*Due to a problem with audio for transcription, only prepared remarks are available at this time.

THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Vice President
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
May 19, 2009
As Prepared for Delivery*
Vice President Joe Biden
Address to the Parliament of Bosnia and Herzegovina
May 19, 2009
Thank you, Speaker Belkic. I see familiar faces from my many visits here as a Senator.
It is an honor and a privilege to return as Vice President of the United States.
President Obama and I recently completed our first one hundred days in the White House.
We are pursuing a far-reaching domestic and foreign policy agenda, listening to our friends and allies, rebuilding relationships and re-establishing American leadership in the world.
This is my third trip to Europe in four months.
President Obama made his first overseas trip to Europe in April.
This early emphasis on Europe was no accident.
We chose to spotlight the importance that the United States places on our European partners… and to energize those partnerships to address the challenges that we face together.
This is why I am so glad that my good friend Javier Solana, the EU High Representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy, is here today.
The English Author Rebecca West once wrote that entering Sarajevo was like "walking inside an opening flower."
That was true once, and it is again.
I remember flying into this city in 1993, seeing the large homes on our approach to the airport, and realizing that the homes had become shells, empty except for the snipers who had taken up residence.
In town, we saw buildings destroyed, the tops blown off, the sides pockmarked with bullets.
In 2001, the last time I was here, change seemed slow in coming.
It was in January, and it was winter. And it still felt as if the spring would never arrive.
Today, as I flew in, I saw something different – a city that is building again.
I saw cranes and construction.
On the streets, there were cars and shops and people walking freely.
As your city and your country continue to rebuild, to build and to grow, I want to talk today about how this country, this region, Europe, and the community of nations can grow towards one another.
Over the next several days, I will travel from here to Serbia and then to Kosovo. Our Deputy Secretary of State, Jim Steinberg, just visited Macedonia and Montenegro.
Our message is clear: the Obama-Biden administration will sustain and re-energize the long standing American commitment to a Europe that is whole, free, and at peace.
The door is open for the countries of this region to be a part of that Europe – and the United States will help you to walk through that door.
Many states in this region are already on the move:
  • In April, NATO Heads of State welcomed Albania and Croatia as new members of the Alliance.
  • Macedonia will join NATO as soon as the name dispute with Greece is resolved.
  • Montenegro is making steady progress on an ambitious reform agenda that will ensure the quickest-possible integration into Euro-Atlantic institutions.
When I travel to Belgrade tomorrow, I will tell President Tadic that the United States wants to build a new partnership with Serbia.
And we want to see Serbia take its rightful place in Europe as a strong, successful democratic state playing a constructive role in the region.
Serbia and the United States disagree on Kosovo.
We do not expect Serbia to recognize Kosovo.
But we do expect Belgrade to cooperate with the European Union and other key international actors on Kosovo, and to look for pragmatic solutions that will improve the lives of its people – Serbs and Albanians – and avoid making them victims of political disagreement.
Kosovo recently celebrated one year of independence -- and continues to progress as a multi-ethnic democracy.
This independence, while young, is irreversible, and critically important to this region’s stability – and progress.
The United States is committed to a democratic, multiethnic, independent Kosovo.
And we expect Kosovo to remain committed to powerful protections for all communities and their members, including the Serb community. That commitment is a key to Kosovo’s future.
But this era of progress is not without peril.
As you well know, letting go of the past is a daily struggle – it is tempting to fall back on old patterns and ancient animosities.
Embracing the future is hard work.
It requires persistence, commitment and the recognition that compromise is not a sign of weakness – it is evidence of real strength.
It is that kind of strength that I want to talk about today.
It is that kind of strength that the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina and its leaders must summon if a country that has known so much pain is to make a final leap to peace and prosperity.
A decade and a half ago, war tore this country apart and left at least 100,000 dead… and millions homeless.
The genocide at Srebrenica brought home the unspeakable savagery of that war to the world.
It was a call to conscience.
My country – for too long on the sidelines – could no longer stand by.
With our European partners, through the combined use of NATO’s military power and diplomacy in an American city called Dayton, the war was brought to a halt.
The hard work of building a new Bosnia began.
America takes pride in our commitment to a peaceful, successful, Bosnia and Herzegovina.
For nearly 15 years, America has been sending our sons and daughters to you – tens of thousands of troops, diplomats, military and police trainers and experts in a wide range of areas to help your country and its citizens.
With our NATO allies and partners, we have devoted blood, sweat and treasure to ending the horrific violence that engulfed your country and to helping you recover and rebuild in peace.
Americans feel that we have a stake in your success.
We feel that we have earned the right to speak honestly, even bluntly, in a country that captured our hearts.
Today, we are worried about the direction your country, your future, and your children’s future are taking.
For three years, we have seen a sharp and dangerous rise in nationalist rhetoric designed to play on people’s fears, to stir up anger and resentment.
We have seen state institutions – which must be strengthened for Bosnia to meet the challenges of the 21st century and to advance toward EU and NATO membership – openly challenged and deliberately undermined.
We have witnessed attempts to roll back the reforms of the last decade -- the very reforms that prompted EU and NATO to open their doors to the citizens of this country.
We have heard voices speaking the language of maximalism and absolutism that destroys states -- not the language of compromise and cooperation that builds them.
The results are predictable – deepening mistrust between communities, deadlock on reforms, and dangerous talk about the country’s future that is reminiscent of the tragedies the people of this country have worked so hard to overcome.
This must stop.
Let me be clear: Your only real path to a secure and prosperous future is to join Europe as Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Right now, you’re off that path.
To get back on track, you need to work together across ethnic and party lines so that your country functions like a country –and so that you interact with the rest of the world as a single, sovereign state.
You can do that as a state with two vibrant entities. We’re not telling you how to organize yourselves, so long as you protect the rights of all the peoples of Bosnia.
Any sovereign state requires a few basic things. Here are some examples:
  • The state needs to control the national army.
  • It must prevail where there is a conflict between state and local laws.
  • It requires an electoral process that does not exclude any ethnic group.
  • The state must have the power to raise revenue.
  • And it must have the authority to negotiate with the EU and other states and implement its obligations.
You can follow this path to Europe.
Or you can choose an alternative course. But you need to understand the consequences.
At best, you’ll remain among the poorest countries in Europe.
At worst, you’ll descend into ethnic chaos that defined your country for the better part of a decade. And you will be judged harshly by history and your children.
The choice is yours. If you make the right choice, we will stand with you.
Making the right choice means that the leaders of this country must stop the pursuit of narrow ethnic and political interests instead of the national interest. You must resist challenges to your sovereignty or territorial integrity.
You must focus your talent and energy on issues of undisputed interest to all Bosnians – creating jobs, growing the economy, educating your children. You must accept that Bosnia needs checks and balances to protect the interests of all constituent peoples and minorities.
Each of you has a responsibility to exercise your power in a manner that reassures every member of the community. You must examine your conduct within your governing institutions and ask yourselves: are we building trust or feeding fears?
Working across ethnic lines to forge the complicated and sometimes unpopular compromises required for Euro-Atlantic integration is difficult. But it is the only way forward.
And it is a path you have already shown you can travel – on defense reform creating a unified military, on rule-of-law reforms required to pursue justice for all citizens regardless of ethnicity.
And most recently, in March, for the first time, you amended your constitution to resolve questions on the status of the Brcko District. This issue was too hard to resolve at Dayton. Yet you, the elected representatives of Bosnia and Herzegovina, were able to come together and pass overwhelmingly an amendment enshrining Brcko’s status.
This is the approach – this is the spirit of compromise – that you need to confront Bosnia’s remaining challenges.
Among the most urgent challenges is completing the objectives and conditions established by the Peace Implementation Council for the closure of the Office of the High Representative.
The new High Representative, Valentin Inzko, is here today. He has the United States’ full support – and now he must have yours.
The United States will stand behind OHR so long as it remains in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and we will not agree to its closure until after the agreed reform agenda – the five objectives and two conditions – is completed.
The international community must be satisfied that all levels of government are prepared to fully comply with the Dayton Peace Agreement – and that their leaders are prepared to abandon rhetoric and actions that would threaten or violate the Peace Agreement – before the international community presence and role here can change.
In my view, the children of this country deserve a democratic Bosnia in which all live in peace and cooperation inside Euro-Atlantic institutions. You owe that to them.
Everyone wants the quiet blessings of a normal life for themselves and for their children, one in which they can travel freely throughout this continent, pursue their economic dreams, and live their daily lives as part of a modern, democratic, and tolerant society.
A prosperous, secure, democratic future inside the Trans-Atlantic community is not a guarantee or a gift. It must be built through hard work and compromise.
And it will not happen if you perpetuate the divisions that have plagued Bosnia in the past. History must not be the anvil upon which new hatreds are forged.
Some of your political leaders and many citizens of Bosnia understand this and are already acting on it. Late last year, Sulejman Tihic addressed the Republika Srpska parliament and reassured the citizens of that entity that Bosniaks are prepared to work within the Dayton framework to build a better future for all Bosnia’s citizens.
Many others are working for that better future. With us today are NGOs and members of civil society – Including the Research and Documentation Center; the Center for Civic Initiatives; and CIVITAS – who shore up the foundations of democracy and tolerance.
Here, too, are lawyers and jurists building the rule of law. And journalists, who courageously challenge nationalist myths and expose corruption. Their work is as noble as it is necessary. In the end, we cannot escape history. We cannot forget it.
But neither can we allow the shadows that darkened so much of the end of the last century to stretch into this one. When he was a young child, Hajat Avdovic left Sarajevo as a refugee and came to America. He succeeded in school and sports. His father, Erol, is a journalist who accompanied me here on Air Force 2.
Hajat wrote a wonderful poem about his native Sarajevo. I want to quote from it now:
Mosques, churches and temples once lined
Your beautiful landscape
Sometime ago your bridges connected
Generations of lives, of Muslim, Croat and Serb
Sometime ago, you were more than just a news story
More than just a city, more than just a name
Sometime ago, you were the heart
The heart of a nation
But the cannons rolled in one morning…
And just like that,
Bullet after bullet,
Mortar after mortar,
Bosnian after Bosnian…
In the words of Suada Dilberovic
"Oh please tell me this is not happening in Sarajevo"
But it was,
We all fell
We fell
But,
We never lost
We never lost our city
We never lost our heart
We never lost our native Sarajevo
This is the story that still needs to be told
Yes, this is the story that still needs to be told.
The story of Sarajevo.
The story of Bosnia.
The story of your future.
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the First Lady
________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                          May 18, 2009
 
REMARKS BY THE FIRST LADY
AT THE AMERICAN BALLET OPENING SPRING GALA
Metropolitan Opera House
New York, New York
7:00 P.M. EDT
MRS. OBAMA:  Thank you.  Thank you so much.  (Applause.) Well, thank you, Caroline.  I am thrilled to be here in support of American Ballet Theatre and to join you in celebrating the opening night of ABT's spring season.
Through its leadership role as America's National Ballet Company, ABT's education programs reach over 25,000 students in some of the most underserved communities and schools across the nation. 
In many cases, a child's first inspiration through the arts can be a life-changing experience.  One creative dance class can open a world of expression and communication.  Learning through the arts reinforces critical academic skills in reading, language arts and math, and provides students with the skills to creatively solve problems.
My husband and I believe strongly that arts education is essential for building innovative thinkers who will be our nation's leaders for tomorrow.  (Applause.)  And it is our hope that we can all work together to expose, enrich and empower Americans of all ages through the arts.
And now it is my great pleasure to introduce the students of the Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis School for their first appearance on this stage of the Met.  This dance academy is a wonderful legacy for a woman who dedicated so much of her life to making arts and culture accessible for all.
Thank you, and enjoy.  (Applause.)
END
7:01 P.M. EDT
                                        
THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the First Lady
______________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                       May 18, 2009

REMARKS BY THE FIRST LADY
AT THE RIBBON CUTTING CEREMONY
FOR THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART AMERICAN WING

Metropolitan Museum of Art
New York, New York

3:16 P.M. EDT
     MRS. OBAMA:  Thank you.  (Applause.)  Thank you so much.  Please, rest.  (Laughter.)  Good afternoon and thank you, Emily, for that introduction, and thank you for reminding me.  You know, after 20-some-odd years of knowing a guy, you forget that your first date was at a museum.  (Laughter.)   But it was, and it was obviously wonderful; it worked. 
     So I am delighted to be here with you to celebrate American history through the arts.  From the beginning of our nation, the inspired works of our artists and artisans have reflected the ingenuity, creativity, independence and beauty of this nation.  It is the painter, the potter, the weaver, the silver smith, the architect, the designer whose work continues to create an identity for America that is respected and recognized around the world as distinctive and new. 
     The American Wing of the Metropolitan Museum of Art captures this spirit in presenting a variety of American art forms and providing a link to history for us to learn from, appreciate and be inspired by.
     Our future as an innovative country depends on ensuring that everyone has access to the arts and to cultural opportunity.  Nearly 6 million people make their living in the non-profit arts industry, and arts and cultural activities contribute more than $160 billion to our economy every year.  And trust me, I tried to do my part to add to that number.  
     The President included an additional $50 million in funding to the NEA in the stimulus package to preserve jobs in state arts agencies and regional arts organizations in order to keep them up and running during the economic downturn.  (Applause.) 
     But the intersection of creativity and commerce is about more than economic stimulus, it's also about who we are as people.  The President and I want to ensure that all children have access to great works of art at museums like the one here.  We want them to have access to great poets and musicians in theaters around the country, to arts education in their schools and community workshops. 
     We want all children who believe in their talent to see a way to create a future for themselves in the arts community, be it as a hobby or as a profession. 
     The arts are not just a nice thing to have or to do if there is free time or if one can afford it.  Rather, paintings and poetry, music and fashion, design and dialogue, they all define who we are as a people and provide an account of our history for the next generation. 
     The President recently nominated renowned theater producer Rocco Landesman to chair the National Endowment for the Arts.  Rocco's entrepreneurial spirit and his commitment to being a bridge between the philanthropic, non-profit and commercial arts community will ensure that all types of art and creative expression are provided fertile ground to live and to grow.
     And that's what we hope to do at the White House, that's what we've been trying to do at the White House.  We've been trying to break down barriers that too often exist between major cultural establishments and the people in their immediate communities; to invite kids who are living inches away from the power and prestige and fortune and fame, we want to let those kids know that they belong here, too. 
     I want to applaud the Metropolitan Museum of Art for all the outreach that you do, for having kids like these here today to be involved in this and to experience this and to share this with us, because this is your place, too.  So we're very proud of the Met for the work that they've done. 
     So we are excited.  Thank you for including me.  And now we can get to the -- we're going to cut the ribbon now.  (Laughter.)  Thank you so much.  (Applause.)

END
3:21 P.M. EDT

THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary
_________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                May 18, 2009

REMARKS BY PRESIDENT OBAMA
AND PRIME MINISTER NETANYAHU OF ISRAEL
IN PRESS AVAILABILITY

Oval Office


1:21 P.M. EDT

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, listen, I first of all want to thank Prime Minister Netanyahu for making this visit.  I think we had a extraordinarily productive series of conversations, not only between the two of us but also at the staff and agency levels.

Obviously this reflects the extraordinary relationship, the special relationship between the United States and Israel.  It is a stalwart ally of the United States.  We have historical ties, emotional ties.  As the only true democracy of the Middle East it is a source of admiration and inspiration for the American people.

I have said from the outset that when it comes to my policies towards Israel and the Middle East that Israel’s security is paramount, and I repeated that to Prime Minister Netanyahu.  It is in U.S. national security interests to assure that Israel’s security as an independent Jewish state is maintained.

One of the areas that we discussed is the deepening concern

around the potential pursuit of a nuclear weapon by Iran.  It’s something the Prime Minister has been very vocal in his concerns about, but is a concern that is shared by his countrymen and women across the political spectrum.

I indicated to him the view of our administration, that Iran is a country of extraordinary history and extraordinary potential, that we want them to be a full-fledged member of the international community and be in a position to provide opportunities and prosperity for their people, but that the way to achieve those goals is not through the pursuit of a nuclear weapon.  And I indicated to Prime Minister Netanyahu in private what I have said publicly, which is that Iran obtaining a nuclear weapon would not only be a threat to Israel and a threat to the United States, but would be profoundly destabilizing in the international community as a whole and could set off a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that would be extraordinarily dangerous for all concerned, including for Iran.

We are engaged in a process to reach out to Iran and persuade them that it is not in their interest to pursue a nuclear weapon and that they should change course.  But I assured the Prime Minister that we are not foreclosing a range of steps, including much stronger international sanctions, in assuring that Iran understands that we are serious.  And obviously the Prime Minister emphasized his seriousness around this issue as well -- I’ll allow him to speak for himself on that subject.

We also had an extensive discussion about the possibilities of restarting serious negotiations on the issue of Israel and the Palestinians.  I have said before and I will repeat again that it is I believe in the interest not only of the Palestinians, but also the Israelis and the United States and the international community to achieve a two-state solution in which Israelis and Palestinians are living side by side in peace and security.

We have seen progress stalled on this front, and I suggested to the Prime Minister that he has an historic opportunity to get a serious movement on this issue during his tenure.  That means that all the parties involved have to take seriously obligations that they’ve previously agreed to.  Those obligations were outlined in the road map; they were discussed extensively in Annapolis.  And I think that we can -- there is no reason why we should not seize this opportunity and this moment for all the parties concerned to take seriously those obligations and to move forward in a way that assures Israel’s security, that stops the terrorist attacks that have been such a source of pain and hardship, that we can stop rocket attacks on Israel; but that also allow Palestinians to govern themselves as an independent state, that allows economic development to take place, that allows them to make serious progress in meeting the aspirations of their people.

And I am confident that in the days, weeks and months to come we are going to be able to make progress on that issue.

So let me just summarize by saying that I think Prime Minister Netanyahu has the benefit of having served as Prime Minister previously.  He has both youth and wisdom --

PRIME MINISTER NETANYAHU:  I’ll dispute youth, but -- (laughter.)

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  -- and I think is in a position to achieve the security objectives of Israel, but also bring about historic peace.  And I’m confident that he’s going to seize this moment.  And the United States is going to do everything we can to be constructive, effective partners in this process.

PRIME MINISTER NETANYAHU:  President Obama, thank you.  Thank you for your friendship to Israel and your friendship to me.  You’re a great leader -- a great leader of the United States, a great leader of the world, a great friend of Israel, and someone who is acutely cognizant of our security concerns.  And the entire people of Israel appreciate it, and I speak on their behalf.

We met before, but this is the first time that we’re meeting as President and Prime Minister.  So I was particularly pleased at your reaffirmation of the special relationship between Israel and the United States.  We share the same goals and we face the same threats.  The common goal is peace.  Everybody in Israel, as in the United States, wants peace.  The common threat we face are terrorist regimes and organizations that seek to undermine the peace and endanger both our peoples.

In this context, the worst danger we face is that Iran would develop nuclear military capabilities.  Iran openly calls for our destruction, which is unacceptable by any standard.  It threatens the moderate Arab regimes in the Middle East.  It threatens U.S. interests worldwide.  But if Iran were to acquire nuclear weapons, it could give a nuclear umbrella to terrorists, or worse, it could actually give terrorists nuclear weapons.  And that would put us all in great peril.

So in that context, I very much appreciate, Mr. President, your firm commitment to ensure that Iran does not develop nuclear military capability, and also your statement that you’re leaving all options on the table.

I share with you very much the desire to move the peace process forward.  And I want to start peace negotiations with the Palestinians immediately.  I would like to broaden the circle of peace to include others in the Arab world, if we could, Mr. President, so -- this (inaudible) that one shouldn’t let go, maybe peace with the entire Arab world.

I want to make it clear that we don’t want to govern the Palestinians.  We want to live in peace with them.  We want them to govern themselves, absent a handful of powers that could endanger the state of Israel.  And for this there has to be a clear goal.  The goal has to be an end to conflict.  There will have to be compromises by Israelis and Palestinians alike.  We’re ready to do our share.  We hope the Palestinians will do their share, as well.  If we resume negotiations, as we plan to do, then I think that the Palestinians will have to recognize Israel as a Jewish state; will have to also enable Israel to have the means to defend itself.  And if those conditions are met, Israel’s security conditions are met, and there’s recognition of Israel’s legitimacy, its permanent legitimacy, then I think we can envision an arrangement where Palestinians and Israelis live side by side in dignity, in security, and in peace.

And I look forward, Mr. President, to working with you, a true friend of Israel, to the achievement of our common goals, which are security, prosperity, and above all, peace.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you.  We’re going to take a couple of questions.  We’re going to start with Steve.

Q    Mr. President, you spoke at length, as did the Prime Minister, about Iran’s nuclear program.  Your program of engagement, policy of engagement, how long is that going to last?  Is there a deadline?

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  You know, I don’t want to set an artificial deadline.  I think it’s important to recognize that Iran is in the midst of its own elections.  As I think all of you, since you’re all political reporters, are familiar with, election time is not always the best time to get business done.

Their elections will be completed in June, and we are hopeful that, at that point, there is going to be a serious process of engagement, first through the P5-plus-one process that’s already in place, potentially through additional direct talks between the United States and Iran.

I want to reemphasize what I said earlier, that I believe it is not only in the interest of the international community that Iran not develop nuclear weapons, I firmly believe it is in Iran’s interest not to develop nuclear weapons, because it would trigger a nuclear arms race in the Middle East and be profoundly destabilizing in all sorts of ways.  Iran can achieve its interests of security and international respect and prosperity for its people through other means, and I am prepared to make what I believe will be a persuasive argument, that there should be a different course to be taken.

The one thing we’re also aware of is the fact that the history, of least, of negotiation with Iran is that there is a lot of talk but not always action and follow-through.  And that’s why it is important for us, I think, without having set an artificial deadline, to be mindful of the fact that we’re not going to have talks forever.  We’re not going to create a situation in which talks become an excuse for inaction while Iran proceeds with developing a nuclear -- and deploying a nuclear weapon.  That’s something, obviously, Israel is concerned about, but it’s also an issue of concern for the United States and for the international community as a whole.

My expectation would be that if we can begin discussions soon, shortly after the Iranian elections, we should have a fairly good sense by the end of the year as to whether they are moving in the right direction and whether the parties involved are making progress and that there’s a good faith effort to resolve differences.  That doesn’t mean every issue would be resolved by that point, but it does mean that we’ll probably be able to gauge and do a reassessment by the end of the year of this approach.

Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  Aren’t you concerned that your outstretched hand has been interpreted by extremists, especially Ahmadinejad, Nasrallah, Meshal, as weakness?  And since my colleague already asked about the deadline, if engagement fails, what then, Mr. President?

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, it’s not clear to me why my outstretched hand would be interpreted as weakness.

Q    Qatar, an example.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I’m sorry?

Q    The example of Qatar.  They would have preferred to be on your side and then moved to the extremists, to Iran.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Oh, I think -- yes, I’m not sure about that interpretation.  Look, we’ve been in office a little over a hundred days now -- close to four months.  We have put forward a clear principle that where we can resolve issues through negotiations and diplomacy, we should.  We didn’t expect -- and I don’t think anybody in the international community or anybody in the Middle East, for that matter -- would expect that 30 years of antagonism and suspicion between Iran and the United States would be resolved in four months.  So we think it’s very important for us to give this a chance.

Now, understand that part of the reason that it’s so important for us to take a diplomatic approach is that the approach that we’ve been taking, which is no diplomacy, obviously has not worked.  Nobody disagrees with that.  Hamas and Hezbollah have gotten stronger.  Iran has been pursuing its nuclear capabilities undiminished.  And so not talking -- that clearly hasn’t worked.  That’s what’s been tried.  And so what we’re going to do is try something new, which is actually engaging and reaching out to the Iranians.

The important thing is to make sure that there is a clear timetable of -- at which point we say these talks don’t seem to be making any serious progress.  It hasn’t been tried before so we don’t want to prejudge that, but as I said, by the end of the year I think we should have some sense as to whether or not these discussions are starting to yield significant benefits, whether we’re starting to see serious movement on the part of the Iranians.

If that hasn’t taken place, then I think the international community will see that it’s not the United States or Israel or other countries that are seeking to isolate or victimize Iran; rather, it is Iran itself which is isolating itself by willing to -- being unwilling to engage in serious discussions about how they can preserve their security without threatening other people’s security -- which ultimately is what we want to achieve.

We want to achieve a situation where all countries in the region can pursue economic development and commercial ties and trade and do so without the threat that their populations are going to be subject to bombs and destruction.

That’s what I think the Prime Minister is interested in, that’s what I’m interested in, and I hope that ends up being what the ruling officials in Iran are interested in, as well.

Don Gonyea.  Where’s Gonyea?

Q    Right here.  Thank you.  Mr. President and Mr. Prime Minister, can you each react to King Abdullah’s statement of a week ago that we really are at a critical place in the conflict and that if this moment isn’t seized and if a peace isn’t achieved now, soon, that in a year, year and a half, we could see renewed major conflict, perhaps war?  And do you agree with that assessment?

PRIME MINISTER NETANYAHU:  I think we have to seize the moment and I think we’re fortunate in having a leader like President Obama and a new government in Israel and perhaps a new understanding in the Arab world that I haven’t seen in my lifetime.  And you’re very kind to be calling me young, but I’m more than half a century old and in my 59 years in the life of the Jewish state, there’s never been a time when Arabs and Israelis see a common threat the way we see it today and also see the need to join together in working towards peace while simultaneously defending ourselves against this common threat.

I think we have -- we have ways to capitalize on this sense of urgency and we’re prepared to move with the President and with others in the Arab world if they’re prepared to move, as well.  And I think the important thing that we discussed, among other things, is how to buttress the Israeli-Palestinian peace tracks, which we want to resume right away, with participation from others in the Arab world; how we give confidence to each other that would -- changes the reality, it changes the reality on the ground, changing political realities top-down, as well, while we work to broaden the circle of peace.

And I think that the sense of urgency that King Abdullah expressed is shared by me and shared by many others and I definitely know it’s shared by President Obama.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Look, I think there’s an extraordinary opportunity and the Prime Minister said it well.  You have Arab states in the region -- the Jordanians, the Egyptians, the Saudis -- who I think are looking for an opportunity to break this long-standing impasse but aren’t sure how to do it, and share concerns about Iran’s potential development of a nuclear weapon.  In order for us to potentially realign interests in the region in a constructive way, bolstering, to use the Prime Minister’s word, the Palestinian-Israeli peace track is critical.

It will not be easy.  It never has been easy.  In discussions, I don’t think the Prime Minister would mind me saying to him -- or saying publically what I said privately, which is that there is a recognition that the Palestinians are going to have to do a better job providing the kinds of security assurances that Israelis would need to achieve a two-state solution; that, you know, the leadership of the Palestinians will have to gain additional legitimacy and credibility with their own people, and delivering services.  And that’s something that the United States and Israel can be helpful in seeing them accomplish.

The other Arab states have to be more supportive and be bolder in seeking potential normalization with Israel.  And next week I will have the Palestinian Authority President Abbas as well as President Mubarak here and I will deliver that message to them.

Now, Israel is going to have to take some difficult steps as well, and I shared with the Prime Minister the fact that under the roadmap and under Annapolis that there’s a clear understanding that we have to make progress on settlements.  Settlements have to be stopped in order for us to move forward.  That’s a difficult issue.  I recognize that, but it’s an important one and it has to be addressed.

I think the humanitarian situation in Gaza has to be addressed.  Now, I was along the border in Sderot and saw the evidence of weapons that had been raining down on the heads of innocents in those Israeli cities, and that’s unacceptable.  So we’ve got to work with the Egyptians to deal with the smuggling of weapons and it has to be meaningful because no Prime Minister of any country is going to tolerate missiles raining down on their citizens’ heads.

On the other hand, the fact is, is that if the people of Gaza have no hope, if they can’t even get clean water at this point, if the border closures are so tight that it is impossible for reconstruction and humanitarian efforts to take place, then that is not going to be a recipe for Israel’s long-term security or a constructive peace track to move forward.

So all these things are going to have to come together and it’s going to be difficult, but the one thing that I’ve committed to the Prime Minister is we are going to be engaged, the United States is going to roll up our sleeves.  We want to be a strong partner in this process.

I have great confidence in Prime Minister Netanyahu’s political skills, but also his historical vision and his recognition that during the years that he is Prime Minister this second go-around, he is probably going to be confronted with as many important decisions about the long-term strategic interests of Israel as any Prime Minister that we’ve seen in a very long time.  And I have great confidence that he’s going to rise to the occasion and I actually think that you’re going to see movement in -- among Arab states that we have not seen before.

But the trick is to try to coordinate all this in a very delicate political environment.  And that’s why I’m so pleased to have George Mitchell, who is standing behind the scrum there, as our special envoy, because I’m very confident that as somebody who was involved in equally delicate negotiations in Northern Ireland, he is somebody who recognizes that if you apply patience and determination, and you keep your eye on the long-term goal, as the Prime Minister articulated -- which is a wide-ranging peace, not a grudging peace, not a transitory peace, but a wide-ranging, regional peace -- that we can make great progress.

Q    Mr. President, the Israeli Prime Minister and the Israeli administration have said on many occasions -- on some occasions that only if the Iranian threat will be solved, they can achieve real progress on the Palestinian threat.  Do you agree with that kind of linkage?

And to the Israeli Prime Minister, you were speaking about the political track.  Are you willing to get into final status issues/negotiations like borders, like Jerusalem in the near future, based on the two-state solution?  And do you still hold this opinion about the linkage between the Iranian threat and your ability to achieve any progress on the Palestinian threat?

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, let me say this.  There’s no doubt that it is difficult for any Israeli government to negotiate in a situation in which they feel under immediate threat.  That’s not conducive to negotiations.  And as I’ve said before, I recognize Israel’s legitimate concerns about the possibility of Iran obtaining a nuclear weapon when they have a president who has in the past said that Israel should not exist.  That would give any leader of any country pause.

Having said that, if there is a linkage between Iran and the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, I personally believe it actually runs the other way.  To the extent that we can make peace with the Palestinians -- between the Palestinians and the Israelis, then I actually think it strengthens our hand in the international community in dealing with a potential Iranian threat.

Having said that, I think that dealing with Iran’s potential nuclear capacity is something that we should be doing even if there already was peace between the Israelis and the Palestinians.  And I think that pursuing Israeli-Palestinian peace is something that is in Israeli’s security interests and the United States’ national security interests, even if Iran was not pursuing a nuclear weapon.  They’re both important.

And we have to move aggressively on both fronts.  And I think that based on my conversations with Prime Minister Netanyahu, he agrees with me that they’re both important.  That’s not to say that he’s not making a calculation, as he should, about what are some of the most immediate threats to Israeli’s security, and I understand that.

But, look, imagine how much less mischief a Hezbollah or a Hamas could do if in fact we had moved a Palestinian-Israeli track in a direction that gave the Palestinian people hope.  And if Hezbollah and Hamas is weakened, imagine how that impacts Iran’s ability to make mischief, and vice versa.

I mean, so obviously these things are related, but they are important separately.  And I’m confident that the United States, working with Israel, can make progress on both fronts.

Q    Thank you.

PRIME MINISTER NETANYAHU:  We’ve had extraordinarily friendly and constructive talks here today, and I’m very grateful to the President for that.  We want to move peace forward, and we want to ward off the great threats.

There isn’t a policy linkage, and that’s what I hear the President saying, and that’s what I’m saying too.  And I’ve always said there’s not a policy linkage between pursuing simultaneously peace between Israel and the Palestinians and the rest of the Arab world, and to trying to deal with removing the threat of a nuclear bomb.

There are causal links.  The President talked about one of them.  It would help, obviously, unite a broad front against Iran if we had peace between Israel and the Palestinians.  And conversely, if Iran went nuclear, it would threaten the progress towards peace and destabilize the entire area, and threaten existing peace agreement.

So it’s very clear to us.  I think we actually -- we don’t see closely on it, we see exactly eye to eye on this -- that we want to move simultaneously and then parallel on two fronts:  the front of peace, and the front of preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear capability.

On the front of peace, the important thing for me is to resume negotiations as rapidly as possible, and to -- and my view is less one of terminology, but one of substance.  And I ask myself, what do we end up with?  If we end up with another Gaza -- the President has described to you there’s rockets falling out of Gaza -- that is something we don’t want to happen, because a terror base next to our cities that doesn’t call -- recognize Israel’s existence and calls for our destruction and asks for our destruction is not arguing peace.

If, however, the Palestinians recognize Israel as the Jewish state, if they -- if they fight terror, if they educate their children for peace and to a better future, then I think we can come at a substantive solution that allows the two people to live side by side in security and peace and I add prosperity, because I’m a great believer in this.

So I think the terminology will take care of itself if we have the substantive understanding.  And I think we can move forward on this.  I have great confidence in your leadership, Mr. President, and in your friendship to my country, and in your championing of peace and security.  And the answer is, both come together -- peace and security are intertwined.  They’re inseparable.

And I look forward, Mr. President, to working with you to achieve both.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you, everybody.

END
1:55 P.M. EDT
 

THE WHITE HOUSE 
Office of the Vice President
_______________________________________________
For Immediate Release             May 18, 2009
REMARKS BY THE VICE PRESIDENT AT WAKE FOREST UNIVERSITY
Commencement Address
Wake Forest University
Winston-Salem, North Carolina
THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Thank you very much, Mr. President.  (Applause.)  Thank you.  (Applause.)  Thank you very much.  I say to all the faculty, this will be painless.  (Laughter.)  They have felt like -- I suspect they've heard a hundred -- all the commencements since the beginning of the school. 
But I'm honored to be here.  It was a long trip from that end of your mall to this end.  (Laughter.)  Last time I was here you were kind enough, many of you students, to listen to the case I was making.  And I am honored that notwithstanding the fact you've heard me once, you've invited me back a second time.  I thank you. 
Mr. President, you were suggesting that you arrived at the same year as this graduating class.  Well, if I'm not mistaken, you rode into the ceremony on the famous Demon Deacon gold motorcycle, and they drew up in vans with their parents moving furniture.  (Laughter.)  
So I thought I should try to replicate something along the lines that you did when you arrived, and I had planned on driving my '67 Corvette up the middle of this area here.  (Laughter.)  But the Secret Service said they wouldn't let me do it.  But notwithstanding the fact that my ride's been slightly different, I'm delighted to be here.
And I congratulate all those graduating in the class of 2009.  What a great day for you all.  You deserve a round of applause.  (Applause.)
And being the father of three children, all of whom unfortunately listened to me when I said early on when they were in high school, any school you can get into, I'll help you get there.  Well, undergraduate and graduate schools later, for three of them, you know understand why I was listed as the second poorest man in the Congress, literally.  (Laughter.)
So I say to all you parents, today is payday.  (Laughter.)  You get a raise today.  (Laughter.)  Don't encourage them to go to graduate school, because it keeps up.  (Laughter.)  To all the parents, I know your sons and daughters, grandsons, granddaughters, husbands, wives -- I know that your student understands they would not be sitting here today but for your support. 
And it's a real honor for me to be here today.  But in a sense, it's a bittersweet honor, tempered by the sadness that I feel about a man who was originally scheduled to be your commencement speaker, a friend of mine, Tim Russert.
You see, Tim and I came to Washington four years apart, but from similar backgrounds -- he came from a blue collar neighborhood in Buffalo, and I came from a working-class neighborhood in Scranton, Pennsylvania.  But we shared something in common -- even though we didn't know each other at the time -- we grew up in neighborhoods where we never had to wonder whether or not we were loved.
We were both raised by parents who had an absolute conviction, an absolute belief in the promise of this country, and that even two kids from similar backgrounds could do anything they wanted.  We grew up in a time when our parents told us, and meant it and believed it, even though they were of modest means, that if we worked hard, played by the rules, did what we were supposed to, loved our country, there wasn't a single thing we couldn't do.
One of the reasons why Barack and I set off on this journey was to sort of re-instill that confidence in a new generation of parents who played by the rules, but it didn't quite work out for them.  It didn't quite work out.
I remember leaving for Washington as a 29 year-old United States Senator.  I was elected before I was eligible to take office.  And having run and won with an absolute certitude that I was capable of doing the job, never doubting -- because of the way I was raised -- that I could do this.  And I remember when I first got there, the people who became my friends, because my colleagues, the average age if I'm not mistaken, Mr. President, was about 64 years of age.  And although I had very good relationships with my colleagues, I was the kid.
And so I literally became friends with, socialized with, the staffs of my colleagues -- in a literal sense -- I had just lost my wife and daughter.  I was single.  I had very little in common with the men and women with whom I was serving.  And four years into my time there, I had met Tim Russert.  And we worked for a man who came four years after me, but nonetheless was still my mentor, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, the senator from New York.
And we were talking one day in the Senate about our backgrounds and how we were so certain that we were raised thinking we could do anything -- until we each got to Washington.  And I shared a story with him about how, when I got here, how, for the first time in my life, I was somewhat intimidated by the depth and scope and the background of the people I was working with -- people like William J. Fulbright and Jacob Javits and former governor Averell Harriman, who was sort of the intellectual dean of the -- Al Hunt will remember this -- Katharine Graham, who was sort of the Grand Dame of Washington.  And I remember going to these functions early on and thinking, I'm not sure I belong here. 
And Tim related a similar story, which has subsequently been told many times, that he wrote about in his book.  He said when he first got to Washington, working for Senator Moynihan, he thought that things weren't going quite the way he thought.  He said, when I first got to D.C. and I walked into Senator Moynihan's office, I was completely overwhelmed by the intellectual firepower of the people he had working for him, as well as his intellectual firepower -- Rhodes scholars, Marshall scholars, professors, people with Ivy League degrees, people with significant backgrounds. 
And he said one day after attending a staff meeting, he walked into Senator Moynihan's office, and he told him -- he said, "Senator, maybe I don't belong here.  Maybe I should leave."  And you know what the senator said to him, according to Tim?  And it sounds like Pat.  He said, "Tim, what they know, you can learn.  What you know they can never learn.  So he stayed.  And he went on to host "Meet the Press" and head up NBC's political coverage.  He changed the nature of the way major events and major figures were covered.  His integrity, his toughness, his fairness was legendary.
Eventually he became a vitally independent, nationally respected and universally beloved voice in Washington, trusted by everyone who went before him.  You knew you had to be prepared.  You knew you had to have your A game on.  But you also knew he'd never belittle you, he'd never take a cheap shot.  He was completely contrary to some of the culture that prevails -- and still prevails -- in the town I work.
And along the way, Tim Russert, enlivened and enriched our debate.  He gave it meaning.  He gave it substance.  Along the way he made all of our lives richer.  And Tim's wife, Maureen, is here today at the appropriate moment to accept an honorary degree in Tim's stead.  And I know Tim is looking down, Maureen, smiling at you with that pride that his face lit up with every time he talked about you.  And he's likely sitting on a big gold motorcycle while he's watching.  (Laughter.)
So folks, I know how proud he'd be as well of you, both for what you have already accomplished and the expectations we have of all of you as to what you're going to accomplish.
At the turn of the 20th century, William Allen White -- a writer, a politician, a national spokesman for middle class values -- summed up perfectly the optimism I feel for the future.  He said, "I'm not afraid of tomorrow, for I've seen yesterday, and I love today."
Well, I love today and one of the reasons I do is because of all of you.  I believe so strongly, as you may recall when I was here in October, not in you particularly but your generation, that I don't have a single doubt in my mind we're on the cusp not only of a new century but a new day for this country and the world.  I know what you do -- there's not a single thing you're going to be unable to accomplish. 
Your generation is off fighting wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.  Your generation is volunteering in record numbers.  Your generation voted and turned out in a way that you literally dictated the outcome of this last election.  Your generation gives such strong hope that we'll not only survive today as some pundits argue we may not, but that we will thrive tomorrow.  And I believe you believe as I do -- that this is all within our grasp. 
I know one other thing for certain as well.  No graduating class gets to choose the world they graduate into.  Every class has its own unique challenges.  Every class enters a history that up to that point has been written for them.  And your generation is no different.  But what is different about your generation is the chance that each of you has to take history into your own hands and write it larger.
If anyone gets to choose the circumstances in which they graduate, I suspect almost all of us would choose your present circumstance.  Your generation's opportunities are greater than any generation in modern history -- not because you're about to graduate into a nation of ease and luxury, but because you're about to graduate into a point in history where everything is going to change no matter what you do, but you can affect the change. 
When I graduated in the '60s, it was a time of turmoil.  I graduated from undergraduate school in '65, law school in '68.  It was a time of turmoil, of change, of idealism, of war, of violence, of chaos, Vietnam, civil rights, women's rights, JFK, MLK, RFK, black power, flower power.  These were our times.  That was our history.  But still, by the time I graduated, my generation's main goal was simply to restore the order and the hope of an earlier part of that decade; a part of the decade before John Kennedy was assassinated.  Our charge was to try to regain control of a world that seemed to beginning to spin out of control. 
The semester that I graduated from law school, Johnson stepped down.  Two weeks later, Martin Luther King was assassinated.  Three days before I walked across the stage, RFK was assassinated.  The Tet Offensive occurred earlier in the year, making clear that there was no light at the end of the tunnel.  But nonetheless we graduated with the expectation that we could restore order. 
But today, with all the difficulties you face, you graduated into a moment where your opportunities are much greater.  And your charge is not to restore anything but to make anew.  You too are graduating in a world of anxiety and uncertainty.  You're going to walk across this stage without knowing for certain what's on the other side.  Good jobs are hard to find, two wars are being waged on the other side of the globe, there's a global recession, a planet in peril, and a world in flux. 
Throughout the span of history though, only a handful of us have been alive at times when we can truly shape history.  Without question, this is one of those times, for there's not a single solitary decision confronting your generation now that doesn't yield a change from non-action as well as action. 
We're either going to fundamentally revive our economy and lead the way to the 21st century, or we're going to fall behind and no longer be the leader of the free world in the 21st century.  We're either going to fundamentally revamp our education system, or remain 17th in the world of graduates from college, and in the process lose our competitive edge and find it difficult to have it restored.  We're either going to fundamentally change our energy policy or remain beholden to those who pose the biggest threats to our security.  We’re either going to revive and reverse climate change, or literally drown in our indifference. 
Folks, we're either going to fundamentally change the course of history, or fail the generations that come after us, because change will occur.  Non-action is action, unlike most generations. 
I've served with eight Presidents.  Most Presidents are able to say, of the four or five issues that are before me, I'll put aside three and we'll get to them later, knowing the status quo ante will pertain.  There's not a single issue on this President's plate that will not yield a change -- just merely by ignoring it, it will change.
I call, and others call, these moments in history, as rare as they are, inflection points.  Remember your physics class?  You're driving along in an automobile and you move the wheel slightly to the left or right, and you send the car careening in the direction that absent another change will end up a significant distance from where you were aimed.  That's an inflection point.
William Butler Yeats was right.  Tim used to always kid me about quoting Irish poets.  He thought I quoted them because I was Irish.  That's not the reason.  I quote Irish poets because they're the best poets.  (Laughter.) 
There's a great line in one of Yeats' poems about the first rising in Ireland.  It's called Easter Sunday, 1916.  And the line is more applicable to your generation than it was to his Ireland in 1960.  And he said:  All changed, changed utterly.  A terrible beauty has been born.
When I graduated, all had not changed utterly yet.  Today, it has.  And in the last 12 to 15 years, a terrible beauty has been born.  It's a different world out there than it has been any time in the last millennia.  But we have an opportunity to make it beautiful, because it is in motion.  We have an opportunity to change it.  But absent our leadership, it will continue to careen down the path we're going now.  And that could be terrible.  That, folks, is an inflection point.
Doing nothing, or taking history into our own hands and bending it, bending it in service of a better day.  So embrace the moment.  Don't shy away from it.  You know how I feel.  I'm confident you must feel the same way.  For one thing, I've learned is that in the face of struggle, there is a greater risk in accepting a situation we cannot sustain.  Does anybody think we can sustain our present energy policy?  Does anybody think we can sustain our present economic policy?  Does anyone think we can sustain our present educational policy?  Does anyone think we can sustain our present environmental policy?
It is to not sustain -- we know we cannot sustain the way we're going now.  So it's time to steel our spines, and embrace the promise of change, even though we cannot guarantee exactly what that change will bring.  And the good news is that's exactly what the country did when they voted this last November.  They voted for change, not certain what it would mean, but convicted in the assumption that we cannot sustain the path we're on.  
America embraced the promise of change.  It took a chance.  The truth is no single individual or circumstance can determine when one of these inflection points will occur.  What triggers such moments is the accumulation of so many forces over a sustained period of time that it's difficult to identify.  But individuals willing to steel their spines do determine what moments, what such moments will produce.  And you are those individuals. 
As corny as it sounds, this really is your moment.  History is yours to bend.  Imagine.  Imagine what we can do.  Imagine a country where within a decade, 20 percent of our energy is from renewable sources, where we're no longer dependent on unstable dictatorships for our energy. 
Imagine a country that invests in every child in America where you've learned we should be investing at age three instead of six, where every single qualified -- young man or woman qualified to go to college is able to go to college regardless of their financial circumstances. 
Imagine a country where health care is affordable and available to every single American, where American business can compete again because they don't bear all the cost; where we can once again gain control of our fiscal future, which is being drowned by the cost of health care.  Imagine a country where our carbon footprint shrinks to nothing, and we set an example for the whole world to follow.
Just imagine.  Imagine a country brought together by powerful ideas, not torn apart by petty ideologies.  Imagine a country built on innovation and efficiency, not on credit default swaps and complex securities.  Imagine a country that values science again.  Imagine a country that lifts up windows of opportunity, doesn't slam them shut.  Just imagine.  Imagine a country where every single person has a fighting chance; a country that once again leads the world by the power of our example and not merely by the example of our power.
Graduates, that's all within our power.  It's all capable of being done.  Some of you may think, like your parents, I may be too optimistic.  I say, no, I'm not optimistic -- I'm realistic.  Despite the uncertainty, I was optimistic when I graduated in 1965 and again in '68, when I got to the Senate when I was 29, as a 29-year-old kid.  But I must admit if anyone had told me back then that my idealism and my optimism would be even greater in the year 2009 I would have told you, you're crazy.  But as God as my witness, it is -- because we're at this moment.
And there's really good reason for my optimism.  As a student of history, it's the history behind me and the people in front of me that give me such a degree of optimism; it's Grace Johnson graduating today, who recently won an award for completing more than 300 hours of AmeriCorps service in one year.  It's Nadine Minani, who's about to walk across the stage after losing her mother in the Rwandan genocide when she was only eight years old.  It's about Aaron Curry, a scrawny freshman linebacker -- (laughter) -- recruited by only two schools, who worked his rear end off, became a top five pick, and is walking off this stage into an opposing NFL backfield.  Aaron, I heard you wanted to go to law school -- you were considering going to graduate school.  I also heard that your fellow draftees have taken up a collection encouraging you to go.  (Laughter.)  So I'm sure there's a scholarship there if you want it.  (Laughter.)
It's the 17 of you heading out to Teach for America.  And, finally, it's Fred Hastings, who I got to meet, who came to Wake Forest more than a half a century ago, left to join the Army before he could finish.  Years ago, he saw his son graduate from Wake and decided -- hell, if he can do it I can do it.  (Laughter.)  And he'll be walking across the stage, and on Thursday will be his 77th birthday.  Give him a round of applause.  He deserves it.  (Applause.)  I asked him if his son paid for his education.  (Laughter.)  I didn't get an answer.  (Laughter.) 
In so many ways, you're already bending history.  You’re teaching our kids.  You're saving our planet.  You're enriching communities the world over.  You're connecting to each other in ways that most of us could never have dreamed of when we graduated, and using those connections to unite our global community, to deepen our understanding of the world around us.  You are emblems of the sense of possibility that's going to define our new age.
In the past, it’s always been older generations, my generation speaking -- standing up here at commencements telling the next generation the ways of the world, trying to make sure you follow in our footsteps.  Well, graduate, I'll have to admit, it's a lot different today.  You’ve flipped the script, as you might say.  You’re, quite simply, teaching us.
And I am here to tell you -- tell you all -- that even Tim would be happy to know what you know we can learn.  Just keep teaching us.  What you know we can learn, and we have to learn.
Just as with each of those rare generations that found itself at an inflection point in history, it's within our power to shape our history, to bend it in the right direction.  We can't make a utopia, but we sure can make it a lot more beautiful.  This is not bravado.  This has been the history of the journey of America -- never, ever, ever, ever, ever, ever, never have the American people let their country down at rare moments, similar moments in our history.  And it’s a journey we're all going to take together.
So for those who tell you that we’re doing too much now in the administration -- or you're seeking too much -- be smart enough not to listen.  And for those who say not to try, be naïve enough to give it a shot, to give it a shot.  And for those that say it’s impossible, point them to your professor, Maya Angelou.
"We must confess," she writes, "that we are the possible.  We are the miraculous, the true wonders of the world.  That is when, and only when, we come to it."  Well, you've come to it.  I look out there at the caps and the gowns; I look at a university so miraculous in its history, a class so electric in its diversity.  I look at it all, and I see so clearly what Maya meant.
You are the possible.  That is not hyperbole.  You are the possible.  We are the possible.  And we have at once finally come to it.  So seize it.  Seize it.  Because if you do not, it will slip from our grasp and determine the world you live in while you sit idly by.
Thank you all so much.  Congratulations once again.  And may God bless America, and may God protect our troops.  Thank you.  (Applause.)
END
                                               
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
______________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                              May 17, 2009 
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT KEEP INDIANA BLUE FUNDRAISER
The Westin
Indianapolis, Indiana
6:36 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:  Hello, Indiana!  (Applause.)  It's good to see you guys.  It's good to see you.  Hello, hello, hello!  (Applause.)  It is good to be here.  (Applause.)  And it's a pleasure to be with your outstanding representatives in Congress -- Andre Carson, Joe Donnelly, Brad Ellsworth, Baron Hill -- give it up for these outstanding members of Congress.  (Applause.)  We're here to make sure they can stay right where they belong:  in the United States Congress, representing your hopes, representing your dreams, carrying your voices to Washington, DC. (Applause.)   
It's good to be back in Indiana.  (Applause.)  We spent a little time in Indiana.  It reminds me of why I like getting out of Washington so much.  People are friendly.  (Laughter.)  It brings back a lot of memories from all those days out here on the campaign trail.  So I want to start out tonight by saying thank you -- thank you to all of you here in Indiana.  (Applause.)  I know that I'm here tonight because of you, and folks like you across this country who made the phone calls, and knocked on the doors, and registered voters, and dug deep and gave whatever you could, because you were hungry for new ideas and new leadership and a new kind of politics.  And that's what we are trying to deliver right now in Washington.  (Applause.)   
You believed that after an era of selfishness and greed, we could reclaim a sense of responsibility from Main Street to Wall Street to Washington.  You believed that instead of huge inequalities and bubbles that bust, we could restore a sense of fairness and stability to our economy, and build a new foundation for lasting growth and prosperity.  You believed that at a time of war and turmoil, we could stand strong against our enemies, stand strong for our ideals, and show a new face of American leadership around the world.  (Applause.)  That's the change you believed in; that's the trust you placed in me; that's something that I will never forget.
But we know that winning that election was just the beginning of our work.  It wasn’t the end, it was just the start -- it was the end of the beginning.  That victory alone was not the change that we sought -- it was just the opportunity to make the change.  And I don't know about you, but I think it's fair to say that over these past four months, we have seized this opportunity.
To jumpstart job creation and get our economy moving again, we passed the most ambitious economic recovery package in our nation's history.  We gave tax cuts to 95 percent of working Americans and put back people to work modernizing our health care system; and rebuilding our crumbling roads and bridges and transit systems; and investing in renewable energy that could help boost our economy and preserve our planet. 
We launched plans to stabilize our housing market and unfreeze our credit markets, and to ensure the survival of our auto industry in this new century.  We passed a budget that will cut our deficit in half while making investments to spur long-term growth.  (Applause.)  
We lifted the ban on federal funding for stem cell research. We expanded the Children's Health Insurance Program to cover 11 million children in need.  (Applause.)  We passed a national service bill to create hundreds of thousands of opportunities to serve.  We passed the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act -- the first bill I signed into law, because we believe in equal pay for equal work.  (Applause.)  
So we're making progress.  And I'm pleased with how far we've come -- but I'm not satisfied.  I'm confident in the future, but I am not content.  Not when there's still workers who are out of a job, and families who can't pay the bills.  Not when too many Americans can't afford health care, and so many of our kids are being left behind.  Not when our nation has failed to lead the world in developing 21st century energy.  We've come a long way, we can see some light on the horizon, but we've got a much longer journey ahead.
That's why all of you are here tonight.  That's why you're digging deep again, even when times are a little tight -- why I know you're going to make those calls and knock on those doors and get to the polls again next November -- (applause) -- because we've got to make sure these four leaders continue their devoted service to Indiana and to America.  (Applause.)  
And that's why I'm here tonight.  That's why I'm here, because I can't bring the change I promised all by myself.  I can't rebuild our economy, and reform our health care system and our education system, and preserve our environment, and keep our nation safe if I'm all alone in the Oval Office.  That's not how our democracy works. 
I need partners in Congress -- people who are going to work hard every day to move this country forward.  That's why I'm supporting these gentlemen.  That's why I believe in Andre Carson and Joe Donnelly and Brad Ellsworth and Baron Hill.  (Applause.) They serve their constituents and this nation with dedication and intelligence and compassion and pride.  They're determined to make a difference for the people they represent. 
More than ever before, we need their help -- America needs their help.  We need their help to build schools that meet high standards, and close achievement gaps, and prepare our children for the 21st century challenges that they'll confront; where we reward teachers for performance and give them new pathways for advancement.  And we need their help to reach the goal that I've set for higher education in this country:  that by the year 2020, America will once again have the highest proportion of college graduates in the world.  We used to have that distinction; we don't anymore.  We are going to get it back with the help of these four gentlemen right here.  (Applause.)  
We need their help to pass a comprehensive energy plan and climate bill that will finally reduce our dependence on foreign oil, cap carbon pollution that threatens our health and our climate -- (applause) -- a plan that will create millions of new jobs producing wind turbines and solar panels and the alternative fuels that will power the future.  Because we know that the nation that leads on energy, on clean energy in the 21st century, that's the nation that will lead economically -- and America can and must be that nation. 
I need these gentlemen's help to create a 21st century health care system that's cutting costs for families and businesses.  (Applause.)  I've already met with representatives from the insurance and drug companies, from doctors and hospitals and labor unions.  These groups, some of them used to be fierce critics of health care reform back in 1993.  But today, they've pledged to do their part to reduce the annual health care spending growth rate by 1.5 percent.  And coupled with comprehensive reform, that could save us up to $2 trillion -- $2,500 per family every year.  And working with these congressmen, we're going to do everything we can to achieve comprehensive health care reform by the end of this year.  (Applause.)
Are we going to get it done, gentlemen?  (Applause.)  This is the year to get it done. 
And we need these gentlemen to help give working people in this country a fair shake again.  (Applause.)  To make sure our workers can be paid fairly and treated fairly for the work that they do.  I've got to say a few words about where we're gathered tonight.  It's a fine establishment.  But there are workers here from Indianapolis hotels who are seeking to unionize -- (applause) -- including some right here at the Westin.  And I want to recognize these workers and offer my support for their efforts.  Where are they?  Raise your hands, guys.  Right here.  (Applause.)  We appreciate you. 
In these difficult times, our country will be stronger if management and workers come together to resolve disputes and work together to provide quality service.  And workers should never be punished for demanding the right to collectively bargain -- (applause).  That's not right; we won't stand for it.  (Applause.)
And finally, we need these four leaders to help us restore fiscal discipline in Washington so we don't leave our children and grandchildren with a mountain of debt.  These are some of the leaders in trying to get Washington to take those responsibilities seriously.  Already, my administration has identified more than 100 government programs that we can reduce or eliminate, save $17 billion next year alone.  We're going line by line through the budget, page by page, looking for even more cuts. 
I've personally asked the leadership in Congress to reinstate the pay-as-you-go rule that we followed during the 1990s, a rule that will help start -- (applause) -- a rule that helped us start this new century with a $236 billion surplus.  You remember that?  The idea is very simple:  You don't spend what you don't have.  If you want to spend, you need to find someplace else to cut.  That's the rule that families across this country follow every single day -- and there's no reason why their government shouldn't do the same.
So, look, Indiana, we're living through some extraordinary times.  We didn't ask for the challenges we face, but we're determined to answer the call to meet them; to cast aside the old arguments, overcome the stubborn divisions, to move forward as one people.
It won't be easy and there's going to be setbacks.  It's going to take time.  This is going to be a hard year -- and next year is not going to be so easy either.  But I promise you that we will get through this.  I'll always tell you the truth about the challenges we face and the steps that we're taking, and I'll continue to measure my progress by the progress the American people are seeing in their own everyday lives.  (Applause.)  
And if you stand with me, if you stand with Andre Carson and Joe Donnelly and Brad Ellsworth and Baron Hill -- (applause) -- then I know we will look back on this moment, at the time that we came together to reclaim America's future, to write the next great chapter in the American story.  (Applause.) 
Thank you, everybody.  God bless you.  God bless America.  (Applause.)
END                                     
6:47 P.M. EDT
 
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
__________________________________________________
For Immediate Release            May 17, 2009 
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO INDIANA SUPPORTERS
The Westin
Indianapolis, Indiana
6:20 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:  It is great to be back in Indiana.  We had a wonderful time up at Notre Dame, and I told Father John that of all the controversies surrounding my appearance, they paled in comparison to what to do about the football team.  (Laughter.)  That's an issue we may not resolve within my four years --
AUDIENCE MEMBER:  Eight!
THE PRESIDENT:  All right, well, maybe in eight we might get it done. 
Anyway, I am -- it's just wonderful to be here.  I see a lot of old friends, as well as new friends.  We've, obviously have been working very hard over the first hundred days to lay the foundation for the kind of economy that's going to work for all Americans.  And we've seen the kind of crisis that we haven’t seen since the Great Depression, and yet, despite the enormous challenges, I think that Washington has actually been a pretty energized and hopeful time because we're getting things done. 
We got a Recovery Act passed.  And thanks to the wonderful members of Congress who are here, we've provided health insurance for children who didn’t have it.  Just this week alone we're going to be getting credit card reform done.  We're going to get procurement reform done that will save us $40 billion that's been wasted in Pentagon purchases.  We're going to get anti-fraud measures.  We're going to get a housing bill. 
This is all just in this work session just over the last several weeks.  And I thank both members of Congress, but most importantly, the American people.  They just want results.  We're going to continue to go through some hard times.  This economy is not yet out of the woods.  We're going to have enormous challenges getting health care passed so that we're driving down costs and providing coverage for all Americans.  The challenges of the environment and energy and climate change are things that are going to be a heavy lift for a lot of folks.  But I believe that when you look back at the end of this year, we're going to be able to say that this was one of the most productive legislative years in the history of the United States of America. (Applause.)
And the reason is because of you.  We could not -- first of all, I wouldn’t be there if it weren’t for you.  But what's true for me is also true for the wonderful Democratic congressmen here.  If it weren’t for your steady support of the DNC and of the elections we would not be successful. 
We started my presidential campaign two and a half years ago with this crazy idea that the American people wanted change.  And nobody thought we could accomplish what seemed unimaginable at the time.  And yet here we are and not only did we win an election, but more importantly, we're starting to deliver on the promises that were made.  (Applause.)
We're going to continue to need your help.  We're going to continue to need your support.  But I'm absolutely confident that we're going to get it done.  And so I'm grateful to you, and I look forward to being back in Indiana sometime soon. 
All right, guys -- appreciate you.  Thank you.  (Applause.)
                                               
END
6:24 P.M. EDT 
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
_____________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                           May 17, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN COMMENCEMENT ADDRESS
AT THE UNIVERSITY OF NOTRE DAME
University of Notre Dame
South Bend, Indiana
3:06 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, first of all, congratulations, Class of 2009.  (Applause.)  Congratulations to all the parents, the cousins -- (applause) -- the aunts, the uncles -- all the people who helped to bring you to the point that you are here today.  Thank you so much to Father Jenkins for that extraordinary introduction, even though you said what I want to say much more elegantly.  (Laughter.)  You are doing an extraordinary job as president of this extraordinary institution.  (Applause.)  Your continued and courageous -- and contagious -- commitment to honest, thoughtful dialogue is an inspiration to us all.  (Applause.)
Good afternoon.  To Father Hesburgh, to Notre Dame trustees, to faculty, to family:  I am honored to be here today.  (Applause.)  And I am grateful to all of you for allowing me to be a part of your graduation.
And I also want to thank you for the honorary degree that I received.  I know it has not been without controversy.  I don’t know if you’re aware of this, but these honorary degrees are apparently pretty hard to come by.  (Laughter.)  So far I’m only 1 for 2 as President.  (Laughter and applause.)  Father Hesburgh is 150 for 150.  (Laughter and applause.)  I guess that’s better.  (Laughter.)  So, Father Ted, after the ceremony, maybe you can give me some pointers to boost my average.
I also want to congratulate the Class of 2009 for all your accomplishments.  And since this is Notre Dame --
AUDIENCE MEMBER:  Abortion is murder!  Stop killing children!
AUDIENCE:  Booo!
THE PRESIDENT:  That’s all right.  And since --
AUDIENCE:  We are ND!  We are ND!
AUDIENCE:  Yes, we can!  Yes, we can!
THE PRESIDENT:  We’re fine, everybody.  We’re following Brennan’s adage that we don’t do things easily.  (Laughter.)  We’re not going to shy away from things that are uncomfortable sometimes.  (Applause.)
Now, since this is Notre Dame I think we should talk not only about your accomplishments in the classroom, but also in the competitive arena.  (Laughter.)  No, don’t worry, I’m not going to talk about that.  (Laughter.)  We all know about this university’s proud and storied football team, but I also hear that Notre Dame holds the largest outdoor 5-on-5 basketball tournament in the world -- Bookstore Basketball.  (Applause.)
Now this excites me.  (Laughter.)  I want to congratulate the winners of this year’s tournament, a team by the name of "Hallelujah Holla Back."  (Laughter and applause.)  Congratulations.  Well done.  Though I have to say, I am personally disappointed that the "Barack O’Ballers" did not pull it out this year.  (Laughter.)  So next year, if you need a 6’2" forward with a decent jumper, you know where I live.  (Laughter and applause.)
Every one of you should be proud of what you have achieved at this institution.  One hundred and sixty-three classes of Notre Dame graduates have sat where you sit today.  Some were here during years that simply rolled into the next without much notice or fanfare -- periods of relative peace and prosperity that required little by way of sacrifice or struggle.
You, however, are not getting off that easy.  You have a different deal.  Your class has come of age at a moment of great consequence for our nation and for the world -- a rare inflection point in history where the size and scope of the challenges before us require that we remake our world to renew its promise; that we align our deepest values and commitments to the demands of a new age.  It’s a privilege and a responsibility afforded to few generations -- and a task that you’re now called to fulfill.
This generation, your generation is the one that must find a path back to prosperity and decide how we respond to a global economy that left millions behind even before the most recent crisis hit -- an economy where greed and short-term thinking were too often rewarded at the expense of fairness, and diligence, and an honest day’s work.  (Applause.)
Your generation must decide how to save God’s creation from a changing climate that threatens to destroy it.  Your generation must seek peace at a time when there are those who will stop at nothing to do us harm, and when weapons in the hands of a few can destroy the many.  And we must find a way to reconcile our ever-shrinking world with its ever-growing diversity -- diversity of thought, diversity of culture, and diversity of belief. 
In short, we must find a way to live together as one human family.  (Applause.)
And it’s this last challenge that I’d like to talk about today, despite the fact that Father John stole all my best lines.  (Laughter.)  For the major threats we face in the 21st century -- whether it’s global recession or violent extremism; the spread of nuclear weapons or pandemic disease -- these things do not discriminate.  They do not recognize borders.  They do not see color.  They do not target specific ethnic groups. 
Moreover, no one person, or religion, or nation can meet these challenges alone.  Our very survival has never required greater cooperation and greater understanding among all people from all places than at this moment in history. 
Unfortunately, finding that common ground -- recognizing that our fates are tied up, as Dr. King said, in a "single garment of destiny" -- is not easy.  And part of the problem, of course, lies in the imperfections of man -- our selfishness, our pride, our stubbornness, our acquisitiveness, our insecurities, our egos; all the cruelties large and small that those of us in the Christian tradition understand to be rooted in original sin.  We too often seek advantage over others.  We cling to outworn prejudice and fear those who are unfamiliar.  Too many of us view life only through the lens of immediate self-interest and crass materialism; in which the world is necessarily a zero-sum game.  The strong too often dominate the weak, and too many of those with wealth and with power find all manner of justification for their own privilege in the face of poverty and injustice.  And so, for all our technology and scientific advances, we see here in this country and around the globe violence and want and strife that would seem sadly familiar to those in ancient times.
We know these things; and hopefully one of the benefits of the wonderful education that you’ve received here at Notre Dame is that you’ve had time to consider these wrongs in the world; perhaps recognized impulses in yourself that you want to leave behind.  You’ve grown determined, each in your own way, to right them.  And yet, one of the vexing things for those of us interested in promoting greater understanding and cooperation among people is the discovery that even bringing together persons of good will, bringing together men and women of principle and purpose -- even accomplishing that can be difficult.  
The soldier and the lawyer may both love this country with equal passion, and yet reach very different conclusions on the specific steps needed to protect us from harm.  The gay activist and the evangelical pastor may both deplore the ravages of HIV/AIDS, but find themselves unable to bridge the cultural divide that might unite their efforts.  Those who speak out against stem cell research may be rooted in an admirable conviction about the sacredness of life, but so are the parents of a child with juvenile diabetes who are convinced that their son’s or daughter’s hardships can be relieved.  (Applause.)
The question, then -- the question then is how do we work through these conflicts?  Is it possible for us to join hands in common effort?  As citizens of a vibrant and varied democracy, how do we engage in vigorous debate?  How does each of us remain firm in our principles, and fight for what we consider right, without, as Father John said, demonetizing those with just as strongly held convictions on the other side?
And of course, nowhere do these questions come up more powerfully than on the issue of abortion.
As I considered the controversy surrounding my visit here, I was reminded of an encounter I had during my Senate campaign, one that I describe in a book I wrote called "The Audacity of Hope."  A few days after I won the Democratic nomination, I received an e-mail from a doctor who told me that while he voted for me in the Illinois primary, he had a serious concern that might prevent him from voting for me in the general election.  He described himself as a Christian who was strongly pro-life -- but that was not what was preventing him potentially from voting for me.
What bothered the doctor was an entry that my campaign staff had posted on my website -- an entry that said I would fight "right-wing ideologues who want to take away a woman’s right to choose."  The doctor said he had assumed I was a reasonable person, he supported my policy initiatives to help the poor and to lift up our educational system, but that if I truly believed that every pro-life individual was simply an ideologue who wanted to inflict suffering on women, then I was not very reasonable.  He wrote, "I do not ask at this point that you oppose abortion, only that you speak about this issue in fair-minded words."  Fair-minded words.
After I read the doctor’s letter, I wrote back to him and I thanked him.  And I didn’t change my underlying position, but I did tell my staff to change the words on my website.  And I said a prayer that night that I might extend the same presumption of good faith to others that the doctor had extended to me.  Because when we do that -- when we open up our hearts and our minds to those who may not think precisely like we do or believe precisely what we believe -- that’s when we discover at least the possibility of common ground.
That’s when we begin to say, "Maybe we won’t agree on abortion, but we can still agree that this heart-wrenching decision for any woman is not made casually, it has both moral and spiritual dimensions."
So let us work together to reduce the number of women seeking abortions, let’s reduce unintended pregnancies.  (Applause.)  Let’s make adoption more available.  (Applause.)  Let’s provide care and support for women who do carry their children to term.  (Applause.)  Let’s honor the conscience of those who disagree with abortion, and draft a sensible conscience clause, and make sure that all of our health care policies are grounded not only in sound science, but also in clear ethics, as well as respect for the equality of women."  Those are things we can do.  (Applause.)
Now, understand -- understand, Class of 2009, I do not suggest that the debate surrounding abortion can or should go away.  Because no matter how much we may want to fudge it -- indeed, while we know that the views of most Americans on the subject are complex and even contradictory -- the fact is that at some level, the views of the two camps are irreconcilable.  Each side will continue to make its case to the public with passion and conviction.  But surely we can do so without reducing those with differing views to caricature.
Open hearts.  Open minds.  Fair-minded words.  It’s a way of life that has always been the Notre Dame tradition.  (Applause.)  Father Hesburgh has long spoken of this institution as both a lighthouse and a crossroads.  A lighthouse that stands apart, shining with the wisdom of the Catholic tradition, while the crossroads is where "¼differences of culture and religion and conviction can co-exist with friendship, civility, hospitality, and especially love."  And I want to join him and Father John in saying how inspired I am by the maturity and responsibility with which this class has approached the debate surrounding today’s ceremony.  You are an example of what Notre Dame is about.  (Applause.)
This tradition of cooperation and understanding is one that I learned in my own life many years ago -- also with the help of the Catholic Church. 
You see, I was not raised in a particularly religious household, but my mother instilled in me a sense of service and empathy that eventually led me to become a community organizer after I graduated college.  And a group of Catholic churches in Chicago helped fund an organization known as the Developing Communities Project, and we worked to lift up South Side neighborhoods that had been devastated when the local steel plant closed. 
And it was quite an eclectic crew -- Catholic and Protestant churches, Jewish and African American organizers, working-class black, white, and Hispanic residents -- all of us with different experiences, all of us with different beliefs.  But all of us learned to work side by side because all of us saw in these neighborhoods other human beings who needed our help -- to find jobs and improve schools.  We were bound together in the service of others. 
And something else happened during the time I spent in these neighborhoods -- perhaps because the church folks I worked with were so welcoming and understanding; perhaps because they invited me to their services and sang with me from their hymnals; perhaps because I was really broke and they fed me.  (Laughter.)  Perhaps because I witnessed all of the good works their faith inspired them to perform, I found myself drawn not just to the work with the church; I was drawn to be in the church.  It was through this service that I was brought to Christ. 
And at the time, Cardinal Joseph Bernardin was the Archbishop of Chicago.  (Applause.)  For those of you too young to have known him or known of him, he was a kind and good and wise man.  A saintly man.  I can still remember him speaking at one of the first organizing meetings I attended on the South Side.  He stood as both a lighthouse and a crossroads -- unafraid to speak his mind on moral issues ranging from poverty and AIDS and abortion to the death penalty and nuclear war.  And yet, he was congenial and gentle in his persuasion, always trying to bring people together, always trying to find common ground.  Just before he died, a reporter asked Cardinal Bernardin about this approach to his ministry.  And he said, "You can’t really get on with preaching the Gospel until you’ve touched hearts and minds."
My heart and mind were touched by him.  They were touched by the words and deeds of the men and women I worked alongside in parishes across Chicago.  And I’d like to think that we touched the hearts and minds of the neighborhood families whose lives we helped change.  For this, I believe, is our highest calling.  
Now, you, Class of 2009, are about to enter the next phase of your life at a time of great uncertainty.  You’ll be called to help restore a free market that’s also fair to all who are willing to work.  You’ll be called to seek new sources of energy that can save our planet; to give future generations the same chance that you had to receive an extraordinary education.  And whether as a person drawn to public service, or simply someone who insists on being an active citizen, you will be exposed to more opinions and ideas broadcast through more means of communication than ever existed before.  You’ll hear talking heads scream on cable, and you’ll read blogs that claim definitive knowledge, and you will watch politicians pretend they know what they’re talking about.  (Laughter.)  Occasionally, you may have the great fortune of actually seeing important issues debated by people who do know what they’re talking about -- by well-intentioned people with brilliant minds and mastery of the facts.  In fact, I suspect that some of you will be among those brightest stars.
And in this world of competing claims about what is right and what is true, have confidence in the values with which you’ve been raised and educated.  Be unafraid to speak your mind when those values are at stake.  Hold firm to your faith and allow it to guide you on your journey.  In other words, stand as a lighthouse.
But remember, too, that you can be a crossroads.  Remember, too, that the ultimate irony of faith is that it necessarily admits doubt.  It’s the belief in things not seen.  It’s beyond our capacity as human beings to know with certainty what God has planned for us or what He asks of us.  And those of us who believe must trust that His wisdom is greater than our own.
And this doubt should not push us away our faith.  But it should humble us.  It should temper our passions, cause us to be wary of too much self-righteousness.  It should compel us to remain open and curious and eager to continue the spiritual and moral debate that began for so many of you within the walls of Notre Dame.  And within our vast democracy, this doubt should remind us even as we cling to our faith to persuade through reason, through an appeal whenever we can to universal rather than parochial principles, and most of all through an abiding example of good works and charity and kindness and service that moves hearts and minds.
For if there is one law that we can be most certain of, it is the law that binds people of all faiths and no faith together.  It’s no coincidence that it exists in Christianity and Judaism; in Islam and Hinduism; in Buddhism and humanism.  It is, of course, the Golden Rule -- the call to treat one another as we wish to be treated.  The call to love.  The call to serve.  To do what we can to make a difference in the lives of those with whom we share the same brief moment on this Earth.
So many of you at Notre Dame -- by the last count, upwards of 80 percent -- have lived this law of love through the service you’ve performed at schools and hospitals; international relief agencies and local charities.  Brennan is just one example of what your class has accomplished.  That’s incredibly impressive, a powerful testament to this institution.  (Applause.)
Now you must carry the tradition forward.  Make it a way of life.  Because when you serve, it doesn’t just improve your community, it makes you a part of your community.  It breaks down walls.  It fosters cooperation.  And when that happens -- when people set aside their differences, even for a moment, to work in common effort toward a common goal; when they struggle together, and sacrifice together, and learn from one another -- then all things are possible.
After all, I stand here today, as President and as an African American, on the 55th anniversary of the day that the Supreme Court handed down the decision in Brown v. Board of Education.  Now, Brown was of course the first major step in dismantling the "separate but equal" doctrine, but it would take a number of years and a nationwide movement to fully realize the dream of civil rights for all of God’s children.  There were freedom rides and lunch counters and Billy clubs, and there was also a Civil Rights Commission appointed by President Eisenhower.  It was the 12 resolutions recommended by this commission that would ultimately become law in the Civil Rights Act of 1964. 
There were six members of this commission.  It included five whites and one African American; Democrats and Republicans; two Southern governors, the dean of a Southern law school, a Midwestern university president, and your own Father Ted Hesburgh, President of Notre Dame.  (Applause.)  So they worked for two years, and at times, President Eisenhower had to intervene personally since no hotel or restaurant in the South would serve the black and white members of the commission together.  And finally, when they reached an impasse in Louisiana, Father Ted flew them all to Notre Dame’s retreat in Land O’Lakes, Wisconsin -- (applause) -- where they eventually overcame their differences and hammered out a final deal.
And years later, President Eisenhower asked Father Ted how on Earth he was able to broker an agreement between men of such different backgrounds and beliefs.  And Father Ted simply said that during their first dinner in Wisconsin, they discovered they were all fishermen.  (Laughter.)  And so he quickly readied a boat for a twilight trip out on the lake.  They fished, and they talked, and they changed the course of history. 
I will not pretend that the challenges we face will be easy, or that the answers will come quickly, or that all our differences and divisions will fade happily away -- because life is not that simple.  It never has been.  
But as you leave here today, remember the lessons of Cardinal Bernardin, of Father Hesburgh, of movements for change both large and small.  Remember that each of us, endowed with the dignity possessed by all children of God, has the grace to recognize ourselves in one another; to understand that we all seek the same love of family, the same fulfillment of a life well lived.  Remember that in the end, in some way we are all fishermen.
If nothing else, that knowledge should give us faith that through our collective labor, and God’s providence, and our willingness to shoulder each other’s burdens, America will continue on its precious journey towards that more perfect union.  Congratulations, Class of 2009.  May God bless you, and may God bless the United States of America.  (Applause.)
END          
3:37 P.M. EDT
 
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the First Lady
_________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                   May 16, 2009
 
REMARKS BY THE FIRST LADY
AT THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA-MERCED COMMENCEMENT
University of California-Merced
Merced, California
2:27 P.M. PDT
 
MRS. OBAMA:  Thank you.  Thank you so much, Class of 2009.  (Applause.)  All I can say is wow, and good afternoon, everyone.  I am so proud of these graduates.  We have to just give them one big round of applause before I start.  This is just an amazing day.  (Applause.)  I want to thank Dick for that lovely introduction.  He makes for a good companion when you have to go to an inauguration.  (Laughter.)  So I'm glad he could be here with me today.  I appreciate all that he has done to make this day so very special.
I want to acknowledge a few other people before I begin:  Congressman Jerry McNerney, Lieutenant Governor John Garamendi, Attorney General Jerry Brown, and Assembly Speaker Karen Bass.  I want to thank you all for your leadership and for being an example of what a life in public service can mean to us all. 
And of course I have to thank Chancellor Kang for this incredible welcome, and as well as President Yudof and Provost Keith Alley for all that they've done to help make this event just such a wonderful day for us all.  
And to the graduates and their families and the entire community of Merced, I am so pleased, so thrilled, so honored to be here with all of you today.  (Applause.)
Now, I know we've got a lot of national press out there, and a few people may be wondering why did I choose the University of California-Merced to deliver my first commencement speech as First Lady.  (Applause.)  Well, let me tell you something, the answer is simple:  You inspired me, you touched me.  (Applause.)  You know, there are few things that are more rewarding than to watch young people recognize that they have the power to make their dreams come true.  And you did just that.  Your perseverance and creativity were on full display in your efforts to bring me here to Merced for this wonderful occasion.  (Applause.)   
So let me tell you what you did.  If you don't know, parents, because some of you were involved, my office received thousands of letters and, of course, Valentines cards from students; each and every one of them so filled with hope and enthusiasm.  It moved not just me but my entire staff.  They came up to me and said, "Michelle, you have to do this."  (Laughter.)  "You have to go here!"  (Applause.) 
They were all terrific.  Like the one from Christopher Casuga that read, "Dear Mrs. Obama -- Please come to UC Merced's Commencement.  We could really use the publicity."  (Laughter.)  That really touched me.
Or then there was one from Jim Greenwood who wrote not on his behalf but on behalf of his wife and the mother of his two children, who is graduating with us today.  (Applause.)
And then there was the one from Andrea Mercado.  I think this was one of my favorites.  Andrea said that the role of First Lady is -- and I quote -- "the balance between politics and sanity."  (Laughter.)  Thank you, Andrea, for that vote of confidence.  (Laughter.)
I received letters from everyone connected to this university -- not just students, but they came from parents, and grandparents, and cousins, and aunts, and uncles, and neighbors, and friends, all of them telling me about how hard you all have worked and how important this day is for you and for the entire Merced community.
And then there's that beautiful video, the "We Believe" video.  Well, let me tell you, it worked, because I'm here!  (Applause.) 
And I want to thank in particular Sam Fong and Yaasha Sabba and all of the students who launched the "Dear Michelle" campaign.  (Applause.)  I am honored by your efforts and happy to be with you to celebrate this important milestone.  
    
But I understand that this type of community-based letter writing campaign isn't unique to me.  This community, this Merced community, employed the same strategy to help get the University of California to build the new campus here in Merced.  (Applause.)  Every school kid in the entire county, I understand, sent a postcard to the UC Board of Regents in order to convince them to select Merced, and I just love the fact that some of the graduates sitting this audience today participating were involved in that campaign, as well, and then they used the same strategy to get me here.  That is amazing.  And what it demonstrates is the power of many voices coming together to make something wonderful happen.  And I'm telling you, next year's graduation speaker better watch out, because Merced students know how to get what they want.  (Laughter and applause.)
This type of activism and optimism speaks volumes about the students here, the faculty, the staff, but also about the character and history of Merced -- a town built by laborers and immigrants from all over the world:  early settlers who came here as pioneers and trailblazers in the late 1800s as part of the Gold Rush and built the churches and businesses and schools that exist; African Americans who escaped slavery and the racism of the South to work on the railways as truck drivers up and down Route 99; Mexican Americans who traveled north to find work on the farms and have since become the backbone of our agricultural industry -- (applause); Asian Americans who arrived in San Francisco and have slowly branched out to become a part of the community in the San Joaquin Valley.  (Applause.)
Merced's make-up may have changed over the years, but its values and character have not -- long, hot days filled with hard work by generations of men and women of all races who wanted an opportunity to build a better life for their children and their grandchildren; hardworking folks who believed that access to a good education would be their building blocks to a brighter future. 
You know, I grew up in one of those communities with similar values.  Like Merced, the South Side of Chicago is a community where people struggled financially, but worked hard, looked out for each other and rallied around their children.  My father was a blue-collar worker, as you all know.  My mother stayed at home to raise me and my brother.  We were the first to graduate from college in our immediate family.  (Applause.)  
I know that many of you out here are also the first in your families to achieve that distinction, as well.  (Applause.)  And as you know, being the first is often a big responsibility, particularly in a community that, like many others around our country at the moment, is struggling to cope with record high unemployment and foreclosure rates; a community where families are a single paycheck or an emergency room visit away from homelessness.
And with jobs scarce, many of you may be considering leaving town with your diploma in hand.  And it wouldn't be unreasonable.  For those of you who come from communities facing similar economic hardships, you may also be wondering how you'll build decent lives for yourselves if you choose to return to those communities.
But I would encourage you to call upon the same hope and hard work that brought you to this day.  Call upon that optimism and tenacity that built the University of California at Merced to invest in the future of Merced in your own home towns all across this country.  By using what you have learned here, you can shorten the path perhaps for kids who may not see a path at all. 
And I was once one of those kids.  Most of you were once one of those kids.  I grew up just a few miles from the University of Chicago in my hometown.  The university, like most institutions, was a major cultural, economic institution in my neighborhood.  My mother even worked as a secretary there for several years. 
Yet that university never played a meaningful role in my academic development.  The institution made no effort to reach out to me –- a bright and promising student in their midst –- and I had no reason to believe there was a place for me there.  Therefore, when it came time for me to apply to college, I never for one second considered the university in my own backyard as a viable option.   
And as fate would have it, I ultimately went on and accepted a position in student affairs at the University of Chicago more than a decade later.  What I found was that working within the institution gave me the opportunity to express my concerns about how little role the university plays in the life of its neighbors.  I wanted desperately to be involved in helping to break down the barriers that existed between the campus and the community.
And in less than a year, through that position, I worked with others to build the university's first Office of Community Service.  And today, the office continues to provide students with opportunities to help reshape relationships between the university and its surrounding community.  Students there today are volunteering in local elementary schools, serving as mentors at high schools, organizing neighborhood watches, and worshiping in local churches.
But you know a little something about working with your community here, don't you, Merced?  UC Merced, its faculty and its students seem to already have a handle on this need and it speaks once again to the character of this community.  As I learned more about what you have done, I am so impressed with how the students, faculty and the community are collaborating to ensure that every child in this community understands there is a place for them at this big beautiful university if they study hard and stay out of trouble. 
For example, there is Kevin Mitchell, a professor in the School of Natural Science, who studies chaos, of all things.  He's coordinating a program to bring physicists into local elementary and high schools to help open the eyes of students to the possibility of careers in science.
Then there is Claudia Zepeda, a junior psychology major, who is mentoring students from her high school here.  The first in her family to attend college, Claudia works with the Westside Initiative for Leaders, an organization that helps prepare disadvantaged students for college.  And because of her help, 10 students from her high school will attend UC Merced this coming fall.  That is amazing.  (Applause.)  
And then there are local leaders like police officer, Nick Navarette -- (applause) -- who coordinates a program that brings about 60 UC Merced students to local elementary schools each week to mentor students from poorer neighborhoods.  Nick then brings kids to campus regularly so that they can do something special; see what it's like to be on a college campus, and begin to dream.
And then there is my friend and former law school professor, Charles Ogletree, a product of the Merced public schools.  (Applause.)  Now, he is an example of how you can bring your skills back.  His ambitions took him far away from home, but he has never forgotten where he came from. 
Each year, with his help, Merced's high schools are able to hand out scholarships, not just for the best and the brightest students, but also for many students who are just stuck in poverty and simply need a hand up to compete. 
So the faculty, the students, local leaders, Merced alumni, everyone here is doing their part to help the children of Merced realize that access to a quality education is available to them as long as they work hard, study hard and apply themselves.
It is this kind of commitment that we're going to need in this nation to put this country back on a path where every child expects to succeed and where every child has the tools that they need to achieve their dreams.  That's what we're aiming for.  (Applause.)  And we're going to need all of you, graduates, this generation, we need you to lead the way. 
Now, let me tell you, careers focused on lifting up our communities –- whether it's helping transform troubled schools or creating after-school programs or training workers for green jobs -– these careers are not always obvious, but today they are necessary.  Solutions to our nation's most challenging social problems are not going to come from Washington alone.  Real innovation often starts with individuals who apply themselves to solve a problem right in their own community.  That's where the best ideas come from. 
And some pretty incredible social innovations have been launched by young people all across this world.
Teach for America in this country is a great example.  It was created by Wendy Kopp as a part of her undergraduate senior thesis in 1989.  And now, as a result of her work then, more than 6,200 corps members are teaching in our country's neediest communities, reaching approximately 400,000 students.
And then there's Van Jones, who recently joined the Obama administration, a special adviser to the President on green jobs.  Van started out as a grassroots organizer and became an advocate and a creator of "green collar" jobs –- jobs that are not only good for the environment, but also provide good wages and career advancement for both skilled and unskilled workers; jobs similar to the ones being created right here at UC Merced as this green campus continues to grow. 
And then one of my heroes, Geoffrey Canada, grew up in the South Bronx.  After graduating from Bowdoin and getting his masters at Harvard, he returned to New York City and used his education to ensure that the next generation would have a chance at the same opportunity.  Geoffrey's Harlem Children's Zone is a nationally recognized program that covers 100 blocks and reaches nearly 10,000 children with a variety of social services to ensure that all kids are prepared to get a good education. 
And in an effort to invest in and encourage the future Wendy Kopps, Van Joneses and Geoffrey Canadas, the Obama administration recently launched the Office of Social Innovation at the White House.  The President has asked Congress to provide $50 million in seed capital to fund great ideas like the ones I just described.  The Office is going to identify the most promising, results-oriented non-profit programs and expand their reach throughout the country. 
And this university is blessed with some of the leading researchers and academics who are focusing already their attention on solving some of our nation's most critical issues, like the energy crisis, global warming, climate change, and air pollution. 
And you, the students, the graduates and faculty on this campus, you're capable of changing the world, that's for sure.  Where you are right now is no different from where Wendy and Van and Geoffrey were when they graduated, remember that.  You too can have this same transformative effect on the community of Merced and our entire nation.  We need your ideas, graduates.  We need your resourcefulness.  We need your inventiveness.
 
And as the students who helped build this school, I ask you, make your legacy a lasting one.  Dream big, think broadly about your life, and please make giving back to your community a part of that vision.  Take the same hope and optimism, the hard work and tenacity that brought you to this point, and carry that with you for the rest of your life in whatever you choose to do.  Each and every single day, some young person is out there changing the ways -- the world in ways both big and small.
But let me tell you something, as you step out into that big, open world, and you start building your lives, the truth is that you will face tough times, you will certainly have doubts, let me tell you, because I know I did when I was your age.  There will be days when you will worry about whether you're really up for the challenge.  Maybe some of you already feel a little of that right now.  Maybe you're wondering:  Am I smart enough?  Do I really belong?  Can I live up to all those expectations that everyone has of me?
And you will definitely have your share of setbacks.  Count on it.  Your best laid plans will be consumed by obstacles.  Your excellent ideas will be peppered with flaws.  You will be confronted with financial strains as your loans become due and salaries fall short of both expectations and expenses.  You will make mistakes that will shatter your confidence.  You will make compromises that will test your convictions.  You will find that there is rarely a clear and direct path to any of your visions.  And you will find that you'll have to readjust again and again and again.  And there may be times when you wonder whether it's all worth it.  And there may be moments when you just want to quit.

But in those moments, those inevitable moments, I urge you to think about this day.  Look around you.  Look around you.  There are thousands and thousands of hardworking people who have helped you get to this point, people who are celebrating with you today, who are praying for you every single day, and others who couldn't be here, for whatever reason.  I want you to think of the people who sacrificed for you -- you know that -- family members who worked a third job to get you through, who took on the extra shifts to get you through, who put off doing something important for themselves to get you to this day.
  
And think about the friends who never got the chance to go to college but were still invested in your success -- friends who talked you out of dropping out, friends who kept you out of trouble so that you could graduate on time, friends who forced you to study when you wanted to procrastinate.  (Laughter.)

Most importantly, though, think of the millions of kids living all over this world who will never come close to having the chance to stand in your shoes -- kids in New Orleans whose schools are still recovering from the ravages of Katrina; kids who will never go to school at all because they're forced to work in a sweat shop somewhere; kids in your very own communities who just can't get a break, who don't have anyone in their lives telling them that they're good enough and smart enough to do whatever they can imagine; kids who have lost the ability to dream.  These kids are desperate to find someone or something to cling to.  They are looking to you for some sign of hope.

So, whenever you get ready to give up, think about all of these people and remember that you are blessed.  Remember that you are blessed.  Remember that in exchange for those blessings, you must give something back.  (Applause.)  You must reach back and pull someone up.  You must bend down and let someone else stand on your shoulders so that they can see a brighter future. 

As advocate and activist Marian Wright Edelman says, "Service is the rent we pay for living…it is the true measure, the only measure of our success."  So, graduates, when times get tough and fear sets in, think of those people who paved the way for you and those who are counting on you to pave the way for them.  Never let setbacks or fear dictate the course of your life.  Hold on to the possibility and push beyond the fear.  Hold on to the hope that brought you here today, the hope of laborers and immigrants, settlers and slaves, whose blood and sweat built this community and made it possible for you to sit in these seats.

There are a lot of people in your lives who know a little something about the power of hope.  Don't we, parents and grandparents?  (Applause.)  Look, I know a little something about the power of hope.  My husband knows a little something about the power of hope.  (Applause.)

You are the hope of Merced and of this nation.  And be the realization of our dreams and the hope for the next generation. We believe in you.  Thank you so much, and good luck.  God bless you all.  (Applause.)
END                                     
2:51 P.M. PDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
_________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                   May 16, 2009
    
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN NOMINATION OF GOVERNOR JON HUNTSMAN
AS AMBASSADOR TO THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA
Diplomatic Reception Room
9:35 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:  Good morning, everybody.  I am here to announce today the distinguished public servant I'm appointing as our nation's new ambassador to the People's Republic of China.  I'm making this appointment mindful of its extraordinary significance.  Given the breadth of issues at stake in our relationship with China, this ambassadorship is as important as any in the world –- because the United States will best be able to deal effectively with global challenges in the 21st century by working in concert with China.
There are few countries in the world with a past so rich or a future so full of possibility as China.  With a vast population, a growing economy, and far-reaching influence, China will have a crucial role in confronting all the major challenges that face Asia and the world in the years ahead.
And that's why we're working with the government of China to stem the financial crisis that's devastated economies around the world and help lay a foundation for sustainable growth and lasting prosperity on both sides of the Pacific.  That's why I've spoken with Chinese President Hu Jintao about a number of regional threats, including the situations in North Korea and Pakistan.  And that's why we will continue working together with China on a whole host of global challenges -- ranging from energy and climate change to public health; from nuclear non-proliferation to terrorism and violent extremism.
I believe there's much to be gained from a closer, working relationship with China.  But improved relations with China will require candor and open discussion about those issues where we don't always agree, such as human rights and democracy and free speech.  And it will require that each of our nations play by the rules in open and honest competition.
And that's why this ambassadorship takes on such importance. I can think of no one better suited to take on this assignment than the Governor of the great state of Utah, Jon Huntsman.
When I asked Jon to accept this critical post, I knew it would require a sacrifice on the part of his family, and I want to thank Mary Kaye and all of their children for making this possible.  I knew it would require a sacrifice from Jon –- who will be giving up a seat as a popular governor, having just been reelected to a second term.  And I hope the good people of Utah will forgive me and understand how proud they should be of their governor for his willingness to answer his nation's call. 
Finally, I knew that because Jon is not only a Republican, but a Republican who co-chaired my opponent's campaign for the presidency, this wouldn't be the easiest decision to explain to some members of his party.
But here's what I also know.  I know that Jon is the kind of leader who always puts country ahead of party and is always willing to sacrifice on behalf of our nation.  That's what Jon has always done.  Throughout his career, Jon has shown a willingness to move beyond the old ideologies and stale debates that all too often bring progress to a standstill.  Time and again, he's brought people together across party lines to overcome our common challenges and to move our nation forward. 
What Jon brings to this post isn't just a steadfast commitment to advancing the interests of the American people; it's a lifetime of knowledge and experience that will help advance this important partnership.  Jon brings to this post experience as a former ambassador to Singapore, who's intimately familiar with many of the most pressing challenges confronting Asia.  He brings experience both in the private sector and as Deputy United States Trade Representative to Asia and Africa, where he stood up for America's economic interests abroad.  And Jon is well prepared to build a partnership that reflects a new understanding between our two countries because he's lived in Asia three times and is fluent in Mandarin Chinese.
That's the kind of ambassador we need in China –- an ambassador who has a respect for China's proud traditions, who understands what it will take to make America more competitive in the 21st century, and who will be an unstinting advocate for America's interests and ideals.  With Jon Huntsman representing the United States in China, I'm confident that we will launch a new era of partnership between our two nations that will advance our shared dreams of opportunity and security in America, in Asia, and around the world. 
So I'm extraordinarily pleased to announce that Jon Huntsman will be our ambassador to China, and I can think of no more important assignment than creating the kinds of bridges between our two countries that will determine the well-being not just of Americans and Chinese, but also the future of the world.
So, with that, I'd like to have Jon say a few words.  Thank you, Jon.
GOVERNOR HUNTSMAN:  Thanks, Mr. President.
THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.
GOVERNOR HUNTSMAN:  Well, Mr. President, thank you for those very kind and gracious words.  I never expected to be standing here under the inquisitive gaze of George Washington, and equally inquisitive gaze of my wife.  Nor did I expect, as national co-chair of Senator McCain's presidential campaign, to be called into action by the person who beat us. 
But I grew up understanding that the most basic responsibility one has is service to country.  When the President of the United States asks you to step up and serve in a capacity like this, that, to me, is the end of the conversation and the beginning of the obligation to rise to the challenge. 
I stand here in my final term as governor with plenty to do. I wasn't looking for a new job in life, but a call from the President changed that. 
So, Mr. President, I humbly accept your call to service, and I understand that doing so will carry with it some unique challenges. 
So, first and foremost, I want to recognize my wife and best friend, Mary Kaye, and my family, many of whom are here today, who have always been willing to heed the call of public service. I am here today solely as a result of their love and support.
Second, I owe a tremendous debt of gratitude to the people of the greatest state in America.  Life's greatest honor has been to serve the people of Utah as their 16th governor.
Finally, I must thank you, Mr. President, for your trust and confidence in me and my family's ability to contribute meaningfully to one of America's most important strategic bilateral relationships.  You have my commitment that we will take the U.S.-China relationship to new heights, focused not just on that which divides us, but more importantly, on that which unites us, knowing that this will be critical for lasting peace and prosperity for citizens on both sides of the Pacific.
I'm reminded of my favorite Chinese aphorism.  It goes something like this:  (Speaks in Mandarin Chinese.)  "Together we work, together we progress."  This, more than anything else, I think captures the spirit of our journey going forward.
Thank you so very much.
END                                      
9:47 A.M. EDT