THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
___________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                 September 10, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AFTER CABINET MEETING
Cabinet Room
12:24 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Hello, everybody. We just had an excellent and informative Cabinet meeting. Secretaries Clinton and Gates provided an overview of our current national security posture. Secretary Geithner discussed some of the -- both promise and peril of our current economic situation. But we spent a large portion of our time discussing the critical importance of health care reform.
This is an issue that touches on all of the agencies that are represented at this table. Hilda Solis at the Department of Labor understands that it is very difficult for workers to obtain raises of any significance if increased productivity is all going into increased health care costs. Gary Locke at the Department of Commerce is constantly hearing stories from businesses, small and large alike, about ever escalating premiums and the need to get control of our health care costs. Bob Gates -- one of the biggest parts of his budget is -- are his health care costs.
And so we all understand that this is an issue that the country is ready to deal with. As I said last night, I am confident the plan that we put forward is the right plan for the American people. I continue to be open to suggestions and ideas from all quarters -- House members, Senate members, Democrats, Republicans, outside groups. What we cannot do is stand pat. What we can't do is accept a status quo that is bankrupting families, businesses, and our nation.
I will not tolerate us continuing to pay more for less in health care. The time is right, and we are going to move aggressively to get this done. And every member of this Cabinet is invested. And I want to particularly thank Secretary Sebelius and my health care team for the extraordinary work that they've done getting us this far. But this administration understands that this is important for all of our agencies, all of our constituencies. And we are going to make a full-court press in the coming month to make sure that we go ahead and get this done for the American people.
All right?
Q Do you accept Wilson's apology, sir?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, I do. I'm a big believer that we all make mistakes. He apologized quickly and without equivocation, and I'm appreciative of that.
I do think that, as I said last night, we have to get to the point where we can have a conversation about big, important issues that matter to the American people without vitriol, without name-calling, without the assumption of the worst in other people's motives.
We are all Americans; we all want to do best for our country. We've got different ideas, but for the most part, we have the same aims, which is to make sure that people who work hard in this country and who act responsibly are able to get good jobs, good wages, raise their families, make sure those kids have a good education; that they are protected from misfortune or accident by having health care and retirement security in place; want to keep people safe -- and that's why our national security team is so important.
Our goals are generally the same, whether we're Democrats or Republicans, and in fact, most Americans don't even think about those labels all that much. They are turned off when they see people using wild accusations, false claims, name-calling, sharply ideological approaches to solve problems. They want pragmatism; they want people to stay focused on the job. And I hope that some of the fever breaks a little bit.
The media can always be helpful by not giving all the attention to the loudest or shrillest voices, and try to stay a little bit more focused on the issues at hand.
Q Will you talk with him if he decides to call you?
THE PRESIDENT: Oh, I talk to everybody.
All right? Thank you very much.
END
12:29 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
_________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                              September 10, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
ON HEALTH INSURANCE REFORM
Room 450
Eisenhower Executive Office Building
10:29 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:  All righty.  Hey, guys.  Thank you.  Thank you.  Thank you.  Thank you so much.  It is good to be with all of you -- please sit down, everybody.  (Laughter.)  It is just great to be with nurses again.  It is great to be with Becky.  I want to acknowledge -- I want to make sure I get them in order:  Naté; this is Linda; and that is Sonia -- right?  I got it right?  And I want to thank all of them for appearing with us today.  And I want to also acknowledge Dr. Mary Wakefield, our Health Resources and Services Administrator, our highest-ranking nurse in the administration.  (Applause.)
Thank you, Becky, for your leadership on behalf of nurses.  And I want to just thank you for leading an extraordinary organization -- the American Nurses Association.  (Applause.)  I was mentioning to Becky the first time we met that when I was in the state legislature, I was the chairman of the Health and Human Services Committee.  And one of my strongest allies in Springfield, Illinois, in the state capital there, was the Nurses Association, and we did a lot of work together to make sure that nurses were getting treated properly, were getting paid properly, getting the overtime they needed, getting time off that they needed, getting the ratios that they needed.
And so I've got a wonderful history working side by side with all of you to make sure that we've got the best health care system in the world.
And, as a consequence, I want to say thank you for all the support you're providing for health insurance reform for the American people.  I am so pleased to be joined by all of you.  And I've said it before and I will say it again:  I just love nurses.  I don't know what it is.  (Applause.)  I love nurses.  Michelle knows about it.  It's okay.  (Laughter.)  I'll never forget how compassionate, how professional, and how dedicated nurses have been to Michelle and I when we needed them most.
And when our daughters were born, one of our best friends was -- is an OBGYN, and she presided over the deliveries.  But the truth of the matter is we only saw her for 10 minutes.  (Laughter.)  That was it.  This was one of our best friends.  The rest of the time we spent with nurses, who not only eased the nerves of an anxious father, but made sure Michelle was doing all right, cared for our newborn babies.
When our youngest daughter, Sasha, was diagnosed with meningitis when she was just three months old, it was one of the scariest moments of my life.  And we had to have a spinal tap administered and she ended up being in the hospital for three or four days.  And it was touch and go, we didn't know whether she'd be permanently affected by it.  It was the nurses who walked us through what was happening and made sure that Sasha was okay.
So that continues in joy of birth, but also obviously in tougher times.  When my mother passed away from cancer, when my grandmother passed away, each time nurses were there to provide extraordinary care, but also extraordinary support.  And so I'm thankful for that.
And as a father, and as a son and a grandson, I will forever be in debt to the women and men of your profession.  And I know that millions of other families feel the same way.  You're the bedrock of our medical profession.  You're on the frontlines -- (applause) -- you're on the frontlines of health care in small clinics and in large hospitals, in rural towns and big cities all across this country.
So, few people understand as well as you why today's health care system so badly needs reform.  (Applause.)  Now, one part of the problem is the uninsured.  And this morning, the Census Bureau released new data showing not only that the poverty rate increased last year at the highest rate since the early 1990s, but also that the number of uninsured rose in 2008.  And we know from more up-to-date surveys that since the recession intensified last September, the situation has grown worse.  Over the last 12 months, it's estimated that the ranks of the uninsured have swelled by nearly 6 million people -- that's 17,000 men and women every single day.  And we know that during this period of time, the number of adults who get their coverage at the workplace has dropped by 8 million people.
But I don't have to tell you about all the problems plaguing the health care system, and the fact that they don't just affect the uninsured.  Most Americans do have insurance and have never had less security and stability than they do right now.  Because they're subject to the whims of health insurance companies, many people fear that they'll lose their health insurance if they move or if they lose their job, they change jobs, or that insurance just won't cover them when they need it the most.  Because insurance companies can deny coverage if a person has a preexisting condition, many people fear they won't be covered when they get sick.  Because there's no cap on how much a person can pay in out-of-pocket expenses each year, many others fear that a single illness will lead them into financial ruin even if they have insurance. 
And I -- every day I get letters from people.  I just got a letter two days ago from a woman who had been changing jobs, had just gone to sign up for her new Blue Cross Blue Shield policy, but in January, before she had taken her new job, she had felt a lump and had been referred to do a mammogram and found out unfortunately she had breast cancer.  Well, the new insurance policy just said, this is a preexisting condition; won't cover it.  She now owes $250,000.
This happens all the time all across the country.  You see it every day.  It is heartbreaking, it is wrong, and as I said last night, nobody should be treated that way in the United States of America.  Nobody.  (Applause.)
So the reason I need nurses so badly is because now is the time to act and I will not permit reform to be postponed or imperiled by the usual ideological diversions or -- (applause.)  We don't need more partisan distractions.  If there are real concerns about any aspect of my plan, let's address them.  If there are real differences, let's resolve them.  But we have talked this issue to death, year after year, decade after decade.  And the time for talk is winding down.  The time for bickering has passed.  We're not the first generation to take up this cause, but we can -- and have to be -- the last.  (Applause.)
So just in case folks weren't tuned in last night -- (laughter) -- if they were watching "So You Think You Can Dance" -- (laughter) -- a show Michelle likes, by the way -- (laughter)  -- let me explain -- just explain, more briefly than I did last night, what health insurance reform will mean for ordinary Americans.  Simply put, it will mean that as folks go about their everyday lives, one thing they won't have to worry about as much is their health care.  It will provide more security and stability to those who have health insurance, it will provide insurance to those who don't, and slow the growth of health care costs for our families, our businesses, and our government. 
Now, for the hundreds of millions of Americans who have health insurance, nothing in this plan will require you, or your employer, to change the coverage or the doctor you have.  Nothing will change for you if you have insurance.  Nothing in the plan will require any changes.  What this plan will do is make the insurance you have work better for you; will put in place strong consumer protections that will make it illegal for insurance companies to deny a person coverage on the basis of a preexisting condition.  (Applause.)
We will make sure -- we will make sure that we place a limit on how much folks have to pay for out-of-pocket expenses.  For the tens of millions of Americans who are uninsured, we'll create a new insurance exchange, a marketplace where uninsured Americans and small businesses can choose health insurance at competitive prices from a different -- a number of different options. 
And by pooling the uninsured and small businesses together as one big group, we give insurance companies an incentive to participate and give consumers leverage to bargain for better prices and quality coverage.  And as I've said from the outset, and repeated last night, one way to give people a real choice when it comes to their health care and keep insurance companies honest, is by making one of the options available in such a marketplace a non-for-profit public option.  (Applause.)
But let me just repeat -- because this is the source of the rumor that we're plotting some government takeover of health care -- it would just be one option among many.  No one would be forced to choose it.  And everybody believes that the vast majority of people will still be getting their insurance through private insurance. 
Add it all up, and the plan I'm proposing will cost around $900 billion over 10 years -- $90 billion a year.  That's real money.  But it's far less than we've spent on the Iraq and Afghanistan wars.  (Applause.)  And it's less than the tax cuts for the wealthiest few Americans that Congress passed at the beginning of the previous administration.  (Applause.)  The cost of this plan will not add to our deficit.  The middle class will be rewarded with greater security, not higher taxes.  And if we're able to slow the growth of health care costs by just a fraction of 1 percent each year, we will actually reduce the deficit by $4 trillion over the long term.
And by the way, when we stop spending money on things that don't improve quality, then we can start spending money on things that do improve quality -- (applause) -- which means, for example, that we can start paying our nursing professors more money to train more nurses -- (applause) -- so that we can actually have the kind of quality care that we need.  Just one example -- a random example that I chose.  (Laughter.)
Now, amid all the chatter and the noise on radio and TV, with all the falsehoods that are promoted by not just talk show hosts but sometimes prominent politicians, sometimes it can be easy to lose sight of what the debate over reform is all about.  It's about stories like the one told by an oncology nurse named Theresa Brown.  A few weeks ago, Theresa wrote a blog post about a patient of hers.  He was in his 60s, a recent grandfather, a Steelers fan -- (applause) -- spent the last three months of his life worrying about mounting medical bills.
And she wrote:  "My patient thought he had planned well for his health care needs.  He just never thought he would wake up one day with a diagnosis of leukemia.  But which of us does?" she asked.  And then she wrote:  "That's why we need health care reform."
Nurses, that's why we need health care reform.  I am absolutely confident that if you continue to do your part -- nurses, you guys have a lot of credibility; you touch a lot of people's lives; people trust you -- if you're out there saying it's time for us to act, we need to go ahead and make a change -- if all of us do our parts, not just here in Washington but all across the country, then we will bid farewell to the days when our health care system was a source of worry to families and a drag on our economy, and America will finally join the ranks of every other advanced nation by providing quality, affordable health insurance to all of its citizens.  That's our goal.  We are going to meet it this year with your help.  Thank you very much, everybody.  God bless you.  (Applause.)
END                  
10:43 A.M. EDT
 
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
_________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                September 9, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO A JOINT SESSION OF CONGRESS
ON HEALTH CARE
U.S. Capitol
Washington, D.C.
8:16 P.M. EDT
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Madam Speaker, Vice President Biden, members of Congress, and the American people:
When I spoke here last winter, this nation was facing the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression.  We were losing an average of 700,000 jobs per month.  Credit was frozen.  And our financial system was on the verge of collapse. 
As any American who is still looking for work or a way to pay their bills will tell you, we are by no means out of the woods.  A full and vibrant recovery is still many months away.  And I will not let up until those Americans who seek jobs can find them -- (applause) -- until those businesses that seek capital and credit can thrive; until all responsible homeowners can stay in their homes.  That is our ultimate goal.  But thanks to the bold and decisive action we've taken since January, I can stand here with confidence and say that we have pulled this economy back from the brink.  (Applause.)
I want to thank the members of this body for your efforts and your support in these last several months, and especially those who've taken the difficult votes that have put us on a path to recovery.  I also want to thank the American people for their patience and resolve during this trying time for our nation. 
But we did not come here just to clean up crises.  We came here to build a future.  (Applause.)  So tonight, I return to speak to all of you about an issue that is central to that future -- and that is the issue of health care. 
I am not the first President to take up this cause, but I am determined to be the last.  (Applause.)  It has now been nearly a century since Theodore Roosevelt first called for health care reform.  And ever since, nearly every President and Congress, whether Democrat or Republican, has attempted to meet this challenge in some way.  A bill for comprehensive health reform was first introduced by John Dingell Sr. in 1943.  Sixty-five years later, his son continues to introduce that same bill at the beginning of each session.  (Applause.) 
Our collective failure to meet this challenge -- year after year, decade after decade -- has led us to the breaking point.  Everyone understands the extraordinary hardships that are placed on the uninsured, who live every day just one accident or illness away from bankruptcy.  These are not primarily people on welfare.  These are middle-class Americans.  Some can't get insurance on the job.  Others are self-employed, and can't afford it, since buying insurance on your own costs you three times as much as the coverage you get from your employer.  Many other Americans who are willing and able to pay are still denied insurance due to previous illnesses or conditions that insurance companies decide are too risky or too expensive to cover. 
We are the only democracy -- the only advanced democracy on Earth -- the only wealthy nation -- that allows such hardship for millions of its people.  There are now more than 30 million American citizens who cannot get coverage.  In just a two-year period, one in every three Americans goes without health care coverage at some point.  And every day, 14,000 Americans lose their coverage.  In other words, it can happen to anyone.
But the problem that plagues the health care system is not just a problem for the uninsured.  Those who do have insurance have never had less security and stability than they do today.   More and more Americans worry that if you move, lose your job, or change your job, you'll lose your health insurance too.  More and more Americans pay their premiums, only to discover that their insurance company has dropped their coverage when they get sick, or won't pay the full cost of care.  It happens every day.
One man from Illinois lost his coverage in the middle of chemotherapy because his insurer found that he hadn't reported gallstones that he didn't even know about.  They delayed his treatment, and he died because of it.  Another woman from Texas was about to get a double mastectomy when her insurance company canceled her policy because she forgot to declare a case of acne.  By the time she had her insurance reinstated, her breast cancer had more than doubled in size.  That is heart-breaking, it is wrong, and no one should be treated that way in the United States of America.  (Applause.)
Then there's the problem of rising cost.  We spend one and a half times more per person on health care than any other country, but we aren't any healthier for it.  This is one of the reasons that insurance premiums have gone up three times faster than wages.  It's why so many employers -- especially small businesses -- are forcing their employees to pay more for insurance, or are dropping their coverage entirely.  It's why so many aspiring entrepreneurs cannot afford to open a business in the first place, and why American businesses that compete internationally -- like our automakers -- are at a huge disadvantage.  And it's why those of us with health insurance are also paying a hidden and growing tax for those without it -- about $1,000 per year that pays for somebody else's emergency room and charitable care. 
Finally, our health care system is placing an unsustainable burden on taxpayers.  When health care costs grow at the rate they have, it puts greater pressure on programs like Medicare and Medicaid.  If we do nothing to slow these skyrocketing costs, we will eventually be spending more on Medicare and Medicaid than every other government program combined.  Put simply, our health care problem is our deficit problem.  Nothing else even comes close.  Nothing else.  (Applause.)
Now, these are the facts.  Nobody disputes them.  We know we must reform this system.  The question is how. 
There are those on the left who believe that the only way to fix the system is through a single-payer system like Canada's -- (applause) -- where we would severely restrict the private insurance market and have the government provide coverage for everybody.  On the right, there are those who argue that we should end employer-based systems and leave individuals to buy health insurance on their own.
I've said -- I have to say that there are arguments to be made for both these approaches.  But either one would represent a radical shift that would disrupt the health care most people currently have.  Since health care represents one-sixth of our economy, I believe it makes more sense to build on what works and fix what doesn't, rather than try to build an entirely new system from scratch.  (Applause.)  And that is precisely what those of you in Congress have tried to do over the past several months. 
During that time, we've seen Washington at its best and at its worst. 
We've seen many in this chamber work tirelessly for the better part of this year to offer thoughtful ideas about how to achieve reform.  Of the five committees asked to develop bills, four have completed their work, and the Senate Finance Committee announced today that it will move forward next week.  That has never happened before.  Our overall efforts have been supported by an unprecedented coalition of doctors and nurses; hospitals, seniors' groups, and even drug companies -- many of whom opposed reform in the past.  And there is agreement in this chamber on about 80 percent of what needs to be done, putting us closer to the goal of reform than we have ever been. 
But what we've also seen in these last months is the same partisan spectacle that only hardens the disdain many Americans have towards their own government.  Instead of honest debate, we've seen scare tactics.  Some have dug into unyielding ideological camps that offer no hope of compromise.  Too many have used this as an opportunity to score short-term political points, even if it robs the country of our opportunity to solve a long-term challenge.  And out of this blizzard of charges and counter-charges, confusion has reigned. 
Well, the time for bickering is over.  The time for games has passed.  (Applause.)  Now is the season for action.  Now is when we must bring the best ideas of both parties together, and show the American people that we can still do what we were sent here to do.  Now is the time to deliver on health care.  Now is the time to deliver on health care.   
The plan I'm announcing tonight would meet three basic goals.  It will provide more security and stability to those who have health insurance.  It will provide insurance for those who don't.  And it will slow the growth of health care costs for our families, our businesses, and our government.  (Applause.)  It's a plan that asks everyone to take responsibility for meeting this challenge -- not just government, not just insurance companies, but everybody including employers and individuals.  And it's a plan that incorporates ideas from senators and congressmen, from Democrats and Republicans -- and yes, from some of my opponents in both the primary and general election.   
Here are the details that every American needs to know about this plan.  First, if you are among the hundreds of millions of Americans who already have health insurance through your job, or Medicare, or Medicaid, or the VA, nothing in this plan will require you or your employer to change the coverage or the doctor you have.  (Applause.)  Let me repeat this:  Nothing in our plan requires you to change what you have. 
What this plan will do is make the insurance you have work better for you.  Under this plan, it will be against the law for insurance companies to deny you coverage because of a preexisting condition.  (Applause.)  As soon as I sign this bill, it will be against the law for insurance companies to drop your coverage when you get sick or water it down when you need it the most.  (Applause.)  They will no longer be able to place some arbitrary cap on the amount of coverage you can receive in a given year or in a lifetime.  (Applause.)  We will place a limit on how much you can be charged for out-of-pocket expenses, because in the United States of America, no one should go broke because they get sick.  (Applause.)  And insurance companies will be required to cover, with no extra charge, routine checkups and preventive care, like mammograms and colonoscopies -- (applause) -- because there's no reason we shouldn't be catching diseases like breast cancer and colon cancer before they get worse.  That makes sense, it saves money, and it saves lives.  (Applause.)
Now, that's what Americans who have health insurance can expect from this plan -- more security and more stability. 
Now, if you're one of the tens of millions of Americans who don't currently have health insurance, the second part of this plan will finally offer you quality, affordable choices.  (Applause.)  If you lose your job or you change your job, you'll be able to get coverage.  If you strike out on your own and start a small business, you'll be able to get coverage.  We'll do this by creating a new insurance exchange -- a marketplace where individuals and small businesses will be able to shop for health insurance at competitive prices.  Insurance companies will have an incentive to participate in this exchange because it lets them compete for millions of new customers.  As one big group, these customers will have greater leverage to bargain with the insurance companies for better prices and quality coverage.  This is how large companies and government employees get affordable insurance.  It's how everyone in this Congress gets affordable insurance.  And it's time to give every American the same opportunity that we give ourselves.  (Applause.) 
Now, for those individuals and small businesses who still can't afford the lower-priced insurance available in the exchange, we'll provide tax credits, the size of which will be based on your need.  And all insurance companies that want access to this new marketplace will have to abide by the consumer protections I already mentioned.  This exchange will take effect in four years, which will give us time to do it right.  In the meantime, for those Americans who can't get insurance today because they have preexisting medical conditions, we will immediately offer low-cost coverage that will protect you against financial ruin if you become seriously ill.  (Applause.)  This was a good idea when Senator John McCain proposed it in the campaign, it's a good idea now, and we should all embrace it.  (Applause.)
Now, even if we provide these affordable options, there may be those -- especially the young and the healthy -- who still want to take the risk and go without coverage.  There may still be companies that refuse to do right by their workers by giving them coverage.  The problem is, such irresponsible behavior costs all the rest of us money.  If there are affordable options and people still don't sign up for health insurance, it means we pay for these people's expensive emergency room visits.  If some businesses don't provide workers health care, it forces the rest of us to pick up the tab when their workers get sick, and gives those businesses an unfair advantage over their competitors.  And unless everybody does their part, many of the insurance reforms we seek -- especially requiring insurance companies to cover preexisting conditions -- just can't be achieved. 
And that's why under my plan, individuals will be required to carry basic health insurance -- just as most states require you to carry auto insurance.  (Applause.)  Likewise -- likewise, businesses will be required to either offer their workers health care, or chip in to help cover the cost of their workers.  There will be a hardship waiver for those individuals who still can't afford coverage, and 95 percent of all small businesses, because of their size and narrow profit margin, would be exempt from these requirements.  (Applause.)  But we can't have large businesses and individuals who can afford coverage game the system by avoiding responsibility to themselves or their employees.  Improving our health care system only works if everybody does their part.
And while there remain some significant details to be ironed out, I believe -- (laughter) -- I believe a broad consensus exists for the aspects of the plan I just outlined:  consumer protections for those with insurance, an exchange that allows individuals and small businesses to purchase affordable coverage, and a requirement that people who can afford insurance get insurance.
And I have no doubt that these reforms would greatly benefit Americans from all walks of life, as well as the economy as a whole.  Still, given all the misinformation that's been spread over the past few months, I realize -- (applause) -- I realize that many Americans have grown nervous about reform.  So tonight I want to address some of the key controversies that are still out there. 
Some of people's concerns have grown out of bogus claims spread by those whose only agenda is to kill reform at any cost.  The best example is the claim made not just by radio and cable talk show hosts, but by prominent politicians, that we plan to set up panels of bureaucrats with the power to kill off senior citizens.  Now, such a charge would be laughable if it weren't so cynical and irresponsible.  It is a lie, plain and simple.  (Applause.)
There are also those who claim that our reform efforts would insure illegal immigrants.  This, too, is false.  The reforms -- the reforms I'm proposing would not apply to those who are here illegally. 
AUDIENCE MEMBER:  You lie!  (Boos.)
THE PRESIDENT:  It's not true.  And one more misunderstanding I want to clear up -- under our plan, no federal dollars will be used to fund abortions, and federal conscience laws will remain in place.  (Applause.)  
Now, my health care proposal has also been attacked by some who oppose reform as a "government takeover" of the entire health care system.  As proof, critics point to a provision in our plan that allows the uninsured and small businesses to choose a publicly sponsored insurance option, administered by the government just like Medicaid or Medicare.  (Applause.)
So let me set the record straight here.  My guiding principle is, and always has been, that consumers do better when there is choice and competition.  That's how the market works.  (Applause.)  Unfortunately, in 34 states, 75 percent of the insurance market is controlled by five or fewer companies.  In Alabama, almost 90 percent is controlled by just one company.  And without competition, the price of insurance goes up and quality goes down.  And it makes it easier for insurance companies to treat their customers badly -- by cherry-picking the healthiest individuals and trying to drop the sickest, by overcharging small businesses who have no leverage, and by jacking up rates.
Insurance executives don't do this because they're bad people; they do it because it's profitable.  As one former insurance executive testified before Congress, insurance companies are not only encouraged to find reasons to drop the seriously ill, they are rewarded for it.  All of this is in service of meeting what this former executive called "Wall Street's relentless profit expectations."
Now, I have no interest in putting insurance companies out of business.  They provide a legitimate service, and employ a lot of our friends and neighbors.  I just want to hold them accountable.  (Applause.)  And the insurance reforms that I've already mentioned would do just that.  But an additional step we can take to keep insurance companies honest is by making a not-for-profit public option available in the insurance exchange.  (Applause.)  Now, let me be clear.  Let me be clear.  It would only be an option for those who don't have insurance.  No one would be forced to choose it, and it would not impact those of you who already have insurance.  In fact, based on Congressional Budget Office estimates, we believe that less than 5 percent of Americans would sign up.
Despite all this, the insurance companies and their allies don't like this idea.  They argue that these private companies can't fairly compete with the government.  And they'd be right if taxpayers were subsidizing this public insurance option.  But they won't be.  I've insisted that like any private insurance company, the public insurance option would have to be self-sufficient and rely on the premiums it collects.  But by avoiding some of the overhead that gets eaten up at private companies by profits and excessive administrative costs and executive salaries, it could provide a good deal for consumers, and would also keep pressure on private insurers to keep their policies affordable and treat their customers better, the same way public colleges and universities provide additional choice and competition to students without in any way inhibiting a vibrant system of private colleges and universities.  (Applause.)
Now, it is -- it's worth noting that a strong majority of Americans still favor a public insurance option of the sort I've proposed tonight.  But its impact shouldn't be exaggerated -- by the left or the right or the media.  It is only one part of my plan, and shouldn't be used as a handy excuse for the usual Washington ideological battles.  To my progressive friends, I would remind you that for decades, the driving idea behind reform has been to end insurance company abuses and make coverage available for those without it.  (Applause.)  The public option -- the public option is only a means to that end -- and we should remain open to other ideas that accomplish our ultimate goal.  And to my Republican friends, I say that rather than making wild claims about a government takeover of health care, we should work together to address any legitimate concerns you may have.  (Applause.)
For example -- for example, some have suggested that the public option go into effect only in those markets where insurance companies are not providing affordable policies.  Others have proposed a co-op or another non-profit entity to administer the plan.  These are all constructive ideas worth exploring.  But I will not back down on the basic principle that if Americans can't find affordable coverage, we will provide you with a choice.  (Applause.)  And I will make sure that no government bureaucrat or insurance company bureaucrat gets between you and the care that you need.  (Applause.)
Finally, let me discuss an issue that is a great concern to me, to members of this chamber, and to the public -- and that's how we pay for this plan. 
And here's what you need to know.  First, I will not sign a plan that adds one dime to our deficits -- either now or in the future.  (Applause.)  I will not sign it if it adds one dime to the deficit, now or in the future, period.  And to prove that I'm serious, there will be a provision in this plan that requires us to come forward with more spending cuts if the savings we promised don't materialize.  (Applause.)  Now, part of the reason I faced a trillion-dollar deficit when I walked in the door of the White House is because too many initiatives over the last decade were not paid for -- from the Iraq war to tax breaks for the wealthy.  (Applause.)  I will not make that same mistake with health care.  
Second, we've estimated that most of this plan can be paid for by finding savings within the existing health care system, a system that is currently full of waste and abuse.  Right now, too much of the hard-earned savings and tax dollars we spend on health care don't make us any healthier.  That's not my judgment -- it's the judgment of medical professionals across this country.  And this is also true when it comes to Medicare and Medicaid. 
In fact, I want to speak directly to seniors for a moment, because Medicare is another issue that's been subjected to demagoguery and distortion during the course of this debate.
More than four decades ago, this nation stood up for the principle that after a lifetime of hard work, our seniors should not be left to struggle with a pile of medical bills in their later years.  That's how Medicare was born.  And it remains a sacred trust that must be passed down from one generation to the next.  (Applause.)  And that is why not a dollar of the Medicare trust fund will be used to pay for this plan.  (Applause.)  
The only thing this plan would eliminate is the hundreds of billions of dollars in waste and fraud, as well as unwarranted subsidies in Medicare that go to insurance companies -- subsidies that do everything to pad their profits but don't improve the care of seniors.  And we will also create an independent commission of doctors and medical experts charged with identifying more waste in the years ahead.  (Applause.)    
Now, these steps will ensure that you -- America's seniors -- get the benefits you've been promised.  They will ensure that Medicare is there for future generations.  And we can use some of the savings to fill the gap in coverage that forces too many seniors to pay thousands of dollars a year out of their own pockets for prescription drugs.  (Applause.)  That's what this plan will do for you.  So don't pay attention to those scary stories about how your benefits will be cut, especially since some of the same folks who are spreading these tall tales have fought against Medicare in the past and just this year supported a budget that would essentially have turned Medicare into a privatized voucher program.  That will not happen on my watch.  I will protect Medicare.  (Applause.)  
   
Now, because Medicare is such a big part of the health care system, making the program more efficient can help usher in changes in the way we deliver health care that can reduce costs for everybody.  We have long known that some places -- like the Intermountain Healthcare in Utah or the Geisinger Health System in rural Pennsylvania -- offer high-quality care at costs below average.  So the commission can help encourage the adoption of these common-sense best practices by doctors and medical professionals throughout the system -- everything from reducing hospital infection rates to encouraging better coordination between teams of doctors. 
Reducing the waste and inefficiency in Medicare and Medicaid will pay for most of this plan.  (Applause.)  Now, much of the rest would be paid for with revenues from the very same drug and insurance companies that stand to benefit from tens of millions of new customers.  And this reform will charge insurance companies a fee for their most expensive policies, which will encourage them to provide greater value for the money -- an idea which has the support of Democratic and Republican experts.  And according to these same experts, this modest change could help hold down the cost of health care for all of us in the long run. 
Now, finally, many in this chamber -- particularly on the Republican side of the aisle -- have long insisted that reforming our medical malpractice laws can help bring down the cost of health care.  (Applause.)  Now -- there you go.  There you go.  Now, I don't believe malpractice reform is a silver bullet, but I've talked to enough doctors to know that defensive medicine may be contributing to unnecessary costs.  (Applause.)  So I'm proposing that we move forward on a range of ideas about how to put patient safety first and let doctors focus on practicing medicine.  (Applause.)  I know that the Bush administration considered authorizing demonstration projects in individual states to test these ideas.  I think it's a good idea, and I'm directing my Secretary of Health and Human Services to move forward on this initiative today.  (Applause.)
Now, add it all up, and the plan I'm proposing will cost around $900 billion over 10 years -- less than we have spent on the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, and less than the tax cuts for the wealthiest few Americans that Congress passed at the beginning of the previous administration.  (Applause.)  Now, most of these costs will be paid for with money already being spent -- but spent badly -- in the existing health care system.  The plan will not add to our deficit.  The middle class will realize greater security, not higher taxes.  And if we are able to slow the growth of health care costs by just one-tenth of 1 percent each year -- one-tenth of 1 percent -- it will actually reduce the deficit by $4 trillion over the long term.
Now, this is the plan I'm proposing.  It's a plan that incorporates ideas from many of the people in this room tonight -- Democrats and Republicans.  And I will continue to seek common ground in the weeks ahead.  If you come to me with a serious set of proposals, I will be there to listen.  My door is always open.
But know this:  I will not waste time with those who have made the calculation that it's better politics to kill this plan than to improve it.  (Applause.)  I won't stand by while the special interests use the same old tactics to keep things exactly the way they are.  If you misrepresent what's in this plan, we will call you out.  (Applause.)  And I will not -- and I will not accept the status quo as a solution.  Not this time.  Not now.
Everyone in this room knows what will happen if we do nothing.  Our deficit will grow.  More families will go bankrupt.  More businesses will close.  More Americans will lose their coverage when they are sick and need it the most.  And more will die as a result.  We know these things to be true. 
That is why we cannot fail.  Because there are too many Americans counting on us to succeed -- the ones who suffer silently, and the ones who shared their stories with us at town halls, in e-mails, and in letters.
I received one of those letters a few days ago.  It was from our beloved friend and colleague, Ted Kennedy.  He had written it back in May, shortly after he was told that his illness was terminal.  He asked that it be delivered upon his death. 
In it, he spoke about what a happy time his last months were, thanks to the love and support of family and friends, his wife, Vicki, his amazing children, who are all here tonight.  And he expressed confidence that this would be the year that health care reform -- "that great unfinished business of our society," he called it -- would finally pass.  He repeated the truth that health care is decisive for our future prosperity, but he also reminded me that "it concerns more than material things."  "What we face," he wrote, "is above all a moral issue; at stake are not just the details of policy, but fundamental principles of social justice and the character of our country."
I've thought about that phrase quite a bit in recent days -- the character of our country.  One of the unique and wonderful things about America has always been our self-reliance, our rugged individualism, our fierce defense of freedom and our healthy skepticism of government.  And figuring out the appropriate size and role of government has always been a source of rigorous and, yes, sometimes angry debate.  That's our history.   
For some of Ted Kennedy's critics, his brand of liberalism represented an affront to American liberty.  In their minds, his passion for universal health care was nothing more than a passion for big government. 
But those of us who knew Teddy and worked with him here -- people of both parties -- know that what drove him was something more.  His friend Orrin Hatch -- he knows that.  They worked together to provide children with health insurance.  His friend John McCain knows that.  They worked together on a Patient's Bill of Rights.  His friend Chuck Grassley knows that.  They worked together to provide health care to children with disabilities. 
On issues like these, Ted Kennedy's passion was born not of some rigid ideology, but of his own experience.  It was the experience of having two children stricken with cancer.  He never forgot the sheer terror and helplessness that any parent feels when a child is badly sick.  And he was able to imagine what it must be like for those without insurance, what it would be like to have to say to a wife or a child or an aging parent, there is something that could make you better, but I just can't afford it. 
That large-heartedness -- that concern and regard for the plight of others -- is not a partisan feeling.  It's not a Republican or a Democratic feeling.  It, too, is part of the American character -- our ability to stand in other people's shoes; a recognition that we are all in this together, and when fortune turns against one of us, others are there to lend a helping hand; a belief that in this country, hard work and responsibility should be rewarded by some measure of security and fair play; and an acknowledgment that sometimes government has to step in to help deliver on that promise.
This has always been the history of our progress.  In 1935, when over half of our seniors could not support themselves and millions had seen their savings wiped away, there were those who argued that Social Security would lead to socialism, but the men and women of Congress stood fast, and we are all the better for it.  In 1965, when some argued that Medicare represented a government takeover of health care, members of Congress -- Democrats and Republicans -- did not back down.  They joined together so that all of us could enter our golden years with some basic peace of mind.  
You see, our predecessors understood that government could not, and should not, solve every problem.  They understood that there are instances when the gains in security from government action are not worth the added constraints on our freedom.  But they also understood that the danger of too much government is matched by the perils of too little; that without the leavening hand of wise policy, markets can crash, monopolies can stifle competition, the vulnerable can be exploited.  And they knew that when any government measure, no matter how carefully crafted or beneficial, is subject to scorn; when any efforts to help people in need are attacked as un-American; when facts and reason are thrown overboard and only timidity passes for wisdom, and we can no longer even engage in a civil conversation with each other over the things that truly matter -- that at that point we don't merely lose our capacity to solve big challenges.  We lose something essential about ourselves.
That was true then.  It remains true today.  I understand how difficult this health care debate has been.  I know that many in this country are deeply skeptical that government is looking out for them.  I understand that the politically safe move would be to kick the can further down the road -- to defer reform one more year, or one more election, or one more term. 
But that is not what the moment calls for.  That's not what we came here to do.  We did not come to fear the future.  We came here to shape it.  I still believe we can act even when it's hard.  (Applause.)  I still believe -- I still believe that we can act when it's hard.  I still believe we can replace acrimony with civility, and gridlock with progress.  I still believe we can do great things, and that here and now we will meet history's test.
Because that's who we are.  That is our calling.  That is our character.  Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless the United States of America.  (Applause.)
END                9:03 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
_________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                September 9, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT MEMORIAL SERVICE IN HONOR OF WALTER CRONKITE
Lincoln Center
 New York, New York
12:37 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  Thank you very much. 
To Chip, Kathy, and Nancy, who graciously shared your father with a nation that loved him; to Walter's friends, colleagues, protégés, and all who considered him a hero; to the men of the Intrepid; to all of you who are gathered here today; I am honored to be here to pay tribute to the life and times of the man who chronicled our time.
I did not know Mr. Cronkite personally.  And my regret is made more acute by the stories that have been shared here today. Nor, for that matter, did I know him any better than the tens of millions who turned to him each night in search of the answer to a simple question:  "What happened today?"  But like them and like all of you, I have benefited as a citizen from his dogged pursuit of the truth, his passionate defense of objective reporting, and his view that journalism is more than just a profession; it is a public good vital to our democracy.
Even in his early career, Walter Cronkite resisted the temptation to get the story first in favor of getting it right.  He wanted to get it first, but he understood the importance of getting it right.  During one of his first jobs in Kansas City, Walter's program manager urged him to go on the air reporting a massive blaze -- and we just heard how much he loved fires -- a massive blaze at city hall that had already claimed lives.  When Walter reached for the telephone, his boss asked, "What are you doing; get on the air!"  Walter replied that he was calling the fire department to confirm the story.  "You don't need to confirm it," the manager shouted, "my wife is watching the whole thing!" 
Needless to say, Walter made the call, and even as the program manager took to the air himself to broadcast the unfolding tragedy, Walter discovered that it had been nothing more than a small fire that hadn't resulted in any injuries.  He lost his job -- but he got the story right.
Walter wasn't afraid to rattle the high and the mighty, either; but he never dared to compromise his integrity.  He got along with elected officials, even if they were wary of one another's motives.  One politician once remarked, "Walter, my friend, you've got to believe me, fully 85 percent of everything I told you today is the absolute truth."  (Laughter.)
He shared a complicated relationship with Presidents of both parties, who wanted him on their side even as they were convinced that he wasn't.  President Johnson called Walter after the evening news from time to time to voice his displeasure over a certain story.  But Walter knew that if he was receiving vociferous complaints from both sides, he must be doing his job.
His endless inquisitiveness about our world, I can imagine, came from a mother who sold encyclopedias for a living.  As a boy, Walter spent countless hours getting lost within their pages, endlessly sidetracked by new and interesting entries that branched off from one another, fascinated by the world around us and how it worked.
And that's the way he lived his life -- with curiosity, exploring our planet, seeking to make sense of it and explaining it to others.  He went everywhere and he did everything.  He raced cars and boats; he traveled everywhere from the Amazon to the Arctic; he plunged 8,000 feet below the sea, trekked 18,000 feet up into the Himalayas, and experienced weightlessness in the upper reaches of our atmosphere -- all with one mission:  to make it come alive for the rest of us.
And as our world began to change, he helped us understand those changes.  He was forever there, reporting through world war and cold war; marches and milestones; scandal and success; calmly and authoritatively telling us what we needed to know.  He was a voice of certainty in a world that was growing more and more uncertain.  And through it all, he never lost the integrity or the plainspoken speaking style that he gained growing up in the heartland.  He was a familiar and welcome voice that spoke to each and every one of us personally.
So it may have seemed inevitable that he was named the most trusted man in America.  But here's the thing:  That title wasn't bestowed on him by a network.  We weren't told to believe it by some advertising campaign.  It was earned.  It was earned by year after year and decade after decade of painstaking effort; a commitment to fundamental values; his belief that the American people were hungry for the truth, unvarnished and unaccompanied by theatre or spectacle.  He didn't believe in dumbing down.  He trusted us.
When he was told of this extraordinary honor that he was the most trusted man in America, he naturally downplayed it by saying the people had not polled his wife.  (Laughter.)  When people of both political parties actually tried to recruit him to run for office, without even asking for his stances on the issues, he said no -- to the relief of all potential opponents.  And when, even a decade and a half after his retirement, he still ranked first in seven of eight categories for television journalists, he was disbelieving that he hadn't won the eighth category, "attractiveness."  (Laughter.)
Through all the events that came to define the 20th century, through all our moments of deepest hurt and brightest hope, Walter Cronkite was there, telling the story of the American age.
And this is how we remember him today.  But we also remember and celebrate the journalism that Walter practiced -- a standard of honesty and integrity and responsibility to which so many of you have committed your careers.  It's a standard that's a little bit harder to find today.  We know that this is a difficult time for journalism.  Even as appetites for news and information grow, newsrooms are closing.  Despite the big stories of our era, serious journalists find themselves all too often without a beat. Just as the news cycle has shrunk, so has the bottom line.
And too often, we fill that void with instant commentary and celebrity gossip and the softer stories that Walter disdained, rather than the hard news and investigative journalism he championed.  "What happened today?" is replaced with "Who won today?"  The public debate cheapens.  The public trust falters.  We fail to understand our world or one another as well as we should –- and that has real consequences in our own lives and in the life of our nation.  We seem stuck with a choice between what cuts to our bottom line and what harms us as a society.  Which price is higher to pay?  Which cost is harder to bear?
"This democracy," Walter said, "cannot function without a reasonably well-informed electorate."  That's why the honest, objective, meticulous reporting that so many of you pursue with the same zeal that Walter did is so vital to our democracy and our society:  Our future depends on it. 
Walter was no naive idealist.  He understood the challenges and the pressures and the temptations facing journalism in this new era.  He believed that a media company has an obligation to pursue a profit, but also an obligation to invest a good chunk of that profit back into news and public affairs.  He was excited about all the stories that a high-tech world of journalism would be able to tell, and all the newly-emerging means with which to tell it.
Naturally, we find ourselves wondering how he would have covered the monumental stories of our time.  In an era where the news that city hall is on fire can sweep around the world at the speed of the Internet, would he still have called to double-check?  Would he have been able to cut through the murky noise of the blogs and the tweets and the sound bites to shine the bright light on substance?  Would he still offer the perspective that we value?  Would he have been able to remain a singular figure in an age of dwindling attention spans and omnipresent media?
And somehow, we know that the answer is yes.  The simple values Walter Cronkite set out in pursuit of -- to seek the truth, to keep us honest, to explore our world the best he could -- they are as vital today as they ever were.
Our American story continues.  It needs to be told.  And if we choose to live up to Walter's example, if we realize that the kind of journalism he embodied will not simply rekindle itself as part of a natural cycle, but will come alive only if we stand up and demand it and resolve to value it once again, then I'm convinced that the choice between profit and progress is a false one -- and that the golden days of journalism still lie ahead.
Walter Cronkite invited a nation to believe in him -- and he never betrayed that trust.  That's why so many of you entered the profession in the first place.  That's why the standards he set for journalists still stand.  And that's why he loved and valued all of you, but we loved and valued Walter not only as the rarest of men, but as an indispensable pillar of our society.
He's reunited with his beloved Betsy now, watching the stories of this century unfold with boundless optimism -- every so often punctuating the air with a gleeful "oh, boy!"  (Laughter.)  We are grateful to him for altering and illuminating our time, and for the opportunity he gave to us to say that, yes, we, too, were there.
Thank you very much.  (Applause.)
                                    
END
12:50 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
___________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                        September 8, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT IN DISCUSSION WITH 9TH GRADERS
Wakefield High School
Arlington, Virginia
11:01 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. So this is the first day of high school?
STUDENTS: Yes.
THE PRESIDENT: Wow. I'm trying to remember back to my first day of high school. I can't remember that far back. But it is great to see all of you here. I'm really proud of my Secretary of Education, Arne Duncan, who is just doing a great job trying to create an environment where all of you can learn. And I know it's a little intimidating with all these cameras around and all this --
SECRETARY DUNCAN: Don't pay any attention to them.
THE PRESIDENT: -- so just pretend that they're not there.
Here's the main reason I wanted to come by. As Arne pointed out, when I was growing up, my dad wasn’t in the house. We weren’t poor, but we weren’t rich. My mother had to work really hard, so sometimes my grandparents had to fill in. And my wife, Michelle, who all of you have seen -- the First Lady -- her dad worked in a -- as a -- basically in a blue-collar job, an hourly worker. Her mom worked as a secretary. And they lived in a tiny -- they didn’t even live in a house, they lived upstairs above her aunt's house. And so neither of us really had a whole lot when we were growing up, but the one thing that we had was parents who insisted on getting a good education.
And I want you all to know that despite the good home training I was getting, that when I was in 9th and 10th grade, I was still kind of a goof-off and I didn’t study as hard as I could have. I was a lot more concerned about basketball. I made some mistakes when I was in high school, wasn’t as focused as I should have been. But the fact that my parents -- that my mother and my grandparents had emphasized education allowed me to make up for some of those mistakes and still get into a good college. And when I got to college, I was then able to really bear down and focus on education.
Michelle, she was a good student the whole time. She was sort of a goody-two-shoes. (Laughter.) And she just did well in high school, and then she went to college and then she went to law school, and she just was always really organized and together.
But the point is, is that both of us were able to succeed not because of who our parents were, not because we came from a lot of wealth or because we had a lot of connections, but it was mainly just because we ended up getting into good schools and we worked hard and we did well.
All of you are in that same position. And as I look out at this class, I say to myself, you guys remind me of me and Michelle. And you're in the same position that we were. We were no different. You have the same opportunities that we had. The key is for you to seize those opportunities.
And the reason I wanted to come by to talk to students -- and then we're going to talk to students all across the country -- Arne is working really hard to make sure that your schools are well equipped; we're trying to get more money in the budget for things like computers, and we want to make sure that we're getting the very best teachers and that they're getting all the training they need -- we're doing everything we can as adults to give you a good learning situation. But ultimately, we can't force you to learn. Not even your parents can force you to learn. Ultimately, you've got to want to learn. You've got to realize that education is your ticket. And that education is not going to happen just because you show up, although showing up helps, so I want to make sure everybody --
SECRETARY DUNCAN: We're glad you're here.
THE PRESIDENT: We're glad you're here. You've got to be hungry to want to learn more -- whatever the subject is. And if you have that hunger and that drive and that passion, you're going to do well. And if you don't, you know, you're just going to do okay, you'll be mediocre. And I don't think that's what any of you want for your lives.
So that's the main message that I wanted to send is, take advantage of the opportunity. If you are hungry for learning, you will find teachers that want to help you. You will -- your parents will be there for you. The community will be there. You will be able to finance college. You will be able to get a good job. You will be able to have a successful career. But you've got to want it. And that's the main message that we wanted to send.
So, with that, we've got about 20 minutes just to go back and forth. And I know, like I said, it's a little intimidating having these folks around. But it's not every day that you get a chance to talk to the President. (Laughter.) I'm not going to call on anybody. Just whoever has a question or a comment, a suggestion, an idea about what you think would make school better, things that you think make it tough for some kids, even if it's not you, but things that you've heard that you think we should know. Questions about Bo, my dog, that's okay, too. (Laughter.) Whatever comes to mind.
So who wants to start off? I know -- there you go. That's what I'm talking about. We got a mic, so everybody can hear you. Introduce yourself.
STUDENT: How has your life changed?
THE PRESIDENT: What's your name?
STUDENT: Jimmy.
THE PRESIDENT: Jimmy. How has my life changed?
SECRETARY DUNCAN: That's a good question.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, you know, when you announce that you're running for President -- first of all, I was a U.S. senator before I was President, so people already sort of knew me but just in Illinois, in my home state, in Chicago. And when you announce that you're running for President, suddenly a lot more people know you. And then slowly you get Secret Service. And then when you win the nomination you get more Secret Service. And then when you become President, then everything just shuts down. And so one of the biggest changes in my life is that I can't just do things normally like I used to be able to do them. And that's hard sometimes. I mean, I can't just get in my car, go to the store, pick up some -- whatever it is that I feel like picking up. I can't go take a walk without shutting down a whole bunch of roads and really inconveniencing a lot of people. (Laughter.)
And so in terms of my own personal life, I think the biggest change is that I'm inside what's called the bubble. I can't just do things on the spur of the moment. And that's actually the toughest thing about being President, because you want to just be able to interact with people normally, right? And these days either people are waving and really happy to see me, or they're booing me, saying -- (laughter) -- you know. But nobody just kind of interacts with you in a normal way.
The good thing about being President is I've got this really nice home office called the Oval Office -- (laughter) -- and it means that I don't have a commute. Basically I walk downstairs, I'm in my office, I'm working, and then I can leave to get home in time to have dinner with my family. So I'm spending a lot more time with my kids now, and my wife now, and having dinner with them every night. That's a lot better than it was before when I was traveling a lot and commuting back and forth between D.C. and Chicago. So that's really good.
Now, obviously the other way my life has changed is just I have so much more responsibility. But that part of the job I really enjoy. I mean, I really like meeting smart people who are passionate about their work; trying to figure out how do we get the schools better, how do we provide health care for people who don't have it -- the policy work of thinking through how can we make changes in the country that will give people more opportunity, better jobs, better education. That stuff is what I spend most of my day doing and that's really interesting. I really enjoy it.
All right, who else? Right here.
STUDENT: Hi, my name is Brandon. I was wondering, you said that your father wasn't really in your life. That's kind of like me -- my parents were divorced. But how do you think your life would have been different if he would have been there for you? Like, if -- how would your education have been and would you still be President?
THE PRESIDENT: It's an interesting question. You know, you never know exactly how your life would turn out if there was a change in circumstances as big as your dad being around. I think that -- I actually wrote a book about this, called "Dreams For My Father," where I tried to figure out what was he like, who was he. He was a very, very smart man, but he was sort of arrogant and kind of overbearing, and he had his own problems and his own issues. So my mother always used to say that if he had been around, I probably would have been having a lot of arguments with him all the time.
I think that I was lucky, though, that my mother always -- she never spoke badly about him, which I think since I was a boy, knowing that even if your dad wasn't around, that you still were hearing good things about him I think probably improved my own self-confidence.
When I look back on my life, I think that -- Michelle's dad was around, and Arne I think knew him. Just a great guy. Wonderful, wonderful man. And he actually had multiple sclerosis, so he had to walk with canes, but went to every basketball game that my brother-in-law played in, was there for every dance recital Michelle was in, was just a great family man. And when I look at her dad, I say to myself, boy, that would be nice to have somebody like that that you could count on who was always there for you.
On the other hand, I think that not having a dad in some ways forced me to grow up faster. It meant that I made more mistakes because I didn't have somebody to tell me, here's how you do this or here's how you do that. But on the other hand, I had to, I think, raise myself a little bit more. I had to be more supportive of my mother because I knew how hard she was working. And so, in some ways, maybe it made me stronger over time, just like it may be making you stronger over time.
Let's get a young lady in here. Go ahead.
STUDENT: Hi. I'm Lilly. And if you could have dinner with anyone, dead or alive, who would it be? (Laughter.)
THE PRESIDENT: Dinner with anyone dead or alive? Well, you know, dead or alive, that's a pretty big list. (Laughter.) You know, I think that it might be Gandhi, who is a real hero of mine. Now, it would probably be a really small meal because -- (laughter) -- he didn't eat a lot. But he's somebody who I find a lot of inspiration in. He inspired Dr. King, so if it hadn't been for the non-violent movement in India, you might not have seen the same non-violent movement for civil rights here in the United States. He inspired César Chávez, and he -- and what was interesting was that he ended up doing so much and changing the world just by the power of his ethics, by his ability to change how people saw each other and saw themselves -- and help people who thought they had no power realize that they had power, and then help people who had a lot of power realize that if all they're doing is oppressing people, then that's not a really good exercise of power.
So I'm always interested in people who are able to bring about change, not through violence, not through money, but through the force of their personality and their ethical and moral stances. And that's somebody that I'd love to sit down and talk to.
STUDENT: Hi, my name is Alexis. And I was just wondering what were your main goals before you graduated college, what you wanted to achieve in life?
THE PRESIDENT: You know, as I said, when I was your age, I've got to say that I was a little bit of a goof-off, so my main goal was to get on the varsity basketball team, to have fun. And when I was younger, my aspirations were to be an architect, maybe to be a judge. And then I went through this phase where I was kind of rebelling -- this was part of not having a dad around. I think I sort of was trying to work through my issues. But by the time I got to college, A, I realized I was never going to be a pro basketball player. Arne never realized that. (Laughter.) He still doesn’t.
SECRETARY DUNCAN: Still trying.
THE PRESIDENT: We played this weekend. But so I realized I wasn’t going to be a world-class athlete. I realized that I was good with writing. I was good in sort of analyzing how the world worked, whether it was politics or economic or -- that those were my strengths. I was pretty good at math, but wasn’t great at it. And the problem was the four years in high school that I let my math skills kind of go, it's hard to catch up with math once you’ve -- which is why, by the way, we need more scientists, we need more engineers, and if you're good at math stay with it and really focus on it. That's something that I regret, is having let some of that go, because I was good at when I was young.
So I think I figured out at that point that I wanted to be in some sort of job where I was helping people, that -- I was never that interested in just being rich. That wasn’t my -- that wasn’t really my goal. My goal was more to do something that I thought was meaningful. And so in college I became interested in public policy and urban policy. And I started doing some stuff off campus around different issues, which is something -- and doing community service type of work.
And I don't know what the opportunities here are at Wakefield, but one of the things that is a really great learning opportunity is to -- if there's a community service program here, or if you want to do it through your church or your synagogue or your mosque or some other community group, you can really learn a lot about the world not just in the classroom, but also outside of the classroom.
Now, you've got to focus on doing what -- your top priority has to be your classroom work. But I found in college that some of the work I did in the community actually opened my eyes and gave me a sense of how I might be able to help people. And that was really important.
STUDENT: Why did you decide to come to Wakefield instead of, like, Yorktown or Washington?
THE PRESIDENT: You know, Wakefield has a wonderful reputation; this is a good school. I think when I look around the room, I really like the fact that it's a diverse school, that there are just people from all different walks of life here. I think that's part of the strength of America. And this is basically what America increasingly looks like, people from all different walks of life, different backgrounds, different religions, different ethnic backgrounds. And so we thought that this would be a good representative sample of students. And your questions have proven me right.
STUDENT: Hi, I'm Sam. And I was just wondering how you motivate yourself to do all the work that goes along with your job.
THE PRESIDENT: That's a great question. You know, some of it -- I'm just going to be honest with you -- some of it is just you don't want to fail. Right? A lot of people are counting on me. And so even when I'm really tired or things aren't going exactly the way I thought they would be going, or there's just a lot of problems that are landing on my desk, I think about all the struggles that a lot of people are going through around the country and I say to myself, it's such an honor to be in this job; I can't afford to get tired; I just want to make sure that I'm doing the best that I can do for those folks.
And one of the things that we started doing as soon as I came in -- we get thousands of letters -- I think it's 40,000 letters a day -- letters or e-mails -- a day from people all across the country, on all different subjects. And one of the things we started doing was trying to get 10 letters every day, sort of a sample of letters that I read personally. So at the end of my day, along with my big briefing book of things I have to read to prepare for the next day -- education policy, or health care, or what's happening in Afghanistan -- I have these 10 letters from ordinary folks.
And you read these letters and some of them are really inspiring. People talk about how they're the first in their family to go to college, and they're having to work full-time but they're sure that they are going to get a better job and a better career, and so they're sticking with it even though that it's hard.
Some of the stories are really depressing. You hear about people who are sick but don't have health care, and suddenly they get a bill for $100,000, and there's no way they can pay for it, and they're about to lose their house.
And you're just reminded that the country is full of really good people who sometimes are going through a hard time. They just need a break. They need a little bit of help. Maybe the way things are set up right now isn't always fair for people, and that motivates you, because you say, well, I can't make everything perfect, I can't prevent somebody from getting sick, but maybe I can make sure that they've got insurance so that when they do get sick, they're going to get some help.
I can't make everybody in an inner-city school suddenly not have problems with drugs on the street corner, or maybe parents who aren't really parenting well, but I can at least make sure that if they do show up at school that they've got a teacher who is well trained. So that really, really motivates you a lot. That's what gets you up in the morning.
SECRETARY DUNCAN: Last one. Last question.
THE PRESIDENT: Who's got the mic? Well, he already had the mic, so we'll give two last questions. These two right here. Go ahead.
STUDENT: Hi, Mr. President, my name is Jessie. When I grow up, I would like to have your job.
THE PRESIDENT: Okay.
STUDENT: Is there any advice you can give me, or career paths that I -- things I need to know?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, let me give you some very practical tips. (Laughter.) First of all, I want everybody here to be careful about what you post on Facebook -- (laughter) -- because in the YouTube age, whatever you do, it will be pulled up again later somewhere in your life. And when you're young, you make mistakes and you do some stupid stuff. And I've been hearing a lot about young people who -- you know, they're posting stuff on Facebook, and then suddenly they go apply for a job and somebody has done a search and -- so that's some practical political advice for you right there. (Laughter.) That's number one.
Number two, look, obviously, doing well in school is hugely important, especially if you don't come from some political family where they've got you all hooked up. If you're going to succeed it's because people are going to think that -- they have confidence that you can do the job. So really excelling in education is important.
Number three, find something that you're passionate about and do that well. There are a lot of people who decide to go into politics just because they want to be important or they like the idea of having their name up in lights or what have you. The truth is, is that I think the people who are the best elected officials are the people who they found something they're good at; they get really -- whether it's they're a really good lawyer, they're a really good teacher, they're a good business person -- they've built a career and learned something about how to organize people and how to motivate people. And then they go into politics because they think that they can take those skills to do some more good -- as opposed to just wanting to get elected just for the sake of getting elected.
And we have a lot -- I'll be honest with you, I mean, there are a lot of politicians like that who, all they're thinking about is just, how do I get reelected, and so they never actually get anything done.
But that's not just true in politics; that's true in life. I think even if you didn't want to be President, if you wanted to be a successful -- successful in business, most of the most successful businesspeople I know are people who, they were passionate about some idea about a product or a service, and they really got into that. And then the money was a byproduct -- the money came because you really did something good, as opposed to you just thinking about how do I make money.
You talk to somebody like a Bill Gates. That guy was just fascinated with computers, and that's everything he was thinking about. Now, he got so good at it that he then ended up being a very good businessman, as well. But his focus was on how do I create something that actually helps people or is useful to them. And I think you should have that same attitude, whatever it is that you decide to do.
All right. Okay, last question.
STUDENT: Hi, my name is Sean. And my question is, currently 36 countries have universal health coverage, including Iraq and Afghanistan, which have it paid for by the United States. Why can't the United States have universal health coverage?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I think that's the question I've been asking Congress, because I think we need it. I think we can do it. And I'm going to be making a speech tomorrow night talking about my plan to make sure that everybody has access to affordable health care.
Part of what happened is that back in the 1940s and '50s a lot of -- most of the wealthy countries around the world decided to set up health care systems that covered everybody. The United States -- for a number of different reasons -- organized their health care around employer-based health insurance. So what happened was, is that you basically got your health insurance through your job. And you can see some problems with that. Number one is if you lose your job, then you don't have health insurance. The other thing is some employers may not want to do right by their employees by giving them health insurance, and then they're kind of out of luck.
And so what happened was, is that the majority of Americans still have health insurance through their job and most of them are happy with it, but a lot of people fall through the cracks. If you're self-employed, if you start your own business, if you are working in a job that doesn't offer health insurance, then you're -- you have real problems.
So what we're trying to do is set up a system where people who have health insurance on the job, they can keep it, but if you don't have health insurance for the job, if you're self-employed, if you're unemployed, that you're able to get health insurance through another way. And we can afford to do it and it will actually, I think, over time save us money if we set that up. All right?
Well, listen, guys, these have been terrific questions. I can tell you guys are going to excel in high school. You guys are going to do great. And your teachers are lucky to have you. And just remember that -- my only other piece of advice is stay focused, do well, apply yourself in school -- but also understand you're going to make some mistakes during your teenage years and you can recover from them. Just make sure that if you do make a mistake that you learn from it and you'll be fine.
All right. Thank you guys for taking the time.
SECRETARY DUNCAN: Thanks, guys. Have a great school year. (Applause.)
END
11:29 A.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
___________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                        September 8, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN A NATIONAL ADDRESS TO AMERICA'S SCHOOLCHILDREN
Wakefield High School
Arlington, Virginia
12:06 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Hello, everybody! Thank you. Thank you. Thank you, everybody. All right, everybody go ahead and have a seat. How is everybody doing today? (Applause.) How about Tim Spicer? (Applause.) I am here with students at Wakefield High School in Arlington, Virginia. And we've got students tuning in from all across America, from kindergarten through 12th grade. And I am just so glad that all could join us today. And I want to thank Wakefield for being such an outstanding host. Give yourselves a big round of applause. (Applause.)
I know that for many of you, today is the first day of school. And for those of you in kindergarten, or starting middle or high school, it's your first day in a new school, so it's understandable if you're a little nervous. I imagine there are some seniors out there who are feeling pretty good right now -- (applause) -- with just one more year to go. And no matter what grade you're in, some of you are probably wishing it were still summer and you could've stayed in bed just a little bit longer this morning.
I know that feeling. When I was young, my family lived overseas. I lived in Indonesia for a few years. And my mother, she didn't have the money to send me where all the American kids went to school, but she thought it was important for me to keep up with an American education. So she decided to teach me extra lessons herself, Monday through Friday. But because she had to go to work, the only time she could do it was at 4:30 in the morning.
Now, as you might imagine, I wasn't too happy about getting up that early. And a lot of times, I'd fall asleep right there at the kitchen table. But whenever I'd complain, my mother would just give me one of those looks and she'd say, "This is no picnic for me either, buster." (Laughter.)
So I know that some of you are still adjusting to being back at school. But I'm here today because I have something important to discuss with you. I'm here because I want to talk with you about your education and what's expected of all of you in this new school year.
Now, I've given a lot of speeches about education. And I've talked about responsibility a lot.
I've talked about teachers' responsibility for inspiring students and pushing you to learn.
I've talked about your parents' responsibility for making sure you stay on track, and you get your homework done, and don't spend every waking hour in front of the TV or with the Xbox.
I've talked a lot about your government's responsibility for setting high standards, and supporting teachers and principals, and turning around schools that aren't working, where students aren't getting the opportunities that they deserve.
But at the end of the day, we can have the most dedicated teachers, the most supportive parents, the best schools in the world -- and none of it will make a difference, none of it will matter unless all of you fulfill your responsibilities, unless you show up to those schools, unless you pay attention to those teachers, unless you listen to your parents and grandparents and other adults and put in the hard work it takes to succeed. That's what I want to focus on today: the responsibility each of you has for your education.
I want to start with the responsibility you have to yourself. Every single one of you has something that you're good at. Every single one of you has something to offer. And you have a responsibility to yourself to discover what that is. That's the opportunity an education can provide.
Maybe you could be a great writer -- maybe even good enough to write a book or articles in a newspaper -- but you might not know it until you write that English paper -- that English class paper that's assigned to you. Maybe you could be an innovator or an inventor -- maybe even good enough to come up with the next iPhone or the new medicine or vaccine -- but you might not know it until you do your project for your science class. Maybe you could be a mayor or a senator or a Supreme Court justice -- but you might not know that until you join student government or the debate team.
And no matter what you want to do with your life, I guarantee that you'll need an education to do it. You want to be a doctor, or a teacher, or a police officer? You want to be a nurse or an architect, a lawyer or a member of our military? You're going to need a good education for every single one of those careers. You cannot drop out of school and just drop into a good job. You've got to train for it and work for it and learn for it.
And this isn't just important for your own life and your own future. What you make of your education will decide nothing less than the future of this country. The future of America depends on you. What you're learning in school today will determine whether we as a nation can meet our greatest challenges in the future.
You'll need the knowledge and problem-solving skills you learn in science and math to cure diseases like cancer and AIDS, and to develop new energy technologies and protect our environment. You'll need the insights and critical-thinking skills you gain in history and social studies to fight poverty and homelessness, crime and discrimination, and make our nation more fair and more free. You'll need the creativity and ingenuity you develop in all your classes to build new companies that will create new jobs and boost our economy.
We need every single one of you to develop your talents and your skills and your intellect so you can help us old folks solve our most difficult problems. If you don't do that -- if you quit on school -- you're not just quitting on yourself, you're quitting on your country.
Now, I know it's not always easy to do well in school. I know a lot of you have challenges in your lives right now that can make it hard to focus on your schoolwork.
I get it. I know what it's like. My father left my family when I was two years old, and I was raised by a single mom who had to work and who struggled at times to pay the bills and wasn't always able to give us the things that other kids had. There were times when I missed having a father in my life. There were times when I was lonely and I felt like I didn't fit in.
So I wasn't always as focused as I should have been on school, and I did some things I'm not proud of, and I got in more trouble than I should have. And my life could have easily taken a turn for the worse.
But I was -- I was lucky. I got a lot of second chances, and I had the opportunity to go to college and law school and follow my dreams. My wife, our First Lady Michelle Obama, she has a similar story. Neither of her parents had gone to college, and they didn't have a lot of money. But they worked hard, and she worked hard, so that she could go to the best schools in this country.
Some of you might not have those advantages. Maybe you don't have adults in your life who give you the support that you need. Maybe someone in your family has lost their job and there's not enough money to go around. Maybe you live in a neighborhood where you don't feel safe, or have friends who are pressuring you to do things you know aren't right.
But at the end of the day, the circumstances of your life -- what you look like, where you come from, how much money you have, what you've got going on at home -- none of that is an excuse for neglecting your homework or having a bad attitude in school. That's no excuse for talking back to your teacher, or cutting class, or dropping out of school. There is no excuse for not trying.
Where you are right now doesn't have to determine where you'll end up. No one's written your destiny for you, because here in America, you write your own destiny. You make your own future.
That's what young people like you are doing every day, all across America.
Young people like Jazmin Perez, from Roma, Texas. Jazmin didn't speak English when she first started school. Neither of her parents had gone to college. But she worked hard, earned good grades, and got a scholarship to Brown University -- is now in graduate school, studying public health, on her way to becoming Dr. Jazmin Perez.
I'm thinking about Andoni Schultz, from Los Altos, California, who's fought brain cancer since he was three. He's had to endure all sorts of treatments and surgeries, one of which affected his memory, so it took him much longer -- hundreds of extra hours -- to do his schoolwork. But he never fell behind. He's headed to college this fall.
And then there's Shantell Steve, from my hometown of Chicago, Illinois. Even when bouncing from foster home to foster home in the toughest neighborhoods in the city, she managed to get a job at a local health care center, start a program to keep young people out of gangs, and she's on track to graduate high school with honors and go on to college.
And Jazmin, Andoni, and Shantell aren't any different from any of you. They face challenges in their lives just like you do. In some cases they've got it a lot worse off than many of you. But they refused to give up. They chose to take responsibility for their lives, for their education, and set goals for themselves. And I expect all of you to do the same.
That's why today I'm calling on each of you to set your own goals for your education -- and do everything you can to meet them. Your goal can be something as simple as doing all your homework, paying attention in class, or spending some time each day reading a book. Maybe you'll decide to get involved in an extracurricular activity, or volunteer in your community. Maybe you'll decide to stand up for kids who are being teased or bullied because of who they are or how they look, because you believe, like I do, that all young people deserve a safe environment to study and learn. Maybe you'll decide to take better care of yourself so you can be more ready to learn. And along those lines, by the way, I hope all of you are washing your hands a lot, and that you stay home from school when you don't feel well, so we can keep people from getting the flu this fall and winter.
But whatever you resolve to do, I want you to commit to it. I want you to really work at it.
I know that sometimes you get that sense from TV that you can be rich and successful without any hard work -- that your ticket to success is through rapping or basketball or being a reality TV star. Chances are you're not going to be any of those things.
The truth is, being successful is hard. You won't love every subject that you study. You won't click with every teacher that you have. Not every homework assignment will seem completely relevant to your life right at this minute. And you won't necessarily succeed at everything the first time you try.
That's okay. Some of the most successful people in the world are the ones who've had the most failures. J.K. Rowling's -- who wrote Harry Potter -- her first Harry Potter book was rejected 12 times before it was finally published. Michael Jordan was cut from his high school basketball team. He lost hundreds of games and missed thousands of shots during his career. But he once said, "I have failed over and over and over again in my life. And that's why I succeed."
These people succeeded because they understood that you can't let your failures define you -- you have to let your failures teach you. You have to let them show you what to do differently the next time. So if you get into trouble, that doesn't mean you're a troublemaker, it means you need to try harder to act right. If you get a bad grade, that doesn't mean you're stupid, it just means you need to spend more time studying.
No one's born being good at all things. You become good at things through hard work. You're not a varsity athlete the first time you play a new sport. You don't hit every note the first time you sing a song. You've got to practice. The same principle applies to your schoolwork. You might have to do a math problem a few times before you get it right. You might have to read something a few times before you understand it. You definitely have to do a few drafts of a paper before it's good enough to hand in.
Don't be afraid to ask questions. Don't be afraid to ask for help when you need it. I do that every day. Asking for help isn't a sign of weakness, it's a sign of strength because it shows you have the courage to admit when you don't know something, and that then allows you to learn something new. So find an adult that you trust -- a parent, a grandparent or teacher, a coach or a counselor -- and ask them to help you stay on track to meet your goals.
And even when you're struggling, even when you're discouraged, and you feel like other people have given up on you, don't ever give up on yourself, because when you give up on yourself, you give up on your country.
The story of America isn't about people who quit when things got tough. It's about people who kept going, who tried harder, who loved their country too much to do anything less than their best.
It's the story of students who sat where you sit 250 years ago, and went on to wage a revolution and they founded this nation. Young people. Students who sat where you sit 75 years ago who overcame a Depression and won a world war; who fought for civil rights and put a man on the moon. Students who sat where you sit 20 years ago who founded Google and Twitter and Facebook and changed the way we communicate with each other.
So today, I want to ask all of you, what's your contribution going to be? What problems are you going to solve? What discoveries will you make? What will a President who comes here in 20 or 50 or 100 years say about what all of you did for this country?
Now, your families, your teachers, and I are doing everything we can to make sure you have the education you need to answer these questions. I'm working hard to fix up your classrooms and get you the books and the equipment and the computers you need to learn. But you've got to do your part, too. So I expect all of you to get serious this year. I expect you to put your best effort into everything you do. I expect great things from each of you. So don't let us down. Don't let your family down or your country down. Most of all, don't let yourself down. Make us all proud.
Thank you very much, everybody. God bless you. God bless America. Thank you. (Applause.)
END
12:22 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
_______________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                             September 7, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT AFL-CIO LABOR DAY PICNIC
Coney Island
Cincinnati, Ohio
1:24 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:  Hello, Cincinnati!  (Applause.)  Thank you.  Thank you, Ohio!  (Applause.)  Thank you.  Thank you, labor!  (Applause.)  All-righty.  It is good to be back in Cincinnati.  (Applause.)  It's good to be back in Ohio.  (Applause.)  It's good to be back among great friends, great leaders.  And I want everybody to give a big round of applause to Charlie Dilbert for that great introduction.  (Applause.)  And I want to thank Kathy Mattea and the band for the entertainment.  Give Kathy a big round of applause.  (Applause.)
How you all feeling today?  (Applause.)  Are you fired up?  (Applause.)  Are you ready to go?  (Applause.)  I can't think of a better place to be on Labor Day than at America's biggest Labor Day picnic, and with the workers and families of the Cincinnati AFL-CIO.  (Applause.)
I'm so proud to be on the stage with Charlie, because Charlie reminds us that in these tough times, America's working men and women are ready to roll up their sleeves and get back to work.  (Applause.)
I want to salute your local AFL-CIO local leaders:  Executive Secretary-Treasurer Doug Sizemore -- (applause) -- President Joe Zimmer -- (applause) -- State President Joe Rugola.  And your outstanding national leaders:  a man who we thank for devoting his life to working Americans -- President John Sweeney.  (Applause.)  He's right there.  And the man who will pick up the mantle, who will take the baton of leadership, who we need to succeed because a strong labor movement is part of a strong economy -- is part of a strong economy -- Secretary-Treasurer Rich Trumka.  (Applause.)
Although Ohio's wonderful governor and great friend of mine Ted Strickland couldn't be here, we've got Lieutenant Governor Lee Fisher in the house -- (applause) -- Secretary of State Jennifer Brunner -- (applause) -- Attorney General Richard Cordray -- (applause) -- Cincinnati Mayor Mark Mallory -- (applause) -- Hamilton County Commissioner -- Commission President David Pepper.  (Applause.)
We're joined by members of Ohio's outstanding congressional delegation:  Congressman Steve Driehaus -- (applause) -- and a great friend who is at the forefront of every fight for Ohio's working men and women, including the battle for health insurance reform, Senator Sherrod Brown.  (Applause.)
I'm also proud to be here with a leader who is reenergizing the Department of Labor, who realizes that it's not the Department of Management, it's the Department of Labor -- (applause) -- a daughter of union members, a daughter of a Teamster -- Secretary Hilda Solis.  (Applause.)  My director of recovery for auto communities and workers, Ed Montgomery, is in the house, and he's doing outstanding work.  (Applause.) 
Now, Cincinnati, like a lot of Americans, you're having some fun today.  Taking the day off.  Spending time with the kids.  Some of you may be proud of your grilling skills.  (Laughter.)  Every man thinks he can grill -- (laughter) -- whether he can or not.  That's what Michelle says.  (Laughter.)  Michelle says she's a better griller than me.  (Applause.)  I don't know.  We'll have to have a grill-off someday.  But you're enjoying some good music, some good food, some famous Cincinnati chili.  (Applause.) 
But today we also pause.  We pause to remember and to reflect and to reaffirm.  We remember that the rights and benefits we enjoy today weren't simply handed to America's working men and women.  They had to be won.  They had to be fought for, by men and women of courage and conviction, from the factory floors of the Industrial Revolution to the shopping aisles of today's superstores.  They stood up and they spoke out to demand a fair shake and an honest day's pay for an honest day's work.  (Applause.) 
Many risked their lives.  Some gave their lives.  Some made it a cause of their lives -- like Senator Ted Kennedy, who we remember today.  (Applause.)
So let us never forget:  much of what we take for granted -- the 40-hour work week, the minimum wage, health insurance, paid leave, pensions, Social Security, Medicare -- they all bear the union label.  (Applause.)  It was the American worker -- men and women just like you -- who returned from World War II to make our economy the envy of the world.  It was labor that helped build the largest middle class in history.  Even if you're not a union member, every American owes something to America's labor movement.  (Applause.)
So as we remember this history, let's reflect on its meaning in our own time.  Like so many Americans, you work hard.  You meet your responsibilities.  You play by the rules.  You pay your bills.  But in recent years, the American Dream seems like it's been slipping away, because from Washington to Wall Street, too often a different attitude prevailed.  Wealth was valued over work, selfishness over sacrifice, greed over responsibility.  The right to organize was undermined rather than strengthened.  (Applause.)
That's what we saw.  And it may have worked out well for those folks at the top, but it didn't work out for you and it didn't work out well for our country.  That culture -- that culture and the policies that flowed from it -- undermined the middle class and helped create the greatest economic crisis of our time.
So today, on this Labor Day, we reaffirm our commitment.  To rebuild.  To live up to the legacy of those who came before us.  To combine the enduring values that have served us so well for so long -- hard work and responsibility -- with new ideas for a new century.  To ensure that our great middle class remains the backbone of our economy -- not just a vanishing ideal we celebrate at picnics once a year as summer turns to fall.  We want it a reality for the families of Ohio and the families of America.  (Applause.)
That's what we've been working to do ever since I took office.  Now, I notice some people have already forgotten how bad it was just seven months ago.  You notice that?  They've got sort of selective amnesia.  (Laughter.)  So let's just remind them for a second.  (Applause.)  A financial system on the verge of collapse; about 700,000 workers losing their jobs each month; the worst recession of our lifetimes threatening to become another Great Depression. 
That's what was happening just seven months ago.  And that's why we took bold, swift action.  That's why we passed an unprecedented Recovery Act, and we did it without the usual Washington earmarks and pork-barrel spending.  And, Ohio, it is working.  (Applause.)
Times -- times are still tough.  Times are still tough, I know that.  But we have given 95 percent of America's working families a tax cut -- 4.5 million families in Ohio, including here in Cincinnati -- a promise we made during the campaign; a promise I kept as President of the United States.  (Applause.)
We cut taxes for small businesses, made new loans to more than 1,000 small businesses in Ohio so they could grow and hire more workers.  We extended unemployment benefits for 12 million Americans, including Charlie and nearly 570,000 Ohio citizens.  (Applause.)  Across America, we've saved the jobs of tens of thousands of state and local workers, including teachers and first responders right here in Ohio.  Don't take my word for it.  Ask folks here in Ohio what they would have done if we hadn't passed the Recovery Act -- the cuts they would have had to make, the taxes they would have had to raise. 
We're rebuilding America's infrastructure, including improvements to I-75 in Hamilton County, led by a local Cincinnati contractor.  (Applause.)  We've got more than 200 other highway projects across Ohio, and we're making a historic commitment to innovation -- much of it still to come in the months and years ahead:  doubling our capacity to generate renewable energy; building a new smart grid to carry electricity from coast to coast; laying down broadband lines and high-speed rail lines and providing the largest boost in basic research in our history -- all of which will put people back to work.  (Applause.)  Steelworkers, plumbers, pipe-fitters, engineers, you name it.
So our recovery plan is working.
Q    What about bricklayers? 
THE PRESIDENT:  Bricklayers, too.  (Applause.)  The financial system -- financial system has been saved from collapse.  Home sales are up.  We're seeing signs of life in the auto industry.  Business investment is starting to stabilize.  For the first time in 18 months, we're seeing growth in manufacturing.  When was the last time you heard that here in the United States of America?  (Applause.)
Now, on Friday, we learned that the economy lost another 216,000 jobs in August.  And whenever Americans are losing jobs, that's simply unacceptable.  But for the second straight month, we lost fewer jobs than the month before, and it was the fewest jobs that we had lost in a year.  (Applause.)  So, make no mistake, we're moving in the right direction.  We're on the road to recovery, Ohio.  Don't let anybody tell you otherwise.  (Applause.) 
AUDIENCE:  Yes we can!  Yes we can!  Yes we can!
THE PRESIDENT:  Yes we will.  Yes we are.
AUDIENCE:  Yes we will!  Yes we will!  Yes we will!
THE PRESIDENT:  But -- but, my friends, we still have got a long way to go.  We're not going to rest.  We're not going to let up.  Not until workers looking for jobs can find them -- good jobs that sustain families and sustain dreams.  Not until responsible mortgage-owners can stay in their homes.  Not until we've got a full economic recovery and all Americans have their shot at the American Dream.  (Applause.)
Now, we can't do that if we go back to that old economy -- overleveraged banks, inflated profits, maxed-out credit cards, CEOs and bankers getting multimillion-dollar bonuses --
AUDIENCE:  Booo!
THE PRESIDENT:  -- an economy of bubbles and bursts, your wages and incomes stagnant while corporate profits soar.  So even as we recover from the recession and work to cut the deficit, we have to build a new foundation for prosperity:
We need an America with a reformed financial system.  We got to have regulations in place that protect consumers so that we never have a crisis like this again.  (Applause.)  I don't want to have to bail out any more banks.  (Applause.)  And we got to make sure we've got regulations in place to prevent it.  (Applause.)
An America where energy reform creates green jobs that can never be outsourced and that finally frees America from the grip of foreign oil.  (Applause.)
An America that commits to education because the countries that out-educate us today will out-compete us tomorrow and the best jobs will go to the best educated.  (Applause.)  So we got to do a better job educating our sons and our daughters.  And, yes, I'm going to have something to say tomorrow to our children, telling them to stay in school and work hard -- because that's the right message to send.  (Applause.)
We need an America that once again invests in the middle class, which is why I've created our task force for middle-class working families, led by my outstanding Vice President Joe Biden to make sure that our policies always benefit you, the American worker.  (Applause.)
Today we're taking another step.  I'm naming Ron Bloom, who's right here -- raise your hand, Ron; he's right down in the front here.  (Applause.)  I'm naming Ron Bloom to lead our efforts to revitalize the sector that helped build the middle class:  American manufacturing.  (Applause.)  Ron has worked with steelworkers, service employees, and management to create jobs.  He helped guide our auto task force.  And as my new point person on manufacturing, he's going to help us craft the policies that will create the next generation of great manufacturing jobs and ensure American competitiveness in the 21st century.  (Applause.)
Oh, and by the way, just in case you were wondering, we're also going to build an America where health reform delivers more stability and security to every American.  (Applause.)  We are going to reform the system for those who have insurance and those who don't.  Now, I'll have a lot more to say about this on Wednesday night.  I might have to save my voice a little bit -- not get too excited.  I don't want to give anything away.  I want you all to tune in.
But let me just say a few things about this health care issue.  We've been fighting for quality, affordable health care for every American for nearly a century -- since Teddy Roosevelt.  Think about that -- long time.  (Laughter.)  The Congress and the country have now been vigorously debating the issue for many months.  The debate has been good, and that's important because we've got to get this right.  But every debate at some point comes to an end.  At some point, it's time to decide.  At some point, it's time to act.  Ohio, it's time to act and get this thing done.  (Applause.)
We have never been this close.  We've never had such broad agreement on what needs to be done.  And because we're so close to real reform, suddenly the special interests are doing what they always do, which is just try to scare the heck out of people.
But I've got -- I've got a question for all these folks who say, you know, we're going to pull the plug on Grandma and this is all about illegal immigrants -- you've heard all the lies.  I've got a question for all those folks:  What are you going to do?  (Applause.)  What's your answer?  (Applause.)  What's your solution?  (Applause.)  And you know what?  They don't have one.  (Applause.)  Their answer is to do nothing.  Their answer is to do nothing.  And we know what that future looks like:  insurance companies raking in the profits while discriminating against people because of preexisting conditions; denying or dropping coverage when you get sick.  It means you're never negotiating about higher wages, because all you're spending your time doing is just trying to protect the benefits that you already fought for. 
It means premiums continuing to skyrocket three times faster than your wages.  It means more families pushed into bankruptcy, more businesses cutting more jobs, more Americans losing health insurance -- 14,000 every day.  It means more Americans dying every day just because they don't have health insurance.
That's not the future I see for America.  I see reform where we bring stability and security to folks who have insurance today -- where you never again have to worry about going without coverage if you lose your job or you change your job or you get sick.  You've got coverage there for you.  Where there is a cap on your out-of-pocket expenses, so you don't have to worry that a serious illness will break you and your family even if you have health insurance.  (Applause.)  Where you never again have to worry -- where you never again have to worry that you or someone you love will be denied coverage because of a preexisting condition.  (Applause.)
I see reform where Americans and small businesses that are shut out of health insurance today will be able to purchase coverage at a price they can afford.  (Applause.)  Where they'll be able to shop and compare in a new health insurance exchange -- a marketplace where competition and choice will continue to hold down costs and help deliver them a better deal.  And I continue to believe that a public option within that basket of insurance choices will help improve quality and bring down costs.  (Applause.)
I see reform where we protect our senior citizens by closing the gaps in their prescription drug coverage under Medicare that costs older Americans thousands of dollars every years out of their pockets; reforms that will preserve Medicare and put it on a sounder financial footing and cut waste and fraud -- the more than $100 billion in unwarranted public subsidies to already profitable insurance companies.
I want a health insurance system that works as well for the American people as it does for the insurance industry.  (Applause.)  They should be free to make a profit.  But they also have to be fair.  They also have to be accountable.
That's what we're talking about -- security and stability for folks who have health insurance, help for those they don't -- the coverage they need at a price they can afford, finally bringing costs under control.  That's the reform that's needed.  That's the reform we're fighting for.  And that's why it's time to do what's right for America's working families and put aside partisanship, stop saying things that aren't true, come together as a nation, pass health insurance reform now -- this year.  (Applause.)
Few have fought harder or longer for health care in America's workers than you -- our brothers and sisters of organized labor.  And just as we know that we have to adapt to all the changes and challenges of a global economy, we also know this:  In good economic times and in bad, labor is not the problem.  Labor is part of the solution.  (Applause.)
That's why Secretary Solis made it her priority at the Labor Department to protect workers -- your safety, your benefits, your right to organize, your right to bargain collectively.  (Applause.)  That's why some of the first executive orders I issued overturned the previous administration's attempts to stifle organized labor.  That's why I support EFCA -- to level the playing field so it's easier for employees who want a union to form a union.  (Applause.)  Nothing -- nothing wrong with that.  Because when labor is strong, America is strong.  When we all stand together, we all rise together.  (Applause.)
That's why the first piece of legislation I signed into law was the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act -- (applause) -- guaranteeing equal pay for equal work.  (Applause.)  Lilly worked at a factory in Alabama.  She did her job and she did it well.  And then, after nearly two decades, she discovered that for years she was paid less than her male colleagues for doing the very same work.  Over the years, she had lost hundreds of thousands of dollars in wages and in pension and Social Security benefits.
Lilly could have just moved on.  Instead, this Alabama grandmother made a decision.  She said a principle was at stake.  She stood up and she spoke out for what was right -- all the way to the Supreme Court, and then Congress, and finally the White House, where she stood next to me as I signed the law that bore her name.  (Applause.)
Ohio, that's the lesson this day -- that some things are worth fighting for.  (Applause.)  Equal pay.  Fair wages.  Dignity in the workplace.  Justice on the job.  An economy that works for everybody, because in America there are no second-class citizens.  An economy where you can make a living and care for your families.  Where you're leaving your kids something better.  Where we live up to our fundamental ideals.  Those words put on paper some 200 years ago -- that we're all created equal, that we all deserve a chance to pursue our happiness -- that's the calling to which we are summoned this Labor Day.  That's the cause of my presidency.  And that is the commitment we must fulfill to preserve the American Dream for all of America's working families.
But I'm going to need you to do it.  At the beginning of this speech, I talked about whether you were fired up.  (Applause.)  I know that, over the last couple months, the economy has been bad, the recession has been wearing on folks -- people losing their jobs, people losing their health care, people losing their homes in some cases.  It's been the usual bickering in Washington.  Doesn't seem like that ever stops.  Pundits on TV, they're saying how, oh, this isn't working and that's not working.  You know, you start getting into a funk, and whenever I see folks in that negative place, I always think back to a story I told during the campaign.  Some of you have heard it.  But I just thought I'd say it again.  (Applause.)
It's about where the phrase "fired up" comes from.  So, this is when we were -- right at the beginning of the campaign for the presidency, nobody gave us a chance -- none of you all could pronounce my name.  (Laughter.)  And I went down to South Carolina.  I went down -- I think I was -- where was I?  (Laughter.)  I was in Greenville -- am I right?  Greenville.  And the legislators were having a little banquet and they had invited me to come down to speak.  And I sat next to a state representative.  I had nobody supporting me back then, so I had to ask everybody.  I said, will you support my campaign for the presidency of the United States?  And this state rep looked me up and down and she said, "You know, I will give you my endorsement if you come to my hometown at Greenwood, South Carolina."
Now, I had had a glass of wine, so I said right away, I said, okay.  (Laughter.)  Let's shake on it.  Come to find out that Greenwood is about an hour and a half from everyplace else.  (Laughter.) 
So about a month later, I fly in -- I've been campaigning for two weeks straight, haven't seen my family, I'm exhausted, I'm tired.  Get to the hotel room, I'm dragging my bag into my room, about to go to bed.  I get a tap on my shoulder.  It's my staff member, says, "Excuse me, sir."  I said, "What?"  (Laughter.)  He said, "You have to be in the car tomorrow at 6:30 a.m. in the morning.  I said, "Why?"  (Laughter.)  He said, "Because we got to go to Greenwood like you promised."  (Laughter.)
So the next day, I wake up and I feel worse than when I went to bed.  I stagger over the window, open up the blinds -- it's pouring down rain outside; ugly day.  I go out, get my newspaper, open it up, there's a bad story about me in The New York Times.  I pack up my stuff, I go downstairs.  My umbrella breaks and I get soaked.  So that by the time I'm in the car, I'm sleepy, I'm wet, and I'm mad.  (Laughter.)  And we start driving, and we just keep on driving -- we're driving, we're driving, we drive -- goes on forever.  Hour and a half we're driving. 
Finally we get to Greenwood -- although you don't know that you're in Greenwood right away.  (Laughter.)  It's kind of -- a lot of fields and -- (laughter.)  We pull up next to a little field house in a park and I get back out and I get a little more wet and I go inside.  And after this hour-and-a-half drive, lo and behold, there are only 20 people inside.  (Laughter.)  And most of them are wet and don't look like they really want to be there either.  (Laughter.)
So, you know, I'm a professional.  I go and shake everybody's hands and I've got kind of a tight smile on my face.  "How do you do?  What do you do?  Nice to meet you."  Suddenly I hear this voice behind me, shouting out -- "Fired up?"  And I'm surprised.  I'm scared, almost.  (Laughter.)  But everybody else acts like this was normal and they all say, "Fired up!"  "Ready to go?"  People around me, they all say, "Ready to go!" 
I don't know what's going on.  I look behind me.  There is a little woman.  She couldn't be more than 5'2".  Watch out -- you're little, too.  (Laughter.)  Little lady.  She's about 50, 60 years old.  She dressed like she just came from church.  She got a big church hat.  And she's smiling at me.  She looks at me and she says, "Fired up!" 
Turns out this woman is a city council member from Greenwood who is famous for her chant.  Every event she goes to, she likes chanting.  She goes, "Fired up?  "Fired up!"  "Ready to go?"  "Ready to go!"  And she does a little dance while she's doing it.  (Laughter.)
So for the next five minutes, it seems like, she just keeps on saying this little chant.  "Fired up?"  "Fired up!"  "Ready to go?"  "Ready to go!"  And I'm standing there and I'm thinking, this woman is upstaging me.  (Laughter.)  I don't know what to do.  I'm looking at my staff.  I'm thinking, when is this thing going to be over?  (Laughter.)
But here's the thing, Ohio.  After about a minute or two, I'm starting to feel kind of fired up.  (Laughter and applause.)  I'm starting to feel like I'm ready to go.  (Applause.)  So I start joining in the chant, and it's making me feel good.  And for the rest of the day, whenever -- we campaigned the whole day.  Whenever I saw my staff, I said, "Are you fired up?"  They said, "I'm fired up, boss.  Are you ready to go?"  And I'd say, "I'm ready to go."
It just goes to show you how one voice can change a room.  (Applause.)  And if it can change a room, it can change a city.  (Applause.)  And if it can change a city, it can change a state.  (Applause.)  And if it can change a state, it can change a nation.  (Applause.)  And if it can change a nation, it can change the world.  (Applause.)  Your voice can change the world.  Your voice will get health care passed.  Your voice will make sure that the American worker is protected.  You can build America.  I need your help.
Thank you, Cincinnati.  Are you fired up? 
AUDIENCE:  Fired up! 
THE PRESIDENT:  Ready to go? 
AUDIENCE:  Ready to go!
THE PRESIDENT:  Fired up?
AUDIENCE:  Fired up!
THE PRESIDENT:  Ready to go? 
AUDIENCE:  Ready to go!
THE PRESIDENT:  Fired up?
AUDIENCE:  Fired up!
THE PRESIDENT:  Ready to go? 
AUDIENCE:  Ready to go!
THE PRESIDENT:  I love you.  Bye-bye.  (Applause.)
END          
1:59 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Vice President
___________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                   September 3, 2009
REMARKS BY THE VICE PRESIDENT
ON THE 200 DAYS OF THE
AMERICAN RECOVERY AND REINVESTMENT ACT
Brookings Institution
Washington, D.C.
THE VICE PRESIDENT: Thank you. (Applause.) It's a pleasure to be back. And I told Strobe in the anteroom that, Mr. Secretary, the many, many times that I've been here, almost always the subject has been foreign policy. And I hope I have an opportunity to come back and discuss some of those areas at a later date. But today, I want to talk about the economy, specifically the Recovery Act.
President Obama and I, when we entered office, we were in the midst of what I refer to as the Great Recession. It seemed that every day that we woke up from the day we were sworn in, there was a new revelation to be added to the economic parade of horribles that -- some of which we had anticipated.
Americans were seeing their savings decimated by losses in the stock market, watching it tank. Housing values were collapsing. People were losing their savings, as well as their homes. Major banks -- it's hard to remember this, even though it's only been eight months ago -- major banks were on the verge of failure, closure. People were talking about shuttering the doors. It was actually a serious discussion among economists being brought in from the outside. During the interim period between the election and being sworn in, there was discussion by some very serious economists about a bank holiday maybe being necessary.
We were -- they were on the verge of failure. Credit was frozen, and businesses couldn’t borrow for inventory, much less expand or hire, as a matter of fact, even keep the employment force they had. Credible economists were handicapping the possibility of a true depression.
As Nobel Prize winner Paul Krugman wrote in January 2009, in The New York Times -- he said, "Let’s not mince words: This looks an awful lot like the beginning of the second Great Depression."
A look at some of the headlines of the time is a reminder of just how precarious our situation was eight months ago: "Financial Sector Can't Be Relied On To Keep U.S. Economy Humming." Headline: "No One Home; Record One In Nine Housing Units Empty, Vacancies House Ripple Effect." Headline: "Economy Strains Under Weight Of Unsold Items." Headline: "Automakers' Bankruptcy Looms." Headline: "Credit Freeze Leaves Thousands Of Student Borrowers Stuck In Default." Headline: "Governments Brace For Hard Times, Some Have Frozen Hiring And Postponed Major Projects." Headline: "New Poor Swell Lines Of Food Banks."
In the face of this mounting disaster, we, along with everyone in this room, knew action had to be taken, and we took action in three areas: First, we had to stabilize the financial system. We took the unpopular but necessary step of rescuing the banks. And now, although there's a long way to go, eight out of 10 of the largest financial institutions in America -- including Goldman, Morgan Stanley, American Express, as well as 16 smaller banks, have repaid the government in full, and I might add, at a $4 billion profit for the taxpayer.
Second, along with the Fed, we took action stabilizing the housing market, allowing responsible homeowners to stay in their homes, and we’re beginning to see the results of that. We just learned that new housing starts rose 10 percent in July, for the fourth straight month increase. Are we there yet? No. But we're moving.
Two hundred days ago, President Obama signed into law the third piece of our economic plan: the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act. And today there's a growing consensus: The Recovery Act is, in fact, working. Don’t just take my word for it. Analysts from Moody’s to IHS Global Insight, to the Economic Policy Institute and others all estimate the Recovery Act has created or saved between 500,000 to 750,000 jobs. As a matter of fact, some notable economists suggest the number is as high as a million.
Economists at Goldman Sachs believe that the package added 2.2 percentage points to real GDP growth in the second quarter of 2009, and estimate that it will add 3.3 percentage current -- points to the current quarter.
Mark Zandi, a highly respected economist and former campaign aide for John McCain, wrote in a recent analysis, and I quote: "The fiscal stimulus is providing the fodder for better sales. Lower payroll taxes -- lower payroll tax withholding, checks to Social Security recipients, and more financial help to unemployed workers are buoying household incomes... and housing tax credit has boosted home sales. It is no coincidence," the quote goes on, "that the recession is ending just when the stimulus is providing maximum economic benefit." End of quote.
As Australia's Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, said a couple of weeks ago, and I quote: "This is a case study in bringing the world back from the brink, and it was American leadership from President Obama that was the key." End of quote.
You know, it all adds up to this -- in my view, at least: The Recovery Act has played a significant role in changing the trajectory of our economy, and changing the conversation about the economy in this country. Instead of talking about the beginning of a depression, we're talking about the end of a recession -- eight months after taking office.
But the Recovery Act still has its critics. And one of the criticisms is that it's a grab bag of too many different programs. But the fact is the Recovery Act is a multifaceted piece of legislation. It doesn't reflect a lack of design; that was the design. That was its intended design. Our economy is so complex and so wounded that reinvigorating one segment alone -- or using one tool alone -- would never -- would never do all that needed to be done.
The Recovery Act is not a single silver bullet. I think of it as silver buckshot, as opposed to a single bullet. In 200 days, the President's Recovery and Reinvestment Act isn't just working toward something -- excuse me, isn't just working, it's working towards something; it's working toward a more resilient, more transformative economy.
Folks, this act -- this act was designed to do three things: one -- and it's never -- most people, when you talk about it and the criticism comes, they think it was $787 billion for highway projects. This was $787 billion for highway projects. My Republican friends -- as my mother would say, God love them -- forget that they insisted on $288 billion in tax cuts in this, which is part of it, and as a significant factor, as well as benefit. But people think it to be $787 billion of public works projects.
But it's made up of three parts: one, to bring relief to those hardest hit by the recession. Now, I know my Republican critics think maybe we shouldn't do that. Maybe that's the difference between being a Democrat and a Republican. I'm not being facetious; it's a legitimate disagreement. But the first part is bring relief to those who were falling into the abyss.
The second was to jumpstart the economy by giving assistance to states, all of which were in desperate economic circumstances. And the third was to reinvest in existing infrastructure and lay a platform for the economic growth and future in energy, education, and health care.
That was what it was intended to do. In broad terms, let me explain how it breaks down: Approximately one-third of the money in the Recovery Act -- $288 billion -- is in the form of tax cuts or tax incentives. And thus far, we've delivered more than $62 billion in tax relief to businesses and to 95 percent of the wage-earners in America. And by design, that will fold out over -- unfold over 18 months. It is not all paid out at once.
There are almost 320,000 new homeowners who took advantage of the First-Time Homebuyers Tax Credit, breathing life back into the housing market. In addition, we've encouraged banks to loan to small businesses. By putting up front $200 million in loan guarantees, we've been able to leverage for small businesses capital loans -- private capital of $9.5 billion for many banks who hadn't made a single loan in two and a half years -- helping small businesses stay, and some expand.
Roughly another third of the money in the Recovery Act went to relief for workers, for working Americans who were most badly hit by the recession -- whether it was through the state governments to keep cops, firefighters, and teachers on the job; or allowing states to continue to provide food assistance to people who were in danger of going hungry; or Medicaid for the swelling rolls of people desperately in need of health care; to Pell grants for families to keep their kids in college as they fell below that $50,000 mark; to extended unemployment benefits, extended COBRA benefits. And over 54 million seniors and veterans have received a one-time check for $250.
Not only does this give relief to the vulnerable Americans who are in danger of falling into the abyss, it also -- it also has had the economic effect of injecting nearly $90 billion in the first 200 days into the bloodstream of the American economy, stimulating growth.
I believe this was the right thing to do morally, but that's not what we're about today. It was also the smart thing to do economically.
Roughly the last third of the Recovery Act is about rebuilding our communities and infrastructure, while laying a platform -- a platform for growth in the 21st century.
We've made major investments in modernizing our infrastructure -- highways, bridges, water and sewer systems. This has increased the productivity of the nation's capital stock, and in the process, improved the safety on our highways and the quality of our drinking water for millions of Americans.
We're also investing what everybody knows is necessary to build a 21st century economy. I have people sometimes say, aren't you guys doing too much? You know, Presidents in the past have been able to -- and I've been here for eight of them -- they've been able to take the problems that they have and segregate them -- said, we're going to take these two first. We'll put these other four or six or five aside, and we'll get to them next, because they know the status quo ante will pertain. But name me one problem that landed on the President's desk that allowed him to say, no, no, we're going to focus on this, and then in three years we'll get to this?
I say to my friends, does anybody think we can lead in the 21st century without a radically altered energy policy? Does anybody think we can sustain our position in the world without a radically altered education system, where we're no longer 17th in the world in the number of college graduates we graduate? Does anybody think we can sustain without radical change in the cost of health care in this country, and bending that curve?
Look, we knew we had to begin to lay the platform. While we were generating economic growth, why not begin to lay a platform for the 21st century?
We know we needed a totally new smart grid. Health information technologies will modernize the delivery of health care, saving -- saving lives and saving money. Expanding broadband to parts of the country that were left behind, bringing the benefits of technology to everyone everywhere, and in the meantime, having a significant increase on -- impact on productivity. High-speed rail: diminishing congestion and increasing efficiency and reducing pollution. Investing in new battery technology -- electric motors for the next generation of vehicles.
When all is said and done, we want to emerge into an economy that isn’t built on a bubble, but to rest on a firm foundation of innovative businesses, green energy, and a modernized health care system, providing good jobs in each of those sectors on the way. That's our vision, and that's the vision we're determined to fulfill.
We don't think -- as my grandpop would say -- the Recovery Act is the horse that can carry that sleigh alone, but it is, in a sense, the down payment. That's why, from the beginning, I've held a Cabinet meeting every single week that we've been in session. The joke is, you know, it's my job to hold Cabinet meetings. But I've had the great benefit -- by the way, I'd say, the added benefit -- of getting them all together once a week and watching the synergy among them; watching them work off of one another. I really mean it. It's had -- there have been ancillary benefits to this that have been -- I think, hopefully will be long-lasting in terms of competence of government.
But every week -- with notable exceptions -- I hold a Cabinet meeting. And most of the Cabinet Secretaries attend, and/or their deputies.
For the first 100 days, I was very, very clear with them. I remember when the President -- by the way, never write a memo to the President suggesting that a job be undertaken that you don't want to have. (Laughter.) Don't ever do that. After we passed the Recovery Act, I wrote a long memo to the President -- we had lunch, and I said, "Boss, I think you should do this." He said, "Good. Do it." (Laughter.) I did not volunteer for this job.
But all kidding aside, when he announced that Biden was going to be the sheriff, well, the truth of the matter was that from the first 100 days, dealing with the Cabinet members on a weekly basis, I made it clear that our focus had to be in the first 100 days, accountability, transparency, and responsiveness. I wanted each of those Cabinet Secretaries to set up systems where they would have a high degree of confidence that as they implemented -- implemented -- what they were in charge of, it would be done effectively and efficiently.
One of -- I'm going to get E.J. in trouble, but he happened to be in the room the day a number of columnists came in to interview me. One of his colleagues said, "Well, what's going to happen, Mr. Vice President, when you plant 10 -- remember this? -- 10 dead trees in Central Park? I said I'm going to have to make sure we plant a hundred good trees in Fairmont Park. But, look, what could have derailed this in the beginning was -- were those stories: millions of dollars wasted on polar bear tanks and millions of -- all the things you -- what everybody was predicting. But in the first hundred days this was the dog that didn't bite.
So I wanted to make sure, as well, that the governors, mayors, and county executives knew this wasn't business as usual. I have now spoken to every single governor -- except one, who's now a former governor -- (laughter) -- and by the way, it wasn't by design. She was going to be on a couple of times and couldn't for other reasons. I've spoken to most of the governors twice. Once a week, I call and speak with five to seven governors, and seven to 12 mayors. I'm now well over a hundred in the numbers of mayors I've talked to, and I answered their specific questions.
And I drove Ed DeSeve, who's sort of the CEO of this operation, behind me, been involved in the federal government before -- crazy when I said, Ed, I want every question they have answered in 24 hours. Pick up the phone and call any of the governors or the mayors I've spoken to; you will find that we've given them an answer in 24 hours. And if we don't have an answer, we call them in 24 hours and tell them why we don't have the answer and when they'll get the answer -- because, again, this was all about establishing credibility at the front end of this that this was going to be done well and differently, with accountability and transparency. Otherwise it had no chance.
In the process, the criticism was legitimate of me that we were moving too slowly to distribute taxpayers' funds in those first hundred days. But I thought we had to set up a system to assure that those taxpayers' funds weren't wasted, undercutting what I truly believed then, believe now, and think we are beginning to prove is an incredibly important element for recovery of this economy over the next 18 months. And quite frankly, I am very proud of the job the agencies have done and the responsiveness of the Secretaries in each of the departments.
For the second hundred days, I gathered the Cabinet together and I instructed them that I wanted them to be much more aggressive in implementing the program now that they had systems in place. And I take responsibility for mistakes that were made. But I wanted them to put more pace on the ball.
This was also the season -- the season of building. This is the time you make -- you're able to go out there and build highways; you're able to go out there and put sewer systems in the ground; you're able to lay broadband -- because of the season. In a sense, it was the planting season and it was time to get these programs out, up and running, and be on the backs of governors and mayors to make sure that they have let the contracts and that they had an accounting procedure in place where they'd be able to let us know exactly what happened.
So I asked them to set goals. I remember in the meeting -- I will not mention a non-Cabinet member's name, but someone who had been involved in the government a long time, and said, you're going to announce these goals? You're going to actually ask every Cabinet member to tell you precisely what they're going to do in the next 60 days -- excuse me, 100 days, and you're going to announce it? And I just said, yes. And the reason wasn't any nobility. It was the only way to get credibility and accountability.
So we publicly announced the goals, putting ourselves on the line to deliver meaningful results in the second hundred days. And I'm here today to report on the progress of achieving those goals:
We set a goal of having over 1,100 health centers in all 50 states be able to provide expanded care for an additional 300,000 patients. Not only have we met that goal, we've exceeded it by 200,000 patients -- 500,000 new patients are being treated.
We set a goal of funding 135,000 education jobs -- because I heard from every governor, every mayor, every county executive, about the fear of closing down schools, increasing class sizes, laying off tens of thousands of teachers. You may remember the celebrated case in New York where somewhere like 15,000, roughly, got their pink slips. They weren't going to be able to teach in the fall.
So I wanted to make sure this occurred. So we set a goal for 135,000 teachers and support staff whose jobs were otherwise at risk. We've met that goal.
We set a goal of hiring or keeping (sic)* law enforcement officers on the job in places hard hit and hard pressed to maintain their force structure as crime rates begin to go up. We met that goal.
We set a goal of having construction crews working on 98 airport projects and 1,500 highway projects. We exceeded that goal in the second hundred days by 94 airports and 700 highway projects.
And we set a goal of starting to build 200 water sanitary systems and wastewater treatment facilities in rural America. We've met that goal. And now approximately 4.5 million people in the next several months will have clean drinking water that they didn't have before.
We set a goal of starting or speeding up the cleanup work at 20 Superfund sites. How many speakers have you heard over the years talk about the Superfund sites that exist in America? Well, we met that goal. And in some cases, we're taking years off the expected completion date of cleaning up these Superfund sites. We met our goals through the military construction projects and national parks and summer youth jobs and veterans facilities. And not only have we met and achieved these goals, but contrary to what many have heard and contrary to usual practice, we've achieved them ahead of schedule and under budget.
So, look, let me give you an example. The FAA initially committed $1.1 billion to about 300 airport improvement projects. Now we're going to finish those projects for $200 million less than originally estimated, and that means the FAA is in a process of being able to fund an additional 60 airport improvements.
We're seeing the same thing in the Department of Defense, where construction contracts are coming in at 12 percent under budget, on average, representing hundreds of millions of dollars in savings. And the same can be said of many of our highway projects. The reason I don't have a number for you -- we have so many projects out there -- I initially, in the first 150 days, had numbers as to what average they were coming in at, but now there's too many. We don't have the accounting for all of them.
The GSA has also seen projects come in ahead of schedule and under budget. Most bids, I'm told, of the GSA are coming in 8 to 10 percent below estimated cost. Recovery Act dollars are going further and working harder than the vast majority of people anticipated. They're the facts.
One hundred days ago, on June the 8th, I stated that we had -- I believed that we had saved or created 150,000 jobs in the first hundred days. And I went on to say -- again, over the objection of some of my more cautious advisors -- I went on to say that we will create another 600,000 jobs in the second hundred days.
On September the 10th, the Council of Economic Advisors plans to report to the nation their projections of jobs created or saved through the development of the Recovery Act. I'm optimistic -- as a matter of fact, I'm confident -- that that report will show that we met or exceed our goal, that goal, as well.
To state the obvious, we will emerge from this great recession. And I believe that is only -- that's necessary but not sufficient. We have to emerge better positioned to lead the world in the 21st century as we did in the 20th century.
Where the last cycle generated billions of dollars -- billions from investments made via high-speed trades, this cycle needs to make real investments in high-speed rail.
In the last cycle, "innovation" meant bundling and selling subprime mortgages. In this one, our innovations will bundle and sell technologies to produce clean, efficient, renewable energy.
Where the benefits of productivity have not grown in the past, from 2000 and 2007, productivity grew 20 percent; yet the middle-income households fell 3 percent, their income. In this cycle, we're determined to make sure that productivity doesn't elude the poor and the middle class. And this cycle must be one in which, once again, American workers get his or her fair share of the wealth they helped produce.
If you look at the Recovery Act as a two-year marathon, we're at the nine-mile mark. We're just approaching the nine-mile mark. Two hundred days in, the Recovery Act is doing more, faster and more efficiently and more effectively than most people expected. Some of the most exciting and transformative initiatives are now just about to get underway.
Throughout the fall, we'll be going to -- we're going to be ramping up the loan guarantees that will help us generate solar, wind, and geothermal energy. We're ramping them up in a significant way. Matter of fact, I'll have an announcement tomorrow on this score.
In just 30 days since the Department of Energy opened their renewable grants program for applications, we've received applications for projects that can produce over a gigawatt of wind energy -- enough power to power half a million homes.
And by the way, buried in all of this is what I think is not going to be able to be measured: What is the leveraging effect of what we are doing? That will remain to be seen. But I believe it will be consequential. This will be energy that's clean, renewable, and doesn't pollute, and begins to wean us off the incredible dependence on foreign oil.
Next month, we're going to release our initial payments -- down payments on the new smart grid, a new superhighway of connectivity that will allow reliable transmission of renewable energy; allow consumers to have real information in real time about how they're consuming their energy and allow them to adjust the ability to decide to turn their dishwasher on at 11 o'clock automatically, because what is generating also is new manufacturing initiatives -- the people building smart toasters, smart washers, smart dryers.
This is real stuff. That's what I mean by the leveraging effect that's out there. I don't know how to measure that. It's above my pay grade. But I know it's real. I know it's real.
Investment in broadband will ramp up in November, collecting large parts of the country that have been underserved or unserved by the Internet. We already have nearly $30 billion in applications -- over $30 billion in requests -- seven times the amount of money we have to distribute. The result will be that rural hospitals can practice telemedicine and get consults from specialists who are hundreds of miles away. Adults can go to a virtual classroom and get their college or graduate degrees at home. Ranchers -- ranchers can in real time -- get real-time pricing information and sell their cattle online -- on online auctions -- earning them more money with less consequence to them.
It's real. These are tangible, real things that thus far have been denied significant segments of the population.
And again, our broadband initiative, which was $7 billion, isn't going to answer it all. There ain't enough there there to finish it. But once this begins, I believe, as the recovery increases and gets stronger over the next several years, you will see a national commitment that didn't exist before. We're going to connect people from the inner cities and rural America to worlds of opportunity that had been previously worlds away from them.
Later this winter, we're going to start investing in newer, faster, and better rail travel. Now, I know I'm a bit of a hobbyhorse on that. How is it -- the joke in the administration when Rahm and I pushed for money for high-speed rail was, "There goes Biden again -- cops and railroads." (Laughter.) By the way, finally got cops on railroads now.
But all kidding aside, it can be, again, transformative over time. We've already received pre-applications for thousands of miles of new rail, for train corridors that would routinely exceed 150 miles an hour, and for two that are well-planned that would allow travel for new train sets over 240 miles an hour.
Mr. Secretary, I don't have to tell you about transportation. We're going to make additional investments in battery and electric -- excuse me -- batteries and electric drive-train technologies, which we've already made some, that will allow Detroit to produce vehicles so you can get the equivalent of over 200 miles to the gallon. And we're beginning to fund the network needed -- you need gas stations, you need plug-in stations to charge up these vehicles. We're already beginning to fund them -- hopefully, again, having a leveraging effect, making people realize that this is the future.
This fall, we're going to continue to invest in modernizing our health care system so that doctors and hospitals will be able to have secure access to individual medical records by the press of a button, preventing hundreds of thousands of dollars in medical errors, thousands of unnecessary readmissions, and hundreds of thousands of unnecessary tests.
I'll give you an example of my colleague Tom Carper's driver having chest pains, taking him to an event, pulls into the Delaware hospital down there, Christiana Hospital. He happened to have a particular ailment that, had they known this they would have gone right to deal with his hypertension that was there. Instead, he had several thousand dollars’ worth of unnecessary tests done.
A doctor I met with in Chicago at a forum pointed out that he ordered a CAT scan, but because he had electronic recordkeeping in this particular office that he had set up and the hospital he was dealing with, a big orange marker came up saying, "You sure you need this?" -- pointing out that a CAT scan had been done at the request of another doctor just two weeks earlier.
This is real. This is not fiction. This is not make-believe stuff. This is real. It's consequential. Are we going to do it all? No. But we are -- we are, while priming the economy, we're investing in new platforms that I believe other people are going to build off of.
In the first 200 days we were about necessity. The next 200 days will be about possibilities. At the end of the day, these investments are about more than creating jobs -- they're about creating strong communities and a stronger economy. They're about renewing a sense of hope and possibilities.
You know, it's often easy to sit in Washington –- as we do today -- and opine on what is or isn't happening beyond the Capital Beltway. Well, like many of you, over the past two years, I've had the opportunity to travel the byways and the highways of this entire country. I've crisscrossed it on rural highways and interstate highways, in large cities and small towns. I've met with local officials, businesspeople, union workers, community leaders, farmers. The most oft-heard remark -- and I mean this literally -- I heard as we'd go by and in their towns, we'd go by -- and we'd go by a lot -- and they'd say, well, that used to be -- that used to be. This used to be a steel mill. This town used to be the ceramic capital of America. This factory used to -- used to employ 1,200 people. This company used to have their headquarters here. "They used to" was the most oft-heard phrase over the past two years when I was speaking to local officials.
But because of the investments we're beginning to make and investments that's generating in some confidence that's beginning to build, I'm now hearing a different refrain -- literally, not figuratively. Not everywhere, but I'm beginning to hear the refrain: "This is going to be." This is going to be a factory that makes super-efficient windows. This is going to be a place where we make batteries and drive trains for electric cars and get 220 miles equivalent to a gallon. This is going to be the hub of a new smart grid, harvesting energy from the Great Plains to light up the cities of the Midwest. This abandoned factory, as I just did in Cincinnati, Ohio, this abandoned factory is going to house hundreds of families in adequate, low-cost housing.
This factory is expanding, not closing, because we're building transformers for a new wind farm in central Missouri. This school won't shut down; we're going to be adding two classrooms and they're going to be leading the Race to the Top by taking advantage of the innovative money that's available to us.
These are real stories the Recovery Act is helping to write -- not totally responsible, but helping to write. It's not nearly enough yet, but there will be a lot more of them to come in the days to come. Remember, we're at the nine-mile mark of this marathon.
Two hundred days in, we know there's a great deal more to do. And again, to use my Grandpop's metaphor, the Recovery Act isn't the horse that's carrying the whole sleigh, but it's pulling its weight. We also know that, thanks to the Recovery Act, where we are today is a much better place than we could have possibly been without it. And even more exciting is where I think we're headed.
The road ahead is going to remain very, very bumpy. There's going to be positive economic news and there's going to be negative economic news. But I believe it's going to be the three steps forward to one step back. That's the way recoveries work -- particularly in the last four decades.
We know, we are absolutely confident, we are on the right road to recovery. We're on a road to recovery in a way that we'll be able to sustain growth longer and more reliable, based on having created the circumstances where real jobs, that pay real wages, allow people to live middle-class lives, are growing and not diminishing.
I thank you all for listening, and I yield the floor to the President, as I always do. (Applause.)
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
__________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                  September 1, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT IFTAR DINNER
State Dining Room
8:08 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:  Please, everybody have a seat.  Thank you.  Well, it is my great pleasure to host all of you here at the White House to mark this special occasion -- Ramadan Kareem.
 
I want to say that I'm deeply honored to welcome so many members of the diplomatic corps, as well as several members of my administration and distinguished members of Congress, including the first two Muslims to serve in Congress -- Keith Ellison and Andre Carson.  Where are they?  (Applause.)
 
Just a few other acknowledgements I want to make.  We have Senator Richard Lugar here, who's our Ranking Member of the Foreign Affairs Committee.  Where is Dick Lugar?  There he is.  (Applause.)  Representative John Conyers, Chairman of the Judiciary Committee.  (Applause.)  Representative Rush Holt is here.  Thank you, Rush.  (Applause.)  Have we found you a seat, Rush?  (Laughter.)
REPRESENTATIVE HOLT:  I’m on my way to the train.  (Laughter.)
THE PRESIDENT:  I got you.
We also have here -- Secretary of Defense Gates is here.  Secretary Gates.  (Applause.)  Our Attorney General, Eric Holder.  (Applause.)  And Secretary of Health and Human Services, Kathleen Sebelius is here.  (Applause.)
 
And most of all, I want to welcome all the American Muslims from many walks of life who are here.  This is just one part of our effort to celebrate Ramadan, and continues a long tradition of hosting iftars here at the White House.
  
For well over a billion Muslims, Ramadan is a time of intense devotion and reflection.  It's a time of service and support for those in need.  And it is also a time for family and friends to come together in a celebration of their faith, their communities, and the common humanity that all of us share.  It is in that spirit that I welcome each and every one of you to the White House.
 
Tonight's iftar is a ritual that is also being carried out this Ramadan at kitchen tables and mosques in all 50 states. Islam, as we know, is part of America.  And like the broader American citizenry, the American Muslim community is one of extraordinary dynamism and diversity -- with families that stretch back generations and more recent immigrants; with Muslims of countless races and ethnicities, and with roots in every corner of the world.
 
Indeed, the contribution of Muslims to the United States are too long to catalog because Muslims are so interwoven into the fabric of our communities and our country.  American Muslims are successful in business and entertainment; in the arts and athletics; in science and in medicine.  Above all, they are successful parents, good neighbors, and active citizens.
So on this occasion, we celebrate the Holy Month of Ramadan, and we also celebrate how much Muslims have enriched America and its culture -- in ways both large and small.  And with us here tonight, we see just a small sample of those contributions.  Let me share a few stories with you briefly.
 
Elsheba Khan's son, Kareem, made the ultimate sacrifice for his country when he lost his life in Iraq.  Kareem joined the military as soon as he finished high school.  He would go on to win the Purple Heart and Bronze Star, along with the admiration of his fellow soldiers.  In describing her son, Elsheba said, "He always wanted to help any way that he could."  Tonight, he's buried alongside thousands of heroes in Arlington National Cemetery.  A crescent is carved into his grave, just as others bear the Christian cross or the Jewish star.  These brave Americans are joined in death as they were in life -- by a common commitment to their country, and the values that we hold dear.
 
One of those values is the freedom to practice your religion -- a right that is enshrined in the First Amendment of the Constitution.  Nashala Hearn, who joins us from Muskogee, Oklahoma, took a stand for that right at an early age.  When her school district told her that she couldn't wear the hijab, she protested that it was a part of her religion.  The Department of Justice stood behind her, and she won her right to practice her faith.  She even traveled to Washington to testify before Congress.  Her words spoke to a tolerance that is far greater than mistrust -- when she first wore her headscarf to school, she said, "I received compliments from the other kids."
 
Another young woman who has thrived in her school is Bilqis Abdul-Qaadir.  She's not even 5'5 -- where's Bilqis?  Right here.  Stand up, Bilqis, just so that we -- (laughter) -- I want everybody to know -- she's got heels on.  She's 5'5 -- Bilqis broke Rebecca Lobo's record for the most points scored by any high school basketball player in Massachusetts history.  (Applause.)  She recently told a reporter, "I'd like to really inspire a lot of young Muslim girls if they want to play basketball.  Anything is possible.  They can do it, too."  As an honor student, as an athlete on her way to Memphis, Bilqis is an inspiration not simply to Muslim girls -- she's an inspiration to all of us.
 
Of course, we know that when it comes to athletes who have inspired America, any list would include the man known simply as The Greatest.  And while Muhammad Ali could not join us tonight, it is worth reflecting upon his remarkable contributions, as he's grown from an unmatched fighter in the ring to a man of quiet dignity and grace who continues to fight for what he believes -- and that includes the notion that people of all faiths holds things in common.  I love this quote.  A few years ago, he explained this view -- and this is part of why he's The Greatest -- saying, "Rivers, ponds, lakes and streams -- they all have different names, but they all contain water.  Just as religions do -- they all contain truths."
 
They all contain truths.  Among those truths are the pursuit of peace and the dignity of all human beings.  That must always form the basis upon which we find common ground.  And that is why I am so pleased that we are joined tonight not only by so many outstanding Muslim Americans and representatives of the diplomatic corps, but people of many faiths -- Christians, Jews, and Hindus -- along with so many prominent Muslims.
 
Together, we have a responsibility to foster engagement grounded in mutual interest and mutual respect.  And that's one of my fundamental commitments as President, both at home and abroad.  That is central to the new beginning that I've sought between the United States and Muslims around the world.  And that is a commitment that we can renew once again during this holy season.
 
So tonight, we celebrate a great religion, and its commitment to justice and progress.  We honor the contributions of America's Muslims, and the positive example that so many of them set through their own lives.  And we rededicate ourselves to the work of building a better and more hopeful world.
 
So thanks to all of you for taking the time to be here this evening.  I wish you all a very blessed Ramadan.  And with that, I think we can start a feast.  I don't know what's on the menu, but I'm sure it will be good.  (Laughter.)  Thank you very much, everybody.  (Applause.)
 
END                                     
8:16 P.M. EDT       
 
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
___________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                   September 1, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
ON 2009-H1N1 NATIONAL PREPAREDNESS AND RESPONSE
Rose Garden
2:13 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon, everybody. Before I say a few words about the meeting we just had I'd like to mention some good news that came out today about our economy. For the first time in 18 months, our manufacturing sector has expanded, and the statistics used to measure manufacturing output is the highest it's been in over two years.
This means greater production of transportation equipment like cars, and electronic equipment like computers and appliances, and it means these companies are starting to invest more and produce more, and it is a sign that we're on the path to economic recovery.
There's no doubt that we have a long way to go, and I and the other members of this administration will not let up until those Americans who are looking for jobs can find them. But this is another important sign that we're heading in the right direction, and that the steps we've taken to bring our economy back from the brink are working.
Now, we just had a good meeting about our ongoing efforts to prepare this country for the H1N1 flu virus this fall. And I want to thank John Brennan, our CDC Director Tom Frieden, and Secretaries Sebelius, Napolitano, Duncan, and Locke, for all the good work that they've been doing to get us ready today.
As I said when we saw the first cases of this virus back in the spring, I don't want anybody to be alarmed, but I do want everybody to be prepared. We know that we usually get a second, larger wave of these flu viruses in the fall, and so response plans have been put in place across all levels of government. Our plans and decisions are based on the best scientific information available, and as the situation changes, we will continue to update the public.
We're also making steady progress on developing a safe and effective H1N1 flu vaccine, and we expect a flu shot program will begin soon. This program will be completely voluntary, but it will be strongly recommended.
For all that we do in the federal government, however, every American has a role to play in responding to this virus. We need state and local governments on the front lines to make antiviral medications and vaccines available, and be ready to take whatever steps are necessary to support the health care system. We need hospitals and health care providers to continue preparing for an increased patient load, and to take steps to protect health care workers. We need families and businesses to ensure that they have plans in place if a family member, a child, or a co-worker contracts the flu and needs to stay home.
And most importantly we need everyone to get informed about individual risk factors, and we need everyone to take the common-sense steps that we know can make a difference. Stay home if you're sick. Wash your hands frequently. Cover your sneezes with your sleeve, not your hands. And take all the necessary precautions to stay healthy. I know it sounds simple, but it's important and it works.
Finally, for people who want to learn more about this virus, please go to www.flu.gov, or talk to your doctor.
I want to commend every member of our team. I think we've done an extraordinary job in preparing for this flu outbreak. We anticipate that there will be some issues coming up over the next several months. The way it's moving is still somewhat unpredictable, but what I'm absolutely confident about is that our team that's assembled here has done an extraordinary job in preparing for whatever may happen.
So we appreciate all of you for being here, and I want to publicly again thank you for all your extraordinarily hard work. All right.
END
2:18 P.M. EDT