 700,000 jobs a month. Our credit markets were frozen, folks couldn't get a home loan, they couldn't get a car loan, they couldn't get a student loan if they needed it. What was a deep recession threatened to become a Great Depression. You remember that, right?
AUDIENCE: Yes!
THE PRESIDENT: Okay. That's why we acted boldly and swiftly to pass an unprecedented economic Recovery Act. A plan that didn't include any of the usual Washington earmarks or pork-barrel spending, but what it did include was a guarantee to uphold Davis-Bacon and pay prevailing wages. (Applause.)
Because of the Recovery Act, we're keeping a promise I made to give all of you -- 95 percent of working Americans -- a tax cut -- a tax cut that will benefit nearly 5 million families in Pennsylvania. We increased and extended unemployment insurance to 12 million Americans -- including hundreds of thousands of Pennsylvanians. We made sure that they could get health insurance if they were looking for a job, because COBRA was too expensive; reduced the cost of it by 65 percent. So a lot of families out there were able to hang onto their health care even during the downturn.
We're putting Americans to work across this country rebuilding crumbling roads and bridges and waterways with the largest investment in our infrastructure since Eisenhower created the Interstate Highway System in the 1950s. (Applause.) All in all, many middle-class families will see their incomes go up by about $3,000 because of the Recovery Act, helping them get back much of what they've lost due to this recession.
So I know times are still tough for working people. I know too many people are still looking for work or worried they'll be the next ones let go. But the Recovery Act is making a difference. We've stopped our economic freefall. That's something everybody can agree on.
But here's the problem. Even before this last financial crisis, the economy had problems. Just last week, a Census report came out showing that in 2008, before the downturn, family income fell to its lowest point in over a decade, and more families slid into poverty. Folks at the top 1 percent did pretty good. Everybody else saw their wages and income flat. That's unacceptable. And I refuse to let America go back to the culture of irresponsibility and greed that made it possible -- (applause) -- back to an economy with soaring CEO salaries and shrinking middle class incomes; back to the days when banks made reckless decisions that hurt Wall Street and Main Street alike. (Applause.) We're not going to go back to those days. It would be bad for unions, bad for the middle class, and bad for the United States of America. We're not turning back. We're moving forward. (Applause.)
We're not turning back. We're moving forward. And that's why we need to build a new foundation for lasting prosperity by creating the jobs of the future; by reforming our health care system; by laying down tough rules of the road to protect consumers from abuse, let the markets function fairly and freely, and ensure that we never experience another crisis like this again.
That's how we'll build an economy that works for working Americans. That's how we'll help our children climb higher than we did. That's how we'll grow our great American middle class.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: I love you!
THE PRESIDENT: I love you too, sister. (Laughter and applause.) Although it sounds like you've been hollering too much; your throat was all -- (laughter.)
We're going to grow our middle class with policies that benefit you, the American worker. And as John Sweeney noted, I've set up a Middle Class Task Force to do just that, run by my outstanding Vice President, that scrappy kid from Scranton, Pennsylvania, Joe Biden. (Applause.)
We'll grow our middle class by building a stronger labor movement. That's why I named Hilda Solis, daughter of a union member, as our new Labor Secretary. (Applause.) Hilda and I know that whether we're in economic -- good economic times or bad economic times, labor is not the problem -- labor is part of the solution. (Applause.)
That's why we've begun reversing and replacing old anti-labor executive orders, policies with ones that protect your benefits, and protect your safety, and protect your rights to organize and collectively bargain. (Applause.) That's why the very first bill I signed into law was the Lilly Ledbetter Act to uphold the basic principle of equal pay for equal work. (Applause.) And that's why I stand behind the Employee Free Choice Act -- (applause) -- because if a majority of workers want a union, they should get a union. (Applause.)
We'll grow -- we'll grow our middle class by creating jobs for Americans who want one -- not just any jobs, but jobs with good wages and good benefits. Jobs that give a person the satisfaction of knowing they'll meet their responsibilities to their families. Jobs that aren't just a source of income, but a source of pride and self-respect. Every American deserves that much.
Earlier today, I visited a GM plant in Youngstown, Ohio, that is -- (applause) -- Youngstown, here in the house. This plant is rehiring about a thousand workers to make the cars of tomorrow. That's a sign of life in our auto industry, and I'm pleased to see it. (Applause.) But you know what? I don't want to just see jobs returning to our auto industry, I want to see them being created across this country in every industry. That's why we're investing in a clean energy economy that will free America from the grip of foreign oil and create millions of new green jobs that can't be outsourced. That's why I've named a new point person to jumpstart American manufacturing so that we can make "Made in America" not just a slogan, we want to make it a reality. (Applause.)
We'll grow our middle class by doing a better job educating our sons and daughters. It was the GI Bill that helped strengthen the middle class in the 20th century, and our generation deserves the same kind of commitment. And that's why we've begun improving standards, holding ourselves more accountable, making college and advanced training more affordable, and offering students a complete and competitive education, from the cradle to the classroom, from college through a career. That's how we'll prepare every child in America -- not just some children, but every child in America to out-compete any worker in the world. (Applause.)
And, yes, we'll grow our middle class by finally providing quality, affordable health insurance in this country. Health care can't wait. (Applause.) It can't wait. Few have fought -- few have fought for this cause harder, few have championed it longer than you, our brothers and sisters in organized labor. You're making phone calls, knocking on doors, showing up at rallies -- because you know why this is so important. You know this isn't just about the millions of Americans who don't have health insurance, it's about the hundreds of millions more who do; Americans who worry that they'll lose their insurance if they lose their job; who fear their coverage will be denied because of a preexisting condition; who know that one accident or illness could mean financial ruin.
In fact, a new report from the Kaiser Family Foundation was released today showing that family premiums rose more than 130 percent over the last 10 years -- three times faster than wages. They now average over $13,000 a year, the highest amount on record, which is why when you go in to negotiate, you can't even think about negotiating for a salary -- a wage increase because the whole negotiation is about trying to keep the benefits you already have. (Applause.)
That's not just the fault of the employer, it's the fault of a broken health care system that's sucking up all the money. When are we going to stop it? (Applause.) When are we going to say enough is enough? How many more workers have to lose their coverage? How many more families have to go into the red for a sick loved one? (Applause.) How much longer are we going to have to wait? It can't wait. (Applause.)
AUDIENCE: We can't wait! We can't wait! We can't wait!
THE PRESIDENT: We can't wait. My friends, we have talked -- we have talked this issue to death, year after year, decade after decade. That's why I said last week before a joint session of Congress, I said, the time for bickering is over. The time for games has passed. Now is the time for action. Now is the time to deliver on health insurance reform. (Applause.)
The plan I announced will offer more security and more stability to Americans who have insurance. It will offer insurance to Americans who don't. And it will slow the growth of health care costs for our families, our businesses, and our government.
If you already have health insurance through your job -- and because many of you are members of unions, you do -- nothing in this plan will require you or your employer to change your coverage or your doctor. Let me repeat: Nothing in this plan will require you to change your coverage or your doctor.
What this plan will do is make your insurance work better for you. It'll be against the law for insurance companies to deny you coverage because of a preexisting condition. (Applause.) It will be against the law for insurance companies to drop your coverage when you get sick, or water it down when you need it the most. (Applause.) They won't be able to place some arbitrary cap on how much coverage you can receive in a given year or a given lifetime. (Applause.) We'll place a limit on how much you can be charged for out-of-pocket expenses -- because in the United States of America, nobody should go broke just because they got sick. (Applause.)
Insurance companies will be required to cover, at no extra charge, routine checkups and preventive care like mammograms and colonoscopies -- because there's no reason we shouldn't be catching diseases like breast cancer or colon cancer before they get worse. It makes sense, it saves money, and it will save lives.
So that's what we're offering to people who already have health insurance -- more stability and security. For the tens of millions of Americans who don't have health insurance, the second part of this plan will finally offer them -- offer you affordable choice. We'll do this with a new insurance exchange -- a marketplace where individuals and small businesses, they can shop for affordable health insurance plans that works for them.
And because there will be one big group, these uninsured Americans, they have leverage and they can drive down the cost of care and get a better deal than they're getting right now. That's how large companies and government employees get affordable insurance. It's how everybody in Congress -- including those who are always critical of government -- get their insurance. (Applause.) It's time to give every opportunity to Americans that members of Congress give to themselves. (Applause.)
I've also said that one of the options in this exchange should be a public option. (Applause.) Now, let me be clear. Let me be clear, because there's been a lot of misinformation out here about this. This would just be an option. Nobody would be forced to choose it. No one with insurance would be affected. But what it would do is offer Americans more choices, and promote real competition, and put pressure on private insurers to make their policies affordable and treat their customers better. (Applause.)
Now, when you're talking with some of your friends and neighbors, they might say, well, that all sounds pretty good, but how are you going to pay for it? And that's a legitimate question, because I inherited the $1.3 trillion deficit when I came into office. That's the other thing people have been a little selective about -- they don't seem to remember how we got into this mess. (Laughter.) But it's a legitimate question: How are we going to dig ourselves out of this big financial hole we're in? So let me try and answer it.
The plan I'm proposing is going to cost $900 billion over 10 years. That's real money -- although that's less than we've spent on Iraq and Afghanistan wars. It's less than the tax cuts for the wealthiest few Americans that Congress passed during the previous administration -- wars and tax cuts that were not paid for and ballooned our deficits to record levels, and didn't help America's working families. (Applause.)
We won't make that mistake again. We will not pay for health insurance reform by adding to our deficits. I will not sign a bill that adds a dime to our deficits, either now or in the future.
What we will do is pay for it by eliminating hundreds of billions of dollars in fraud and waste and abuse, including billions of dollars in subsidies for insurance companies that pad their profits but aren't improving care. (Applause.) We'll also set up a commission of doctors and medical experts to encourage the adoption of common sense best practices that can further reduce costs and raise quality in the years ahead. That's how we'll pay for most of this plan -- by using money that's already being spent in the health care system, but spent badly.
So don't pay attention to those scary stories about how Medicare benefits will be cut. That will never happen on my watch. We will protect Medicare, so it's a safety net for our seniors that they can count on today, tomorrow, forever. (Applause.) Not a dollar from the Medicare Trust Fund will be used to pay for this plan, not a single dollar. (Applause.)
These are the reforms I'm proposing. These are the reforms labor has been championing. These are the reforms the American people need. These are reforms I intend to sign into law: quality, affordable health insurance; a world-class education; good jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced; a strong labor movement. That's how we'll lift up hardworking families. That's how we'll grow our middle class. That's how we'll put opportunity within reach in the United States of America. (Applause.)
The battle for opportunity has always been fought in places like Pittsburgh, places like Pennsylvania. It was here that Pittsburgh railroad workers rose up in a great strike. It was here that Homestead steelworkers took on Pinkerton guards at Carnegie mills. (Applause.) It was here that something happened in a town called Aliquippa.
It was a tough place for workers in the 1930s -- "a benevolent dictatorship," said the local steel boss. Labor had no rights. The foreman's whim ruled the day. And the company hired workers from different lands and different races -- the better to keep them divided, it was thought at the time.
But despite threats and harassment, despite seeing organizers fired and driven out of town, these steelworkers came together -- Serb and Croat, Italian and Pole, and Irish, and Greek, and kin of Alabama slaves and sons of Pennsylvania coal miners. And they took their case all the way to the Supreme Court, securing the right to organize up and down the Ohio River Valley and all across America. (Applause.)
And I know that if America can come together like Aliquippa and rise above barriers of faith and race, and region, and party -- then we will not only make life better for steelworkers like Steve in Indiana, not only make life better for members of the AFL-CIO, but will make possible the dreams of middle-class families and make real the promise of the United States of America for everybody. (Applause.) That's what we're fighting for. That's what this White House is committed to. That's what the AFL-CIO is committed to. (Applause.) And arm in arm, we are going to get this done. (Applause.)
I got a question for you: Are you fired up?
AUDIENCE: Yes!
THE PRESIDENT: Are you ready to go?
AUDIENCE: Yes!
THE PRESIDENT: Are you fired up?
AUDIENCE: Yes!
THE PRESIDENT: Are you ready to go?
AUDIENCE: Yes!
THE PRESIDENT: Let's go get this done. Thank you, everybody. God bless you. (Applause.)
END
1:58 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
___________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                  September 15, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
DURING ROUNDTABLE WITH GENERAL MOTORS EMPLOYEES
General Motors Lordstown Assembly Plant
Warren, Ohio
11:04 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: -- (in progress) -- they're just not working. We've got a 50 percent dropout rate, and that is not just bad for the kids who are dropping out, that's bad for the community, that's bad for the country. The main decision for a lot of companies is where can they find skilled workers. And you guys know as well as anybody that it used to be if you wanted to work in an auto plant you didn't have to really know much about math or computers or what have you -- all you had to do was just be willing to work hard.
But these days, you know, if you're on the line -- I haven't looked at this particular plant, but I know that you've got to be able to do some math, there's some science and technical issues that are involved. And so how we train our young people is absolutely critical and we've got to try some different things and some new things that we haven't been trying.
And the other thing we have to do is set up a system of community colleges so that we're constantly retraining. If there is innovations in the auto industry we want to make sure that workers who are already working are able to go back to school -- even if it's part time, night classes, what have you -- so that they can then improve their skills. And that's something that has got to be a top priority.
END
11:05 A.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
___________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                 September 15, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO GENERAL MOTORS PLANT EMPLOYEES
General Motors Lordstown Assembly Plant
Warren, Ohio
11:13 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Thank you, Lordstown. (Applause.) Thank you, guys. It is good to be back in Ohio. (Applause.) And it's good to be at one of GM's flagship plants with all of you. (Applause.)
I've got a list of some wonderful people that I want to make sure that I acknowledge real quick. First of all, a former colleague of mine, somebody who is now collaborating with me to make sure that working people are getting a fair shake -- please give it up for your United States Senator Sherrod Brown. (Applause.) Where's Sherrod? There he is.
Your Congressman, doing an outstanding job, great young man -- Tim Ryan. (Applause.) From the neighboring congressional district, somebody who is responsible for Cash for Clunkers -- Betty Sutton. (Applause.) And an outstanding congressman from Ohio, as well -- Charlie Wilson. Give Charlie a big round of applause. (Applause.) we've got a great trio of mayors here -- Mayor Michael O'Brien of Warren, Michael Chaffee of Lordstown, and Mayor Jay Williams of Youngstown -- give them all a big round of applause. (Applause.) We've got state senator and minority leader Capri Cafaro is here. (Applause.) How are you? She's a fireplug. I remember her. (Applause.)
The CEO of General Motors Fritz Henderson is in the house. (Applause.) Plant manager John Donahue is in the house. (Applause.) UAW servicing agent John Mohan is in the house. (Applause.) President of the UAW Local 1112 Jim Graham is in the house. (Applause.) President of Local 1714 David Green is in the house. (Applause.) Chairperson of 1112 Ben Strickland. (Applause.) And chairperson of Local 1714 Will Adams. (Applause.)
Well, listen, I just finished having a productive discussion with some of your coworkers about the challenges you're facing, both here and in your communities, and how we can meet them. We talked about the economic troubles that you've been weathering here in Trumbull County since long before our current crisis. Yes, if you've got chairs, feel free to sit down. (Laughter.) You don't have to stand this whole time. (Applause.)
But let's face it, we've been going through some crises since -- since before this economic crisis, this financial crisis hit. Over the years, you've seen factories close. You've seen friends and neighbors and relatives laid off. Your daughters and sons have had to move away in search of jobs and opportunity. I know it was painful around here earlier this year, when three shifts at this plant were cut down to one. Today, the local unemployment rate is unacceptably high in this region -- second-highest in Ohio. So I know at times, it seems like this community has been on the brink -- over and over and over again.
There are some who see this pain and suggest that somehow it's inevitable -- that the only way for America to get ahead is for communities like yours to be left behind. But I know better -- we know better. We know that our success as a nation depends on the success of communities just like this one. (Applause.) We know that the battle for America's future is not just going to be won in the big cities, not just on the coasts, but in towns like Elkhart, Indiana, and Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, and Warren and Youngstown. That's what we're fighting for. (Applause.)
That's why I'm proud to be here with all of you. (Applause.) You work hard. You meet your responsibilities. You deserve better. (Applause.) You deserve better than the attitude that's prevailed in Washington and Wall Street and sometimes in Detroit for far too long; an attitude that valued wealth over work and selfishness over sacrifice and greed over responsibility. (Applause.) That's why I want you to know that every day that I step into the Oval Office, I am thinking about you and your families, I am fighting for you and your families, and I'm going to keep on doing it as long as I'm President of the United States. (Applause.)
Now, sometimes that involves making tough decisions that have been put off for too long. That's my job -- making tough decisions. If it's an easy decision, it doesn't get to my desk. As I've said before, I didn't run for President to manage auto companies. It wasn't something on my to-do list. It wasn't even something on my want-to-do list. (Laughter.) I like driving cars. (Laughter.) Sometimes, you know, I can change a spark plug or change a tire, but I don't know so much about cars that I wanted to be deeply involved in the car industry.
But here's what I knew: I wasn't going to put any more tax dollars on the line if it meant perpetuating bad business decisions that got us to a point where the U.S auto industry was in crisis. But in the midst of a deep recession and financial crisis, for me to have just let the auto industry collapse, to vanish, would have caused unbelievable damage to our economy -- not just here in Lordstown, but all across the country. So we intervened for one simple and compelling reason: Your survival and the success of our economy depended on making sure that we got the U.S. auto industry back on its feet.
There were some people who said you can't do it. But our belief was that if GM retooled and reinvented itself for the 21st century, it would be good for American workers, it would be good for American manufacturing, it would be good for America's economy. And I'm pleased to report that that is exactly what has begun to happen at plants like this and others across the country. (Applause.) So I know that some of those decisions may not have been popular, but I will tell you what: I will double down on the American people and the American worker and all of you any day of the week. (Applause.)
One of the other efforts we undertook was the Cash for Clunkers program. Folks said that wouldn't work either. That program was good for automakers, it was good for consumers, and, by the way, it was good for our environment. And you know what, the Chevy Cobalt that you build here was one of GM's most sought-after cars under that program. (Applause.) Dealers across the country started running out. You need to build more.
And one other thing: For too long, our auto industries faced uncertain and conflicting fuel economy standards. And that made it difficult for you to plan down the road. And that's why, today, we are launching –- for the first time in history –- a new national standard aimed at both increasing gas mileage and decreasing greenhouse gas pollution for all cars and trucks sold in America. It creates an even playing field. It's an action that is long overdue. It will give our auto companies clarity, and stability, and predictability.
In the past, an agreement like this would have been impossible, but this time it was different because automakers, the UAW, environmental advocates, Democrats, Republicans, states all across the country -- all of them came together, pledging to set aside the quarrels of the past for the sake of the future.
Because of the steps we've taken, this plant is about to shift into high gear. (Applause.) A hundred and fifty of your coworkers came back to work yesterday. (Applause.) More than 1,000 will be coming back to work in less than three weeks as production of the Cobalt ramps up. (Applause.) That's worth standing for. (Applause.) And next year, this plant will begin production of the Chevy Cruze -- (applause) -- a new car that will get more than 40 miles per gallon. I just sat in the car. I asked for the keys, they wouldn't give me the keys. (Laughter.) I was going -- I was going to take it for a little spin. (Laughter.) But it was nice sitting in there. It was a roomy car -- 40 miles per gallon.
So if you picked up a copy of the Youngstown Vindicator back in January, you would have seen a headline that read: "Worries mount in wake of layoffs." A couple weeks ago, you would have read a different story: "Good news at Lordstown is good news for all." And today, you made, by the way, some more good news: I understand that the one-millionth Cobalt rolled off the assembly line late last night. (Applause.)
So I don't want to just congratulate you, I want to thank you. You're doing your part to move us forward and make sure that the high-quality, well-engineered, safe and fuel-efficient cars of the future will be built where they've always have been built -- right here in Ohio, right across the Midwest, right here in the United States of America. (Applause.)
Now, even though you're proving that American automakers are getting back in the game, I think everybody understands our economic troubles are far from over. I don't want to overpromise here. We've still got a lot of work to do. We got in a deep hole over a course of years; it's going to take some years to get back out of this hole. We have a lot of work to do not just to get this community moving again, and this economy moving again, but we've got to build a stronger foundation for economic growth into the future.
There's some people in Washington, they've already forgotten just what it was that we walked into eight months ago. So let just go through -- let me go through the facts here real quick in case you all have forgotten: a financial system near collapse; 700,000 workers losing their jobs every single month; a sudden decline in credit that made it difficult to take out a mortgage or a student loan, or a small business loan, or an auto loan. You couldn’t get an auto loan. It was so bad that experts of all political persuasions feared a second coming of the Great Depression.
So we took bold, swift action to make sure that didn't happen. We moved to keep responsible homeowners in their homes. We moved to jumpstart lending. We passed a sweeping Recovery Act without the usual Washington earmarks or pork-barrel spending -- but putting people back to work. And that plan is now working.
I want you to know what's happened here. One-third of our Recovery Act went to tax relief. We cut your taxes. Ninety-five percent of America's working families -- 4.5 million families right here in Ohio -- we cut your taxes. (Applause.) And we cut taxes for small businesses on investments that they make. (Applause.)
That was a third of our Recovery Act. And that gave everybody a little more money in their pockets to spend, which helped boost the economy. Then what we did was we put another third into emergency relief. All those Americans who were laid off, we extended unemployment benefits -- and that's made a difference for 12 million Americans, including 570,000 right here in Ohio. (Applause.)
And for all those people who had lost their jobs, they were worried about losing their health care -- they were going to have to try to get on COBRA, but you know how much COBRA costs, having to pick up your whole health care premium. So what we did was we made health insurance through COBRA 65 percent cheaper for families while they were looking for work. (Applause.) We saved the jobs of tens of thousands of state and local workers, including 336 police officers right here in Ohio. (Applause.) That was part of our Recovery Act.
Now, the last third is investing in your towns and your future. Over in Canfield, we awarded a competitive contract to a local company to repair a bridge on Route 11. That allowed them to avoid layoffs they were otherwise going to make. That allowed local folks to keep coming to work, doing the work America needs done. (Applause.) We've got projects like that all across Ohio and all across the country -- rebuilding our roads and our bridges, laying broadband lines, making sure that we're building the wind turbines and solar panels that are going to drive our energy future. That's what the Recovery Act has been all about.
Now, we've still got a long way to go. But there is little debate that the decisions we've made and the steps we've taken helped stop our economic freefall. In some places, they've helped us turn the corner. Home sales are up; business investment is starting to stabilize. For the first time in 18 months, we're actually seeing growth in American manufacturing, instead of decline. (Applause.)
I know that's small consolation when so many people you know are still out of work. It's going to take some time to achieve a complete recovery. But I want you all to know, I will not rest until anybody who's looking for a job can find one -- and I'm not talking about just any job, but good jobs that give every American decent wages and decent benefits and a fair shot at the American Dream. (Applause.) That's what I'm fighting for every single day. (Applause.)
We're fighting for an America where your children will be armed with the skills they need to compete with any worker, anywhere in the world. We're making a historic commitment to strengthening and improving education from cradle to a career. And I've set a goal: By 2020, America will once again have the highest proportion of college graduates in the world. There's no reason why we can't have that number-one ranking once again. (Applause.)
We're fighting for an America where clean energy generates green jobs -- that can't be outsourced; that help us free ourselves from our grip of foreign oil; jobs that make sure the cars of the future and the technologies like the new batteries that power them are made right here in the United States of America. (Applause.)
And, yes, just in case you were wondering, we are fighting for an America where no American should have to worry about going without health insurance or feel that one illness could cost them everything they have. (Applause.) We're going to reform the system to provide more security and stability to those of you who have health insurance. We're going to offer quality, affordable choices to those who currently don't have health insurance. And we're going to bring health care costs for our families and our businesses and our government under control.
Think about it. If you're a member of the union right now, you're spending all your time negotiating about health care. You need to be spending some time negotiating about wages -- but you can't do it -- (applause) -- but I want to make sure that you understand – you’ve got to understand Fritz's position here. He's trying to build this company back up. And if health care costs are going up 30 percent or 20 percent every year, it's very tough for him. So we all have an interest in reforming the health care system so that the cost for employers don't go up; that means the cost for you don't go up, and that means you can actually start bringing home a little more take-home pay. That's what this is all about if you've already got health insurance. (Applause.)
So that's what we're fighting for: to bring Lordstown and Youngstown and Warren back; to make sure that our towns and our middle class -- a middle class forged just like in plants that you're seeing here -- I want them not just to survive today, but to thrive tomorrow.
I want you to deliver a message to the GM team members who are manning the line and couldn't join us today: As long as you've still got an ounce of fight left in you, I've got a ton of fight left in me. (Applause.) I've said it before, I'm skinny but I'm tough. (Laughter.) And as long as I have the privilege of being your President, I'm going to keep fighting for a future that is brighter for this community and brighter for Ohio and brighter for the United States of America.
I need your help, so give it to me, guys, because we're going to rebuild right here, right now. (Applause.) We're going to make Ohio work again.
Thank you, everybody. God bless you. (Applause.)
END
11:34 A.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
__________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                               September 14, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
ON FINANCIAL RESCUE AND REFORM
Federal Hall
New York, New York
11:59 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you very much.  It is wonderful to be back in New York after having just been here last week.  It is a beautiful day and we have some extraordinary guests here in the Hall today.  I just want to mention a few.
First of all from my economic team, somebody who I think has done extraordinary work on behalf of all Americans and has helped to strengthen our financial system immeasurably, Secretary Tim Geithner -- please give him a big round of applause.  (Applause.)  Somebody who is continually guiding me and keeping me straight on the numbers, the chair of the Council of Economic Advisers, Christina Romer is here.  (Applause.)  We have an extraordinary economic recovery board and as chairman somebody who knows more about the financial markets and the economy generally than just about anybody in this country, Paul Volcker.  Thank you, Paul.  (Applause.)  The outstanding mayor of the city of New York, Mr. Michael Bloomberg.  (Applause.)  We have Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver is here, as well; thank you.  (Applause.)
We have a host of members of Congress, but there's one that I have to single out because he is going to be helping to shape the agenda going forward to make sure that we have one of the strongest, most dynamic, and most innovative financial markets in the world for many years to come, and that's my good friend, Barney Frank.  (Applause.)  I also want to thank our hosts from the National Park Service here at Federal Hall and all the other outstanding public officials who are here.
Thanks for being here.  Thank you for your warm welcome.  It's a privilege to be in historic Federal Hall.  It was here more than two centuries ago that our first Congress served and our first President was inaugurated.  And I just had a chance to glance at the Bible upon which George Washington took his oath.  It was here, in the early days of the Republic, that Hamilton and Jefferson debated how best to administer a young economy and ensure that our nation rewarded the talents and drive of its people.  And two centuries later, we still grapple with these questions -- questions made more acute in moments of crisis.
It was one year ago today that we experienced just such a crisis.  As investors and pension-holders watched with dread and dismay, and after a series of emergency meetings often conducted in the dead of the night, several of the world's largest and oldest financial institutions had fallen, either bankrupt, bought, or bailed out:  Lehman Brothers, Merrill Lynch, AIG, Washington Mutual, Wachovia.  A week before this began, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac had been taken over by the government.  Other large firms teetered on the brink of insolvency.  Credit markets froze as banks refused to lend not only to families and businesses, but to one another.  Five trillion dollars of Americans' household wealth evaporated in the span of just three months.  That was just one year ago.
Congress and the previous administration took difficult but necessary action in the days and months that followed.  Nonetheless, when this administration walked through the door in January, the situation remained urgent.  The markets had fallen sharply; credit was not flowing.  It was feared that the largest banks -- those that remained standing -- had too little capital and far too much exposure to risky loans.  And the consequences had spread far beyond the streets of lower Manhattan.  This was no longer just a financial crisis; it had become a full-blown economic crisis, with home prices sinking and businesses struggling to access affordable credit, and the economy shedding an average of 700,000 jobs every single month.
We could not separate what was happening in the corridors of our financial institutions from what was happening on the factory floors and around the kitchen tables.  Home foreclosures linked those who took out home loans and those who repackaged those loans as securities.  A lack of access to affordable credit threatened the health of large firms and small businesses, as well as all those whose jobs depended on them.  And a weakened financial system weakened the broader economy, which in turn further weakened the financial system.
So the only way to address successfully any of these challenges was to address them together.  And this administration, under the outstanding leadership of Tim Geithner and Christy Romer and Larry Summers and others, moved quickly on all fronts, initializing a financial -- a financial stability plan to rescue the system from the crisis and restart lending for all those affected by the crisis.  By opening and examining the books of large financial firms, we helped restore the availability of two things that had been in short supply:  capital and confidence.  By taking aggressive and innovative steps in credit markets, we spurred lending not just to banks, but to folks looking to buy homes or cars, take out student loans, or finance small businesses.  Our home ownership plan has helped responsible homeowners refinance to stem the tide of lost homes and lost home values.
And the recovery plan is providing help to the unemployed and tax relief for working families, all the while spurring consumer spending.  It's prevented layoffs of tens of thousands of teachers and police officers and other essential public servants.  And thousands of recovery projects are underway all across America, including right here in New York City, putting people to work building wind turbines and solar panels, renovating schools and hospitals, repairing our nation's roads and bridges.
Eight months later, the work of recovery continues.  And though I will never be satisfied while people are out of work and our financial system is weakened, we can be confident that the storms of the past two years are beginning to break.  In fact, while there continues to be a need for government involvement to stabilize the financial system, that necessity is waning.  After months in which public dollars were flowing into our financial system, we're finally beginning to see money flowing back to taxpayers.  This doesn't mean taxpayers will escape the worst financial crisis in decades entirely unscathed.  But banks have repaid more than $70 billion, and in those cases where the government's stakes have been sold completely, taxpayers have actually earned a 17 percent return on their investment.  Just a few months ago, many experts from across the ideological spectrum feared that ensuring financial stability would require even more tax dollars.  Instead, we've been able to eliminate a $250 billion reserve included in our budget because that fear has not been realized.
While full recovery of the financial system will take a great deal more time and work, the growing stability resulting from these interventions means we're beginning to return to normalcy.  But here's what I want to emphasize today:  Normalcy cannot lead to complacency.
Unfortunately, there are some in the financial industry who are misreading this moment.  Instead of learning the lessons of Lehman and the crisis from which we're still recovering, they're choosing to ignore those lessons.  I'm convinced they do so not just at their own peril, but at our nation's.  So I want everybody here to hear my words:  We will not go back to the days of reckless behavior and unchecked excess that was at the heart of this crisis, where too many were motivated only by the appetite for quick kills and bloated bonuses.  Those on Wall Street cannot resume taking risks without regard for consequences, and expect that next time, American taxpayers will be there to break their fall.
And that's why we need strong rules of the road to guard against the kind of systemic risks that we've seen.  And we have a responsibility to write and enforce these rules to protect consumers of financial products, to protect taxpayers, and to protect our economy as a whole.  Yes, there must -- these rules must be developed in a way that doesn't stifle innovation and enterprise.  And I want to say very clearly here today, we want to work with the financial industry to achieve that end.  But the old ways that led to this crisis cannot stand.  And to the extent that some have so readily returned to them underscores the need for change and change now.  History cannot be allowed to repeat itself.
So what we're calling for is for the financial industry to join us in a constructive effort to update the rules and regulatory structure to meet the challenges of this new century.  That is what my administration seeks to do.  We've sought ideas and input from industry leaders and policy experts, academics, consumer advocates, and the broader public.  And we've worked closely with leaders in the Senate and the House, including not only Barney, but also Senators Chris Dodd and Richard Shelby, and Barney is already working with his counterpart, Sheldon [sic] Bachus.  And we intend to pass regulatory reform through Congress.
And taken together, we're proposing the most ambitious overhaul of the financial regulatory system since the Great Depression.  But I want to emphasize that these reforms are rooted in a simple principle:  We ought to set clear rules of the road that promote transparency and accountability.  That's how we'll make certain that markets foster responsibility, not recklessness.  That's how we'll make certain that markets reward those who compete honestly and vigorously within the system, instead of those who are trying to game the system.
So let me outline specifically what we're talking about.  First, we're proposing new rules to protect consumers and a new Consumer Financial Protection Agency to enforce those rules.  (Applause.)  This crisis was not just the result of decisions made by the mightiest of financial firms.  It was also the result of decisions made by ordinary Americans to open credit cards and take on mortgages.  And while there were many who took out loans they knew they couldn't afford, there were also millions of Americans who signed contracts they didn't fully understand offered by lenders who didn't always tell the truth.
This is in part because there is no single agency charged with making sure that doesn't happen.  That's what we intend to change.  The Consumer Financial Protection Agency will have the power to make certain that consumers get information that is clear and concise, and to prevent the worst kinds of abuses.  Consumers shouldn't have to worry about loan contracts designed to be unintelligible, hidden fees attached to their mortgage, and financial penalties -- whether through a credit card or a debit card -- that appear without warning on their statements.  And responsible lenders, including community banks, doing the right thing shouldn't have to worry about ruinous competition from unregulated competitors.
Now there are those who are suggesting that somehow this will restrict the choices available to consumers.  Nothing could be further from the truth.  The lack of clear rules in the past meant we had the wrong kind of innovation:  The firm that could make its products look the best by doing the best job of hiding the real costs ended up getting the business.  For example, we had "teaser" rates on credit cards and mortgages that lured people in and then surprised them with big rate increases.  By setting ground rules, we'll increase the kind of competition that actually provides people better and greater choices, as companies compete to offer the best products, not the ones that are most complex or the most confusing.
Second, we've got to close the loopholes that were at the heart of the crisis.  Where there were gaps in the rules, regulators lacked the authority to take action.  Where there were overlaps, regulators often lacked accountability for inaction.  These weaknesses in oversight engendered systematic, and systemic, abuse.
Under existing rules, some companies can actually shop for the regulator of their choice -- and others, like hedge funds, can operate outside of the regulatory system altogether.  We've seen the development of financial instruments -- like derivatives and credit default swaps -- without anyone examining the risks, or regulating all of the players.  And we've seen lenders profit by providing loans to borrowers who they knew would never repay, because the lender offloaded the loan and the consequences to somebody else.  Those who refused to game the system are at a disadvantage.
Now, one of the main reasons this crisis could take place is that many agencies and regulators were responsible for oversight of individual financial firms and their subsidiaries, but no one was responsible for protecting the system as the whole -- as a whole.  In other words, regulators were charged with seeing the trees, but not the forest.  And even then, some firms that posed a "systemic risk" were not regulated as strongly as others, exploiting loopholes in the system to take on greater risk with less scrutiny.  As a result, the failure of one firm threatened the viability of many others.  We were facing one of the largest financial crises in history, and those responsible for oversight were caught off guard and without the authority to act.
And that's why we'll create clear accountability and responsibility for regulating large financial firms that pose a systemic risk.  While holding the Federal Reserve fully accountable for regulation of the largest, most interconnected firms, we'll create an oversight council to bring together regulators from across markets to share information, to identify gaps in regulation, and to tackle issues that don't fit neatly into an organizational chart.  We'll also require these financial firms to meet stronger capital and liquidity requirements and observe greater constraints on their risky behavior.  That's one of the lessons of the past year.  The only way to avoid a crisis of this magnitude is to ensure that large firms can't take risks that threaten our entire financial system, and to make sure that they have the resources to weather even the worst of economic storms.
Even as we've proposed safeguards to make the failure of large and interconnected firms less likely, we've also created -- proposed creating what's called "resolution authority" in the event that such a failure happens and poses a threat to the stability of the financial system.  This is intended to put an end to the idea that some firms are "too big to fail."  For a market to function, those who invest and lend in that market must believe that their money is actually at risk.  And the system as a whole isn't safe until it is safe from the failure of any individual institution.
If a bank approaches insolvency, we have a process through the FDIC that protects depositors and maintains confidence in the banking system.  This process was created during the Great Depression when the failure of one bank led to runs on other banks, which in turn threatened the banking system as a whole.  That system works.  But we don't have any kind of process in place to contain the failure of a Lehman Brothers or AIG or any of the largest and most interconnected financial firms in our country.
And that's why, when this crisis began, crucial decisions about what would happen to some of the world's biggest companies -- companies employing tens of thousands of people and holding trillions of dollars of assets -- took place in hurried discussions in the middle of the night.  That's why we've had to rely on taxpayer dollars.  The only resolution authority we currently have that would prevent a financial meltdown involved tapping the Federal Reserve or the federal treasury.  With so much at stake, we should not be forced to choose between allowing a company to fail into a rapid and chaotic dissolution that threatens the economy and innocent people, or, alternatively, forcing taxpayers to foot the bill.  So our plan would put the cost of a firm's failures on those who own its stock and loaned it money.  And if taxpayers ever have to step in again to prevent a second Great Depression, the financial industry will have to pay the taxpayer back -- every cent.
Finally, we need to close the gaps that exist not just within this country but among countries.  The United States is leading a coordinated response to promote recovery and to restore prosperity among both the world's largest economies and the world's fastest growing economies.  At a summit in London in April, leaders agreed to work together in an unprecedented way to spur global demand but also to address the underlying problems that caused such a deep and lasting global recession.  And this work will continue next week in Pittsburgh when I convene the G20, which has proven to be an effective forum for coordinating policies among key developed and emerging economies and one that I see taking on an important role in the future.
Essential to this effort is reforming what's broken in the global financial system -- a system that links economies and spreads both rewards and risks.  For we know that abuses in financial markets anywhere can have an impact everywhere; and just as gaps in domestic regulation lead to a race to the bottom, so do gaps in regulation around the world.  What we need instead is a global race to the top, including stronger capital standards, as I've called for today.  As the United States is aggressively reforming our regulatory system, we're going to be working to ensure that the rest of the world does the same.  And this is something that Secretary Geithner has already been actively meeting with finance ministers around the world to discuss.
A healthy economy in the 21st century also depends on our ability to buy and sell goods in markets across the globe.  And make no mistake, this administration is committed to pursuing expanded trade and new trade agreements.  It is absolutely essential to our economic future.  And each time that we have met -- at the G20 and the G8 -- we have reaffirmed the need to fight against protectionism.  But no trading system will work if we fail to enforce our trade agreements, those that have already been signed.  So when -- as happened this weekend -- we invoke provisions of existing agreements, we do so not to be provocative or to promote self-defeating protectionism, we do so because enforcing trade agreements is part and parcel of maintaining an open and free trading system.
And just as we have to live up to our responsibilities on trade, we have to live up to our responsibilities on financial reform as well.  I have urged leaders in Congress to pass regulatory reform this year and both Congressman Frank and Senator Dodd, who are leading this effort, have made it clear that that's what they intend to do.  Now there will be those who defend the status quo -- there always are.  There will be those who argue we should do less or nothing at all.  There will be those who engage in revisionist history or have selective memories, and don't seem to recall what we just went through last year.  But to them I'd say only this:  Do you really believe that the absence of sound regulation one year ago was good for the financial system?  Do you believe the resulting decline in markets and wealth and unemployment, the wrenching hardship that families are going through all across the country, was somehow good for our economy?  Was that good for the American people?
I have always been a strong believer in the power of the free market.  I believe that jobs are best created not by government, but by businesses and entrepreneurs willing to take a risk on a good idea.  I believe that the role of the government is not to disparage wealth, but to expand its reach; not to stifle markets, but to provide the ground rules and level playing field that helps to make those markets more vibrant -- and that will allow us to better tap the creative and innovative potential of our people.  For we know that it is the dynamism of our people that has been the source of America's progress and prosperity.
So I promise you, I did not run for President to bail out banks or intervene in capital markets.  But it is important to note that the very absence of common-sense regulations able to keep up with a fast-paced financial sector is what created the need for that extraordinary intervention -- not just with our administration, but the previous administration.  The lack of sensible rules of the road, so often opposed by those who claim to speak for the free market, ironically led to a rescue far more intrusive than anything any of us -- Democratic or Republican, progressive or conservative -- would have ever proposed or predicted.
At the same time, we have to recognize that what's needed now goes beyond just the reforms that I've mentioned.  For what took place one year ago was not merely a failure of regulation or legislation; it wasn't just a failure of oversight or foresight.  It was also a failure of responsibility -- it was fundamentally a failure of responsibility -- that allowed Washington to become a place where problems -- including structural problems in our financial system -- were ignored rather than solved.  It was a failure of responsibility that led homebuyers and derivative traders alike to take reckless risks that they couldn't afford to take. It was a collective failure of responsibility in Washington, on Wall Street, and across America that led to the near-collapse of our financial system one year ago.
So restoring a willingness to take responsibility -- even when it's hard to do -- is at the heart of what we must do.  Here on Wall Street, you have a responsibility.  The reforms I've laid out will pass and these changes will become law.  But one of the most important ways to rebuild the system stronger than it was before is to rebuild trust stronger than before -- and you don't have to wait for a new law to do that.  You don't have to wait to use plain language in your dealings with consumers.  You don't have to wait for legislation to put the 2009 bonuses of your senior executives up for a shareholder vote.  You don't have to wait for a law to overhaul your pay system so that folks are rewarded for long-term performance instead of short-term gains.
The fact is, many of the firms that are now returning to prosperity owe a debt to the American people.  They were not the cause of this crisis, and yet American taxpayers, through their government, had to take extraordinary action to stabilize the financial industry.  They shouldered the burden of the bailout and they are still bearing the burden of the fallout -- in lost jobs and lost homes and lost opportunities.  It is neither right nor responsible after you've recovered with the help of your government to shirk your obligation to the goal of wider recovery, a more stable system, and a more broadly shared prosperity.
So I want to urge you to demonstrate that you take this obligation to heart.  To put greater effort into helping families who need their mortgages modified under my administration's homeownership plan.  To help small business owners who desperately need loans and who are bearing the brunt of the decline in available credit.  To help communities that would benefit from the financing you could provide, or the community development institutions you could support.  To come up with creative approaches to improve financial education and to bring banking to those who live and work entirely outside of the banking system.  And, of course, to embrace serious financial reform, not resist it.
Just as we are asking the private sector to think about the long term, I recognize that Washington has to do so as well.  When my administration came through the door, we not only faced a financial crisis and costly recession, we also found waiting a trillion dollar deficit.  So yes, we have to take extraordinary action in the wake of an extraordinary economic crisis.  But I am absolutely committed to putting this nation on a sound and secure fiscal footing.  That's why we're pushing to restore pay-as-you-go rules in Congress, because I will not go along with the old Washington ways which said it was okay to pass spending bills and tax cuts without a plan to pay for it.  That's why we're cutting programs that don't work or are out of date.  That's why I've insisted that health insurance reform -- as important as it is -- not add a dime to the deficit, now or in the future.
There are those who would suggest that we must choose between markets unfettered by even the most modest of regulations, and markets weighed down by onerous regulations that suppress the spirit of enterprise and innovation.  If there is one lesson we can learn from last year, it is that this is a false choice.  Common-sense rules of the road don't hinder the market, they make the market stronger.  Indeed, they are essential to ensuring that our markets function fairly and freely.
One year ago, we saw in stark relief how markets can spin out of control; how a lack of common-sense rules can lead to excess and abuse; how close we can come to the brink.  One year later, it is incumbent upon us to put in place those reforms that will prevent this kind of crisis from ever happening again, reflecting painful but important lessons that we've learned, and that will help us move from a period of reckless irresponsibility, a period of crisis, to one of responsibility and prosperity.  That's what we must do.  And I'm confident that's what we will do.
Thank you very much, everybody.  (Applause.)
END         
12:29 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
___________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                 September 12, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT A RALLY ON HEALTH INSURANCE REFORM
Target Center
Minneapolis, Minnesota
1:00 P.M. CDT

 

     THE PRESIDENT:  Hello, Minnesota!  (Applause.)  Hello, Minneapolis!  (Applause.)  Thank you.  Thank you, everybody.  Are you fired up?  (Applause.)  Thank you.  Thank you.  Thank you, everybody. 
     AUDIENCE:  Yes we can!  Yes we can!  Yes we can!  (Applause.)
     THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  Thank you, everybody.  All right, all right.  Thank you.  Everybody -- everybody take a seat, take a seat.  Great to see you.  It is good to see you all.  It's good to be back in Minnesota.  (Applause.)
     Now, before I do anything else, I want to get to some very important news.  I hear the Gophers have their home opener in their brand new stadium a little later today.  (Applause.)  I want to make sure you know I wish the Gophers luck.  (Applause.)  But they are playing Air Force, and I have to fly back home on one of their planes in a few hours.  (Laughter.)  So I got to be careful about what I say. 
     We've got some wonderful people who are here today with me, and I just want to make some special acknowledgments.  First of all, your two outstanding senators, Senator Amy Klobuchar and Senator Al Franken, are in the house.  (Applause.)  My great friend who was part of the Obama for President movement before I decided to run for President, R.T. Rybak, Mayor of Minneapolis, is in the house.  (Applause.)  The Mayor of the great city of St. Paul, Chris Coleman is in the house.  (Applause.)  Your Attorney General Lori Swanson is in the house.  (Applause.)  Your State Auditor Rebecca Otto is here.  (Applause.)  And one of the finest public servants in the country, my Secretary of Health and Human Services, Kathleen Sebelius is here.  (Applause.)
    
     Also, the biggest Obama fan in the country is in the house.  (Applause.)  Love this guy.  Michelle has a picture where she looks like Sasha, thanks to this guy.  (Laughter.)  He's a great supporter, and it's great to see you again.  (Applause.)
     You know, I don't know if any of you caught it on television -- you may have been watching "So You Think You Can Dance" -- (laughter) -- but -- Michelle loves that show, by the way.  But the other night I gave a speech to Congress about health care.  (Applause.)  And I have to say, I can already see that this crowd is a lot more fun.  (Laughter and applause.)  But listen.  I didn't go to Congress just to speak to senators or representatives.  I went to speak on behalf of the American people.  (Applause.)  Because, you see, I ran for this office because I believed it was time for a government that once again made possible the dreams of middle-class Americans -- that we're looking out for ordinary people -- (applause) -- a government that understands the quiet struggles that you wrestle with at the kitchen table when you're going through all the bills or when you're lying awake at night at the end of a long day and trying to figure out what you're going to do about health care for your children or what you're going to do about the situation with your mortgage; worrying about how stable your job is and what's happening with the economy; seniors who are worrying about their retirement security.
      You know and I know that health care is one of those fundamental struggles -- (applause) -- because if you're one of the tens of millions of Americans who have no health insurance, you live every day just one accident or illness away from bankruptcy.  And contrary to some of the myths out there, these aren't primarily people who are deep in poverty.  A lot of those folks are on Medicaid.  These are people who are working every day.  These are middle-class Americans.  (Applause.)  Maybe your employer doesn't offer coverage.  Maybe you're self-employed and you can't afford it because it costs you three times more in the marketplace than it does for big companies.  (Applause.)  Maybe you're one of the millions of Americans who's denied coverage because of a previous illness or condition -- no fault of your own, but the insurance companies decide it's too risky or too expensive for you to cover.
     In the last 12 months alone, 6 million more Americans lost their health insurance -- 6 million more.  Today, we received more disturbing news.  A new report from the Treasury Department found that nearly half of all Americans under 65 will lose their health coverage at some point over the next 10 years.  Think about that.  (Boos.)  More than one-third will go without coverage for longer than one year.  We've got to do something.  (Applause.)  We've got to do something because it can happen to anyone.  There but for the grace of God go I.  It could happen to anyone.
     But I don't need to tell you that our health care problems don't stop with the uninsured.  How many of you who have insurance have ever worried that you might lose it if you lost your jobs or you changed jobs or you had to move?  (Applause.)  How many stories have you heard about folks whose insurance company decided to drop their coverage or water it down when they get sick and need it the most?  (Applause.)  How many of you know somebody who paid their premiums every month only to find out that their insurance company wouldn't cover the full cost of their care like they thought they would get?  (Applause.)
     We've all heard these stories.  There's the father I met in Colorado whose child was diagnosed with severe hemophilia the day after he was born.  Now, they had insurance, but there was a cap on their coverage.  So once the child's medical bills began to pile up, the father was left to frantically search for another option, or face tens of thousands of dollars in medical bills.  Another woman from Texas was about to get a double mastectomy when her insurance company canceled her policy because, they said, she forgot to declare a case of acne -- true story.  (Boos.)  By the time she had her insurance reinstated, her breast cancer had more than doubled in size.  Small business people -- I got a letter just this week from a small businessman.  He said, "I don't know what to do.  I've always provided health insurance for my families, but here, the attached bill, shows that the premiums have gone up 48 percent in the last year, and I think that I'm probably going to have to stop providing health insurance for my employees.  I don't want to, but I don't have a choice."
     These stories are wrong.  They are heartbreaking.  Nobody should be treated that way in the United States of America, and that's why we're going to bring about change this year.  (Applause.)
     It has now been nearly a century since Teddy Roosevelt first called for health reform.  It's been attempted by nearly every President and Congress since.  And our failure to get it done -- year after year, decade after decade -- it has placed a burden on families, on businesses, and on taxpayers, and we can't stand it any longer.  We cannot sustain it any longer.  (Applause.)
     If we do nothing, your premiums will continue to rise faster than your wages.  If we do nothing, more businesses will close down; fewer will face -- fewer will be able to open in the first place.  If we do nothing, we will eventually spend more on Medicare and Medicaid than every other government program combined.  That's not an option for the United States of America.  So Minnesota, I may not be the first President to take up the cause of health care reform, but I am determined to be the last.  We are going to get it done this year.  (Applause.)  We are going to get it done this year.
     The good news -- here's the good news:  We are closer now to reform than we've ever been.  We've debated this issue for better than a year now.  And there's actually some solid agreement on about 80 percent of what needs to be done.  That's never happened before.  (Applause.)  We've got -- our overall efforts have been supported by an unprecedented coalition of doctors and nurses and hospitals and seniors' groups -- even drug companies, many of whom were opposed to reform in the past.  This time they recognize, you know what, this is not going to be stopped; we've got to get on board.
     Now, what we've also seen in these last few months is the same partisan spectacle that has left so many of you disappointed in Washington for so long.  (Applause.)  We've heard scare tactics instead of honest debate.  Too many have used this opportunity to score short-term political points instead of working together to solve long-term challenges.  (Applause.)
     I don't know if you agree with me, but I think the time for bickering is over.  (Applause.)  The time for games has passed.  Now is the time for action.  Now is the time to deliver on health care for every American.  (Applause.)
     AUDIENCE:  Yes we can!  Yes we can!  Yes we can!
     THE PRESIDENT:  Now, because even after the speech there's been a lot of misinformation out there, I want you to know about this plan that I announced on Wednesday so that when you go talk to your neighbors and your friends, and you're at the water cooler or buying Starbucks or whatever it is that you're doing -- (laughter) -- I want you to be able to say to people, here's what's going on. 
     The plan I announced will provide more security and stability to those who have health insurance.  (Applause.)  It will provide insurance to those who don't.  (Applause.)  And it will slow the growth of health care costs for our families, our businesses, and our government.  (Applause.) 
     Let me give you some details.  First of all, if you're among the hundreds of millions of Americans who already have health insurance through your job, or you've got health insurance through Medicare or Medicaid or the VA, nothing -- nothing in this plan will require you or your employer to change your coverage or your doc.  All right?  I want you to be clear about that.  Let me repeat:  Nothing in this plan requires you to change what you have if you're happy with it.
     What this plan will do is to make your insurance work better for you.  (Applause.)  So under this plan -- under this plan, it will be against the law for insurance companies to deny you coverage because of a preexisting condition.  (Applause.)  When I sign this bill, it will be against the law for insurance companies to drop your coverage when you get sick, or water it down when you need it the most.  (Applause.)  They will no longer be able to place some arbitrary cap on the amount of coverage you can receive in a given year or a lifetime.  (Applause.)  We will place a limit on how much you can be charged for out-of-pocket expenses, because in the United States of America, nobody should go broke because they got sick.  (Applause.)  And insurance companies -- insurance companies will be required to cover, at no extra charge, routine checkups and preventive care, like mammograms and colonoscopies -- (applause) -- because there's no reason we shouldn't be catching diseases like breast cancer or colon cancer before they get worse.  That makes sense, it saves money, it saves lives.  (Applause.)
     Now, if you're one of the 10 million -- tens of millions of Americans who don't currently have health insurance, the second part of this plan is going to finally offer you affordable choices.  So if you lose your job or change jobs or want to start a business, you'll be able to get coverage.  (Applause.)  You will have confidence that affordable coverage is out there for you, and we will do this not, contrary to what folks say, by some government takeover of health care.  We will do this by setting up a new insurance exchange -- a marketplace where individuals and small businesses will be able to shop for an affordable health insurance plan that works for them.  And because there will be one big group -- because there will be one big group, these uninsured Americans will have the leverage to drive down costs and get a much better deal than they get right now.  (Applause.)  That's how large companies do it.  That's how government employees get their health insurance.  That's how members of Congress get good deals on their insurance.  You should get the same deal that members of Congress get.  (Applause.)
     Now, if you still can't afford the lower-priced insurance available in the exchange, we're going to provide you or a small business owner tax credits so that they can do it.  And in the first few years that it takes up to the -- it takes to set up the exchange -- because it will take a few years to get this all set up, even after it passes -- but in the meantime, we want to make sure people get some immediate help, so we're going to immediately offer Americans with preexisting conditions who can't get coverage right now, we want to give them some low-cost coverage that will provide them protection from financial ruin if they become seriously ill.  (Applause.)
     Now, I've also said that one of the options in the insurance exchange, one of the options -- most of the folks who are going to be offering insurance through the exchange are going to be private insurers -- Blue Cross Blue Shield, Aetna, all these.  Well, I think one of the options should be a public insurance option.  (Applause.)  Now let me be clear.  Let me be clear.  Let me be clear:  It would only be an option.  Nobody would be forced to choose it.  No one with insurance would be affected by it.  But what it would do is, it would provide more choice and more competition.  (Applause.)  It would keep pressure on private insurers to keep their policies affordable, to treat their customers better.
     I mean, think about it.  It's the same way that public colleges and universities provide additional choice and competition to students.  That doesn't inhibit private colleges and universities from thriving out there.  The same should be true on the health care front.  (Applause.)
     Now, Minnesota, I have said that I'm open to different ideas on how to set this up.  But I'm not going to back down from the basic principle that if Americans can't find affordable coverage, we're going to provide you a choice.  (Applause.)  And I will make sure that no government bureaucrat or insurance company bureaucrat gets between you and the coverage that you need.  That's a promise I will make.  (Applause.)
     Now -- now, a lot of you might think this plan sounds pretty good, or when you're talking to your friends or neighbors, they might say, yes, that sounds all right, but let me ask you this:  How are you going to pay for it?  And that's a legitimate concern.  We've got -- we inherited some big deficits and some big debt.  And we've had a big economic crisis that has required us to take some extraordinary steps.  So we're going to have to get control of our federal budget.  We have to do it.
     So it's a legitimate question, but here's what you need to know:
     First of all, I will not sign a plan that adds one dime to our deficits -- either now or in the future.  No ifs, ands, or buts.  (Applause.)  Part of the reason I faced these trillion-dollar deficits when I walked into the door of the White House is because there were a lot of initiatives over the last decade that weren't paid for -- from the Iraq war to tax breaks for the wealthy.  I will not make the same mistake when it comes to health care.  (Applause.)
     Second of all, we've estimated that most of this plan can be paid for by finding savings within the existing health care system -- money that's already being spent but spent badly, wasted and abused.  Right now, too much of your taxpayer dollars and too much of your savings, frankly, are spent on health care that doesn't make us healthier.  That's not my judgment -- that is the judgment of medical experts and doctors and nurses -- health care professionals all across the country.  We love nurses.  I love them.  (Applause.)
     As I said on Wednesday night, this is also true when it comes to Medicare and Medicaid.  And Medicare is one of these issues that has been really distorted in the debate.  So I want -- I spoke directly to seniors on Wednesday; I want to repeat what I said.  We have stood up for four decades for the principle that after a lifetime of hard work, our seniors should not be left to struggle with medical bills they can't pay.  (Applause.)  That's the essence of Medicare.  That's how Medicare was born.  It remains a sacred trust.  It needs to be passed on from one generation to the next.
     That's why not a dollar of the Medicare trust fund will be used to pay for this plan -- not one dollar.  (Applause.)  We will not be lowering benefits for senior citizens.  The only thing that we will be doing is eliminating hundreds of billions of dollars of waste and fraud, as well as subsidies that are going to insurance company HMOs -- (applause) -- subsidies that pad their profits but don't improve care. 
     The other thing we want to do is we want to create an independent commission of doctors and medical experts charged with identifying more waste in the years ahead.  And that's going to ensure that Americans, seniors, get the benefits that they've been promised.  We'll ensure that Medicare is there for future generations, and we can use some of the savings we get to actually fill the gap of costs on prescription drugs that so many seniors are struggling with.  We can save them thousands of dollars on prescription drug costs.  That's what the plan will do for senior citizens.  (Applause.)
     So don't pay attention to these scary stories about how your benefits will be cut.  That will not happen on my watch.  (Applause.)  In fact, the folks who are making the accusations, they're the ones who have been talking about cutting Medicare in the past.  I will protect Medicare.  (Applause.) 
     And here's the best thing -- and this is important, especially for Minnesota.  Because Medicare is such a big part of the health care system, making that program more efficient can help usher in changes in the way that we deliver health care that reduces costs for everybody.  We have long known that some places, including Minnesota, offer high-quality care at costs below average.  (Applause.)  Look at what the Mayo Clinic is able to do.  It's got the best quality and the lowest cost of just about any system in the country.  (Applause.)  So what we want to do is we want to help the whole country learn from what Mayo is doing.  (Applause.)  We want to help the whole country learn some of the good things that are going on in Minnesota.  That will save everybody money.
     The commission can help encourage the adoption of common-sense best practices -- everything from reducing infection rates for hospitals to helping teach doctors how to work together so when you go to the doctor's office, you don't have to take a test each time you see a doctor; you take one test and they e-mail it to every doctor.  Common-sense stuff like that.  (Applause.)
     Now, this is the plan I'm proposing.  It incorporates ideas from Democrats and Republicans.  And I'm going to keep on seeking common ground in the weeks ahead.  And I've said to everybody in Congress, if you come to me with a set of serious proposals, I'm going to be there to listen and my door is going to be open.  But I also said -- some of you heard me on Wednesday night -- I will not waste time with people who think that it's just good politics to kill health care.  (Applause.)
     I'm not going to -- I'm not going to allow the special interests to use the same old tactics to keep things the way they are.  I'm not going to let people misrepresent what's in my plan.  (Applause.)  I will not accept the status quo.  (Applause.)  Not this time.  Not now. 
     Minnesota, we are closer to reform than we've ever been before, but this is the hard part.  This is when the special interests and the insurance companies and the folks who think, you know, this is a good way to bring Obama down -- (boos) -- this is when they're going to fight with everything they've got.  This is when they'll spread all kinds of wild rumors designed to scare and intimidate people.  That's why I need your help.  (Applause.) 
     AUDIENCE:  Yes we can!  Yes we can!  Yes we can!
     THE PRESIDENT:  You know, there have been -- there have been some of the pundits in Washington who have been saying, well, maybe you've been trying to do too much. 
     AUDIENCE:  No!
     THE PRESIDENT:  Maybe you've been pushing too far too fast.
     AUDIENCE:  No!
     THE PRESIDENT:  And I try to remind them, I said, listen, I never said change would be easy.  (Applause.)  Change is hard.  It's always been hard.  When FDR -- when FDR decided that Social Security was something that seniors needed -- (applause) -- when FDR decided -- when FDR introduced Social Security, you know what happened?  They called it socialism.  But senior citizens decided that, you know what?  If I've got some protection in my golden years, that's something that's worth fighting for.  (Applause.)  When Medicare -- when Medicare was introduced as an idea, they said this is going to be a government takeover of Medicare.  But imagine what seniors would be dealing with right now if they didn't have Medicare.  Every time we've made progress it's because ordinary people banded together and they stood up and they said, we've got to make progress, and we're going to push and we're going to prod until Washington finally reacts, finally responds.  (Applause.)
     I've always believed -- because I've always believed that change doesn't come from the top down; it comes from the bottom up.  It doesn't start in Washington, D.C.; it begins in places like Minneapolis, it begins in places like St. Paul.  (Applause.)  It begins with you sharing your stories, fighting for something better.  (Applause.)  That's how change happens.  That's what's happening right now.  (Applause.) 
     AUDIENCE:  Yes we can!  Yes we can!  Yes we can!
     THE PRESIDENT:  You know, I asked you -- I asked you at the beginning of the rally whether you were fired up.  (Applause.)  Some of you may have heard where that story comes from.  But for those of you who don't know, I want to just tell this story real quick.  My staff loves this story, so they always tell me, "Tell that story."  (Laughter.)  But it bears on what's happening with health care today. 
     This is back at the beginning, when I was running for President.  Nobody thought I could win; nobody could pronounce my name.  (Laughter.)  Nobody except R.T., that was the only person who believed.  (Applause.) 
     So I went down to -- it was right at the beginning of the campaign.  I went down to South Carolina to a legislative conference where I was supposed to be one of the speakers.  And I was sitting next to a state representative there -- nobody was that excited to see me.  (Laughter.)  You know, I was -- but I really needed some support and endorsements because South Carolina was an early state.  So I said to this state representative, "Will you endorse my campaign?"  And she looked at me and she said, "I will endorse your campaign if you come to my hometown of Greenwood, South Carolina."  So I had had some wine and I was feeling kind of desperate.  (Laughter.)  I said, "Yes, I'll come to Greenwood.  Be happy to do it."  Only to find out that Greenwood is like an hour and a half from everyplace else.  (Laughter.)  You can't fly into Greenwood.
     About a month later, I've been campaigning in Iowa for weeks -- (applause) -- haven't seen my family -- got some Iowa folks in the house?  (Applause.)  I'm exhausted.  I get into Greenville, South Carolina, about midnight.  I get to my hotel about 1:00 a.m.  I'm dragging to the hotel.  I'm carrying my bags, ready to hit the pillow.  And suddenly my staff says, "Sir?"  I said, "What?"  (Laughter.)  They said, "Sir, you have to be in the car at 6:30 a.m. tomorrow -- in the morning."  (Laughter.)  I said, "Why is that?"  They said, "Because you've got to go to Greenwood like you promised." 
     Next morning, I wake up and I feel awful, I feel terrible.  I'm exhausted.  And I stagger over to the window to pull open the blinds, and it's pouring down rain outside, terrible day.  I go out and I get some coffee and open up the newspaper -- bad story about me in The New York Times.  (Laughter.)  I pack up, I go downstairs.  As I'm walking to the car my umbrella blows open and I get drenched.  (Laughter.)  So by the time I'm in the car I'm wet and I'm sleepy and I'm mad.  (Laughter.) 
     And I drive -- and we drive and we drive and we drive -- hour and a half, we just keep on driving.  (Laughter.)  Finally we get to Greenwood -- although you don't know that you're in Greenwood right away.  (Laughter.)  It's not like Minneapolis.  (Laughter.)  So there's a little field house in a park, and we go into the field house, I walk in, I get a little more wet.  I walk in -- lo and behold, 20 people there.  (Laughter.)  Twenty people.  And I'm already thinking about the fact I've got another hour and a half I've got to drive back.  (Laughter.)  And they're all kind of damp and they don't look like they're that happy to be there.  The state rep had dragged them to the meeting. 
    
     But that's okay.  I have a job to do.  I'm running for President, I shake their hand, I say, "How do you do, what do you do, nice to meet you."  Suddenly I hear this voice should out behind me:  "Fired up?"  (Laughter.)  And I almost jumped out of my shoes.  (Laughter.)  But everybody else acts like this is normal and they all say, "Fired up!"  And then I hear this voice:  "Ready to go?"  And the people around me, they just say, "Ready to go!"  I don't know what's going on.  So I look behind me, and there's this little woman there.  She's about 5'2", 5'3", she's maybe 50, 60 years old.  And she looks like she's dressed for church.  She's got a big church hat.  (Laughter.)  And she's just grinning at me, just smiling.  And she points at me and she says "Fired up?"  (Laughter and applause.)
     Wait, wait, the story gets better here.  It turns out that she is a city councilwoman from Greenwood named Edith Childs -- that's her name -- and she's also known as the chant lady because she does this chant wherever she goes.  She goes, "Fired up?"  "Fired up!"  "Ready to go?"  "Ready to go!"  (Laughter.)  And she does this at every event she goes to.  She's also, by the way, we discovered later, she also moonlights as a private detective but that's a -- (laughter) -- true story.  True story.
     But she's well known for her chant, so for the next five minutes, she starts chanting.  She says, "Fired up?"  And everybody says, "Fired up!"  "Ready to go?"  "Ready to go!"  And this just keeps on going.  And I realize I'm being upstaged by this woman.  (Laughter.)  And I'm -- she's getting all the attention, and I'm standing there looking at my staff and they're shrugging their shoulders.  (Laughter.)  But here's the thing, Minneapolis.  After about a minute, maybe two, I'm feeling kind of fired up.  (Laughter and applause.)  I'm feeling -- I'm feeling like I'm ready to go.  (Applause.)
     And so -- so for the rest of the day, every time I saw my staff, I'd say, "Are you fired up?"  They'd say, "I'm fired up."  "Are you ready to go?"  They'd say, "I'm ready to go."  (Applause.)  And it goes to show you how one voice can change a room.  (Applause.)  And if it changes a room it can change a city.  And if it can change a city it can change a state.  And if it can change a state it can change a nation.  If it changes the nation it can change the world.  (Applause.)  It can bring health care to every American.  It can lower our costs.  It can make your insurance more secure.  I want to know, Minnesota, are you fired up?
     AUDIENCE:  Fired up!
     THE PRESIDENT:  Ready to go?
     AUDIENCE:  Ready to go!
     THE PRESIDENT:  Fired up?
     AUDIENCE:  Fired up!
     THE PRESIDENT:  Ready to go?
     AUDIENCE:  Ready to go!
     THE PRESIDENT:  Fired up?
     AUDIENCE:  Fired up!
     THE PRESIDENT:  Ready to go?
     AUDIENCE:  Ready to go!
     THE PRESIDENT:  They can't stop us.  Let's go get this done.  Thank you, everybody.  God bless you.  (Applause.)
                        END                1:40 P.M. CDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                         September 11, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT WREATH-LAYING CEREMONY
AT THE PENTAGON MEMORIAL
The Pentagon
Arlington, Virginia
9:34 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:  Secretary Gates, Admiral Mullen and members of the Armed Forces, fellow Americans, family and friends of those that we lost this day -- Michelle and I are deeply humbled to be with you.
Eight Septembers have come and gone.  Nearly 3,000 days have passed -- almost one for each of those taken from us.  But no turning of the seasons can diminish the pain and the loss of that day.  No passage of time and no dark skies can ever dull the meaning of this moment.  
  
So on this solemn day, at this sacred hour, once more we pause.  Once more we pray -- as a nation and as a people; in city streets where our two towers were turned to ashes and dust; in a quiet field where a plane fell from the sky; and here, where a single stone of this building is still blackened by the fires. 
We remember with reverence the lives we lost.  We read their names.  We press their photos to our hearts.  And on this day that marks their death, we recall the beauty and meaning of their lives; men and women and children of every color and every creed, from across our nation and from more than 100 others.  They were innocent.  Harming no one, they went about their daily lives.  Gone in a horrible instant, they now "dwell in the House of the Lord forever."
We honor all those who gave their lives so that others might live, and all the survivors who battled burns and wounds and helped each other rebuild their lives; men and women who gave life to that most simple of rules:  I am my brother's keeper; I am my sister's keeper.
We pay tribute to the service of a new generation -- young Americans raised in a time of peace and plenty who saw their nation in its hour of need and said, "I choose to serve"; "I will do my part."  And once more we grieve.  For you and your families, no words can ease the ache of your heart.  No deeds can fill the empty places in your homes.  But on this day and all that follow, you may find solace in the memory of those you loved, and know that you have the unending support of the American people.
Scripture teaches us a hard truth.  The mountains may fall and the earth may give way; the flesh and the heart may fail.  But after all our suffering, God and grace will "restore you and make you strong, firm and steadfast."  So it is -- so it has been for these families.  So it must be for our nation.
Let us renew our resolve against those who perpetrated this barbaric act and who plot against us still.  In defense of our nation we will never waver; in pursuit of al Qaeda and its extremist allies, we will never falter. 
Let us renew our commitment to all those who serve in our defense -- our courageous men and women in uniform and their families and all those who protect us here at home.  Mindful that the work of protecting America is never finished, we will do everything in our power to keep America safe.
Let us renew the true spirit of that day.  Not the human capacity for evil, but the human capacity for good.  Not the desire to destroy, but the impulse to save, and to serve, and to build.  On this first National Day of Service and Remembrance, we can summon once more that ordinary goodness of America -- to serve our communities, to strengthen our country, and to better our world. 
Most of all, on a day when others sought to sap our confidence, let us renew our common purpose.  Let us remember how we came together as one nation, as one people, as Americans, united not only in our grief, but in our resolve to stand with one another, to stand up for the country we all love. 
This may be the greatest lesson of this day, the strongest rebuke to those who attacked us, the highest tribute to those taken from us -- that such sense of purpose need not be a fleeting moment.  It can be a lasting virtue.
 
For through their own lives –- and through you, the loved ones that they left behind –- the men and women who lost their lives eight years ago today leave a legacy that still shines brightly in the darkness, and that calls on all of us to be strong and firm and united.  That is our calling today and in all the Septembers still to come.
May God bless you and comfort you.  And may God bless the United States of America.  (Applause.)
END                                                
9:40 A.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
___________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                 September 10, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
HONORING THE STANLEY CUP 2009 CHAMPION
PITTSBURGH PENGUINS
East Room
6:45 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Thank you. Please, everybody have a seat.
First of all, I'm sorry to keep you guys waiting -- I have all these things I've got to do -- (laughter) -- as President. This is by far the most fun thing that I'm doing today. So welcome to the White House. We are extraordinarily pleased to have the world champion Pittsburgh Penguins -- (applause) -- with their third Stanley Cup. (Applause.)
Just a couple of acknowledgements in the house: Pittsburgh Mayor Luke Ravenstahl -- where's Luke? Where's the mayor -- I thought he was around here. Well, he should be. (Laughter.)
Senator Bob Casey -- is he around? (Applause.) Come on, Bob Casey. (Applause.) Senator Arlen Specter in the house. (Applause.) Representative Mike Doyle. (Applause.) I know he's a fan. Representative Jason Altmire. (Applause.) Representative Chris Carney. (Applause.) Representative Tim Murphy. (Applause.) And Representative Glenn Thompson. (Applause.) And even though he's from Iowa, this guy grew up in Pittsburgh, is still a fanatic, and that is Secretary Tom Vilsack, Agricultural Secretary. (Applause.)
I have to say all of you look pretty good without your playoff beards. They're pretty good looking guys without all that. (Laughter.) I want to congratulate all the fans back home who made Mellon Arena such a tough place for visiting teams this year. With the Steelers and the Penguins I guess it's a good time to be a sports fan in Pittsburgh. (Applause.)
I was complaining about this -- it's been a while since Chicago won anything, Coach. (Laughter.) And I'm not happy about that. But as many of you know, I have a special place in my heart for Pittsburgh and so if it can't be the Blackhawks, then the Penguins aren't a bad choice.
The last time this team was here was during the playoffs against the Washington Capitals. It was a hard fought series, but it showed everybody how enthusiastic our hockey fans are also here in the nation's capital.
I want to thank Coach Dan for being here. Not only did Dan win the Stanley Cup in his first season as head coach -- that does not happen very often -- but he also brought a new sense of purpose and excitement to the team -- and made sure his players had a little fun along the way.
Having Mario Lemieux here is a pretty big deal. (Applause.) He won a couple of these trophies as a player, but this is his first as an owner -- and he's still got a big smile on his face, so I guess it feels pretty good this way too.
I want to thank Willie O'Ree for joining us. Willie is a hockey pioneer in his own right, who has worked tirelessly to make sure kids from every background can learn the lessons that hockey has to offer. So we are grateful to you, sir -- please give him a big round of applause. (Applause.)
And this team would not be here without two of its youngest members. So first of all, I want to congratulate Sidney Crosby on becoming the youngest captain in history to win the Stanley Cup. (Applause.) And Evgeni Malkin for being the third-youngest player ever to be named playoff MVP. (Applause.)
You know, we've had a lot of championship teams visit the White House -- I've seen a lot of trophies -- there is something special about the Stanley Cup, other than it just being really big. (Laughter.) Winning this trophy takes a whole new level of sacrifice. It takes a group of players who can persevere through injuries and pain and setbacks and seven game series. Above all, it takes a team that is willing to stick together, because nobody wins the Stanley Cup on their own.
And that's why after the last buzzer sounded back in June, these players took the Cup on the road to say thank you to all the people who helped get them here. They took it on fishing trips and stopped by neighborhood barbeques; they visited elementary schools, and brightened the days of children recovering in the hospital. I think this Cup has even held a baby or two. So this is a team that understands that being a champion doesn't end when you step off the ice.
Service is a way of life for these players back in Pittsburgh. Earlier today, Willie and the guys put on a clinic for kids here at Fort Dupont as part of our United We Serve summer of service. And besides teaching the kids a few moves, they stressed the importance of staying in school and leading active and healthy lifestyles. (Applause.) I understand we've got some of those young players from Washington, D.C. and Pittsburgh here with us -- go ahead and wave, guys. There you go. (Applause.)
That's what the Stanley Cup is all about -- not just having your names engraved alongside the best players in history, but also giving back to others along the way. And this spirit of service helps to strengthen our communities, it strengthens our country -- and I know this team gets a lot in return for it as well.
So I want to again just say congratulations for your outstanding season, for not just your athleticism, but also your sportsmanship. Coach, we've very proud of you. Thank you very much. (Applause.)
COACH BYLSMA: Mr. President, it's certainly an honor and a privilege to receive the invitation to come here today, and the hospitality you showed our team and our families and the organization. It was very gracious and we appreciate it very much. And on behalf of all the people in our organization, but especially the players behind me, we'd like to present you with a jersey -- our captain, Sidney --
THE PRESIDENT: This is what I'm talking about. (Laughter and applause.)
Can I just make one more point? Sidney must be really fast because there are some big hockey players -- and he's not one of them. (Laughter.) But you know he's got some speed and some skill. Thank you everybody, we are thrilled -- can we get a picture with the Cup in the background here?
END
6:53 P.M. EDT