THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary
__________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                              March 30, 2009

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT RECEPTION FOR REPRESENTATIVE DAVID OBEY

Washington Court Hotel
Washington, D.C.
6:43 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Hello, everybody.  (Applause.)  Well, I wanted to come by -- and don't worry, I'm not singing.  (Laughter.)  That's a pretty funny one, isn't it?  (Laughter.)

Q    The harmonica!

THE PRESIDENT:  I'm not playing the harmonica, either.  (Laughter.)

Q    Bowling!

THE PRESIDENT:  I'm not bowling.  (Laughter.)

I am here to do one, simple thing, and that is to publicly thank David Obey for his extraordinary service to our country.  (Applause.)  He has been there through thick and through thin, in the majority and the minority.  He has consistently held to his values.  He has been a passionate advocate for working men and women, and making sure that everybody has got a fair shot in our society.

He has been guided by his conscience.  He has been directed by a fierce intelligence and great courage.  And so, you know, many of us have him to thank for the path that he has created as we entered into politics -- because of him, this is a better place, this country of ours.  And he is continuing to do outstanding work each and every day, including partnering with me to help get a whole bunch of stuff done that needs to get done on behalf of the American people.  (Applause.)

So, David, thank you.  (Applause.)

END
6:45 P.M. EDT
 
 
THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary
__________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                              March 30, 2009

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AFTER MEETING WITH SUDAN SPECIAL ENVOY SCOTT GRATION,
SUDAN ADVOCATES, AND MEMBERS OF CONGRESS

Roosevelt Room
5:24 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Hello, everybody.  Obviously on a busy news day, I wanted us to make sure that we weren't losing sight of something that has been an ongoing international crisis, and that is the situation in Darfur.

As many of you know, there has been a longstanding humanitarian crisis there, prompted by displacement and genocide that has been taking place.  There have been a series of negotiations around resolving this crisis in Sudan.  It has not gotten resolved, and it is now worsening.

And so I wanted to publicly affirm the importance of General Scott Gration, who has been appointed as Special Envoy to Sudan, to work on a whole host of issues that I think are of importance to the international community and should touch the conscience of all of us.

General Gration is one of my top national security advisors.  He's somebody who I've known for a long time.  We've traveled together in Africa.  He was a close associate during the campaign.  And so I can't think of somebody who is better equipped to travel to Africa, the continent where he grew up, and communicate to Sudan a couple of important points:  Number one, we have an immediate crisis prompted by the Khartoum government's expulsion of nongovernmental organizations that are providing aid to displaced persons inside of Sudan.  And we have to figure out a mechanism to get those NGOs back in place, to reverse that decision, or to find some mechanism whereby we avert a enormous humanitarian crisis.

Even as we're dealing with that immediate issue, we can't take our eyes off the longstanding conflicts in Sudan that have resulted in all these persons being displaced.  And that means that General Gration's task is going to be to see if we can reinvigorate the North-South agreement, make sure that it's implemented in an effective way, and that we are also exploring a mechanism whereby we can get talks between rebels and the Khartoum government that could help, once and for all, resolve the Darfur situation.

This is going to be a very difficult task.  It will be a time-consuming task.  We don't expect any solutions overnight to the longstanding problems there.  Fortunately, what's happened in Darfur has touched so many people around the world, and we have seen such an extraordinary mobilization of advocates, many of who are sitting at this table -- we've got bipartisan interest on the part of members of Congress around this issue -- that I actually think that America can speak effectively with one voice and bring the moral and other elements of our stature to bear in trying to deal with this situation.

I can't think of a person who's better than Scott Gration to represent us in this critical task, and I am sending him off with my full confidence.  He will be speaking for the administration, and he will be coming back to report to me very shortly about what he's found there and additional steps that we can take to deal with this situation.

So, thank you, Scott, for the great work.

GENERAL GRATION:  Thank you, sir.

THE PRESIDENT:  All right, everybody.  Thank you.

END
5:28 P.M. EDT

 
 
THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary
____________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                         March 30, 2009

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT SIGNING OF
THE OMNIBUS PUBLIC LANDS MANAGEMENT ACT OF 2009

East Room
3:11 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Well, thank you so much, Ken, for that extraordinary introduction and for the work that you and your team are undertaking at the Department of the Interior.  We’re going to add a little bit to your plate today as a consequence of this extraordinary piece of legislation.

I want to thank all the members of the legislature who helped to craft this.  Many of them are on the stage here today. Obviously I've got to single out the Speaker of the House, Nancy Pelosi, for her extraordinary leadership, but also our Leader in the Senate, Harry Reid, who worked so diligently on this bill and made sure that it got done.  And so please give all of these legislators a big round of applause.  (Applause.)

If you'll indulge me, there are just a couple other people I want to acknowledge:  Nancy Sutley, who is the Chair of our Council on Environmental Quality, who is here.  Where's Nancy?  There she is, right in front.  (Applause.)  Jane Lubchenco, who is the Administrator of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration.  Please, Jane -- (applause.)  A couple of great friends from Indian Nation -- President Joe Shirley of Navaho Nation, who is here.  Go ahead, Joe, stand up.  (Applause.)  And Tribal Chairman Robert Bear, of the Duck Valley Shoshone-Paiute Tribes.  Thank you so much.  (Applause.)

It is fitting that we meet on a day like this.  Winter’s hardships are slowly giving way to spring, and our thoughts naturally tend to turn to the outdoors.  We emerge from the shelter offered by home and work, and we look around and we're reminded that the most valuable things in this life are those things that we already possess.

As Americans, we possess few blessings greater than the vast and varied landscapes that stretch the breadth of our continent. Our lands have always provided great bounty -- food and shelter for the first Americans, for settlers and pioneers; the raw materials that grew our industry; the energy that powers our economy.

What these gifts require in return is our wise and responsible stewardship.  As our greatest conservationist President, Teddy Roosevelt, put it almost a century ago, "I recognize the right and duty of this generation to develop and use the natural resources of our land; but I do not recognize the right to waste them, or to rob, by wasteful use, the generations that come after us."

That's the spirit behind the bipartisan legislation I'm signing today -- legislation among the most important in decades to protect, preserve, and pass down our nation’s most treasured landscapes to future generations.

Many senators and congressmen here deserve enormous credit for making this bill possible.  I'm grateful to all their hard work.  As I mentioned before, Harry Reid made this a top priority.  He made sure this was the first bill the Senate passed this year.  This day would not be possible without his tireless dedication to protecting our treasured lands.

This legislation -- just to give you a sense of the scope -- this legislation guarantees that we will not take our forests, rivers, oceans, national parks, monuments, and wilderness areas for granted; but rather we will set them aside and guard their sanctity for everyone to share.  That's something all Americans can support.

And that’s why so much of this legislation, some of it decades in the making, has the backing of Americans from every walk of life and corner of this country.  Ranchers and fishermen, small business owners, environmentalists, conservative Republicans and liberal Democrats on the local, state and federal levels -- all united around the idea that there should be places that we must preserve; all doing the hard work of seeking common ground to protect the parks and other places that we cherish.

We’re talking about places like Colorado, where this bill will realize a vision 35 years in the making by protecting the wild back country of Rocky Mountain National Park, which attracts 3 million visitors a year.

Folks in communities around this park know they don’t have to choose between economic and environmental concerns; the tourism that drives their local economy depends on good stewardship of their local environment.  And year after year, these communities have worked together with members of Congress in an attempt to ensure that Rocky Mountain National Park will forever remain as breathtaking as it is today.

And that is what this bill does from coast to coast.  It protects treasured places from the Appalachians of Virginia and West Virginia to Michigan’s Upper Peninsula; from the canyons of Idaho to the sandstone cliffs of Utah; from the Sierra Nevadas in California to the Badlands of Oregon. 

It designates more than 2 million acres across nine states as wilderness; almost as much as was designated over the past eight years combined.

It creates thousands of miles of new scenic, historic, and recreational trails, cares for our historic battlefields, strengthens our National Park System.

It safeguards more than 1,000 miles of our rivers, protects watersheds and cleans up polluted groundwater, defends our oceans and Great Lakes, and will revitalize our fisheries, returning fish to rivers that have not seen them in decades.

And it wisely faces our future challenges with regard to water.  This bill assesses how growth and climate change will affect our access to water resources, especially in the West and Southwest, and it includes solutions to complex and long-simmering water disputes.  It’s hard to overstate the real and measurable impact this will have on people’s lives -- people like Frank Chee Willetto, a Navajo code talker in World War II, who's joined us today.  And because of this legislation, Frank, along with 80,000 others in the Navajo Nation, will have access to clean running water for the very first time.  That's something worth applauding.  (Applause.)  Thank you for your service.  (Applause.)

When coupled with the Recovery Act, which makes an historic $3 billion investment creating jobs that will restore and protect our landscapes and our ecosystems, preserve our national monuments, retrofit our facilities for energy efficiency and renewable energy-- taken together, today’s legislation takes another step toward fulfilling Teddy Roosevelt’s vision for this land that we love. 

It’s a vision that sees America’s great wilderness as a place where what was and what is and what will be -- all are the same; a place where memories are lived and relived; a place where Americans both young and young at heart can freely experience the spirit of adventure that has always been at the heart of the rugged character of America.

Now, the legislation I'm signing today also makes progress on another front for which many Americans have long waited.

The Christopher and Dana Reeve's Paralysis Act is the first piece of comprehensive legislation specifically aimed at addressing the challenges faced by Americans living with paralysis.  (Applause.)  Many folks and organizations from across the disability community worked hard to get this bill passed, and we are grateful to each of you for bringing us that much closer to providing all Americans with disabilities a full, fair and equal opportunity to achieve the American Dream.

This act creates new coordinated research activities through the National Institutes of Health that will connect the best minds and best practices from the best labs in the country, and focus their endeavors through collaborative scientific research into the cure for paralysis, saving effort, money, and, most importantly, time.

It promotes enhanced rehabilitation services for paralyzed Americans, helping develop better equipment and technology that will allow them to live full and independent lives free from unnecessary barriers.  And it will work to improve the quality of life for all those who live with paralysis, no matter what the cause.

That's the mission of the Christopher and Dana Reeve Foundation.  In the lobby of their facility in New Jersey sits Christopher’s empty wheelchair.  And his son, Matthew Reeve, was once asked if the sight of it ever saddened him, and he replied no.  He said, "Empty chairs -- that was Dad's goal," he said.  "We hope there will be many more of them."

Matthew is here with us today.  And the legislation I'm about to sign makes solid progress toward the realization of that hope and the promise of a brighter future.

All in all, this legislation is that rare end product of what happens when Americans of all parties and places come together in common purpose to consider something more than the politics of the moment.  It's the very idea at the heart of this country: that each generation has a responsibility to secure this nation’s promise for the next.  And by signing this bill into law, that's what we're doing today.

So -- is Matthew here, by the way?  Matthew, come on up.  (Applause.)  Let's sign this bill.  (Applause.)

END
3:22 P.M. EDT
 
 
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary

_______________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                 March 30, 2009

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT ON THE AMERICAN AUTOMOTIVE INDUSTRY

Grand Foyer

11:07 A.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Good morning, everybody.

One of the challenges we've confronted from the beginning of this administration is what to do with the state of the struggling auto industry.  In recent months, my Auto Task Force has been reviewing requests by General Motors and Chrysler for additional government assistance, as well as plans developed by each of these companies to restructure, to modernize, and to make themselves more competitive.  Our evaluation is now complete.  But before I lay out what needs to be done going forward, I want to say a few words about where we are and what led us to this point.

It will come as no surprise that some Americans who have suffered most during this recession have been those in the auto industry and those working for companies that support it.  Over the past year, our auto industry has shed over 400,000 jobs, not only at plants that produce cars, but at the businesses that produce the parts that go into them and the dealers that sell and repair them.  More than one in 10 Michigan residents is out of work -- the most of any state.  And towns and cities across the great Midwest have watched unemployment climb higher than it’s been in decades.

The pain being felt in places that rely on our auto industry is not the fault of our workers; they labor tirelessly and desperately want to see their companies succeed.  It's not the fault of all the families and communities that supported manufacturing plants throughout the generations.  Rather, it's a failure of leadership -- from Washington to Detroit -- that led our auto companies to this point.

Year after year, decade after decade, we've seen problems papered over and tough choices kicked down the road, even as foreign competitors outpaced us.  Well, we've reached the end of that road.  And we, as a nation, cannot afford to shirk responsibility any longer.  Now is the time to confront our problems head-on and do what’s necessary to solve them.

We cannot, and must not, and we will not let our auto industry simply vanish.  This industry is like no other -- it's an emblem of the American spirit; a once and future symbol of America’s success.  It's what helped build the middle class and sustained it throughout the 20th century.  It's a source of deep pride for the generations of American workers whose hard work and imagination led to some of the finest cars the world has ever known.  It's a pillar of our economy that has held up the dreams of millions of our people.  And we cannot continue to excuse poor decisions.  We cannot make the survival of our auto industry dependent on an unending flow of taxpayer dollars.  These companies -- and this industry -- must ultimately stand on their own, not as wards of the state.

And that's why the federal government provided General Motors and Chrysler with emergency loans to prevent their sudden collapse at the end of last year -- only on the condition that they would develop plans to restructure.  In keeping with that agreement, each company has submitted a plan to restructure.  But after careful analysis, we've determined that neither goes far enough to warrant the substantial new investments that these companies are requesting.

And so today I'm announcing that my administration will offer GM and Chrysler a limited additional period of time to work with creditors, unions, and other stakeholders to fundamentally restructure in a way that would justify an investment of additional taxpayer dollars.  During this period they must produce plans that would give the American people confidence in their long-term prospects for success.

Now, what we're asking for is difficult.  It will require hard choices by companies.  It will require unions and workers who have already made extraordinarily painful concessions to do more.  It'll require creditors to recognize that they can't hold out for the prospect of endless government bailouts.  It'll have to -- it will require efforts from a whole host of other stakeholders, including dealers and suppliers.  Only then can we ask American taxpayers who have already put up so much of their hard-earned money to once more invest in a revitalized auto industry.

But I'm confident that if each are willing to do their part, if all of us are doing our part, then this restructuring, as painful as it will be in the short term, will mark not an end, but a new beginning for a great American industry -- an auto industry that is once more out-competing the world; a 21st century auto industry that is creating new jobs, unleashing new prosperity, and manufacturing the fuel-efficient cars and trucks that will carry us towards an energy-independent future.  I am absolutely committed to working with Congress and the auto companies to meet one goal:  The United States of America will lead the world in building the next generation of clean cars.

And no one can deny that our auto industry has made meaningful progress in recent years -- and this doesn't get talked about often enough.  Some of the cars made by American workers right now are outperforming the best cars made abroad.  In 2008, the North American Car of the Year was a GM.  This year, Buick tied for first place as the most reliable car in the world.  Our companies are investing in breakthrough technologies that hold the promise of new vehicles that will help America end its addiction to foreign oil.

But our auto industry is not moving in the right direction fast enough to succeed in a very tough environment.  So let me discuss what measures need to be taken by each of the auto companies requesting taxpayer assistance, and I'll start with General Motors.

GM has made a good faith effort to restructure over the past several months -- but the plan that they've put forward is, in its current form, not strong enough.  However, after broad consultation with a range of industry experts and financial advisors, I'm absolutely confident that GM can rise again, providing that it undergoes a fundamental restructuring.  As an initial step, GM is announcing today that Rick Wagoner is stepping aside as Chairman and CEO.  This is not meant as a condemnation of Mr. Wagoner, who's devoted his life to this company and has had a distinguished career; rather, it's a recognition that will take new vision and new direction to create the GM of the future.

In this context, my administration will offer General Motors adequate working capital over the next 60 days.  And during this time, my team will be working closely with GM to produce a better business plan.  They must ask themselves:  Have they consolidated enough unprofitable brands?  Have they cleaned up their balance sheets, or are they still saddled with so much debt that they can’t make future investments?  Above all, have they created a credible model for how not only to survive, but to succeed in this competitive global market?

Let me be clear:  The United States government has no interest in running GM.  We have no intention of running GM.  What we are interested in is giving GM an opportunity to finally make those much-needed changes that will let them emerge from this crisis a stronger and more competitive company.

The situation at Chrysler is more challenging.  It's with deep reluctance but also a clear-eyed recognition of the facts that we've determined, after careful review, that Chrysler needs a partner to remain viable.  Recently, Chrysler reached out and found what could be a potential partner -- the international car company Fiat, where the current management team has executed an impressive turnaround.  Fiat is prepared to transfer its cutting-edge technology to Chrysler and, after working closely with my team, has committed to build -- building new fuel-efficient cars and engines right here in the United States.  We've also secured an agreement that will ensure that Chrysler repays taxpayers for any new investments that are made before Fiat is allowed to take a majority ownership stake in Chrysler.

Still, such a deal would require an additional investment of taxpayer dollars, and there are a number of hurdles that must be overcome to make it work.  I'm committed to doing all I can to see if a deal can be struck in a way that upholds the interests of American taxpayers.  And that's why we'll give Chrysler and Fiat 30 days to overcome these hurdles and reach a final agreement -- and we will provide Chrysler with adequate capital to continue operating during that time.  If they are able to come to a sound agreement that protects American taxpayers, we will consider lending up to $6 billion to help their plan succeed.  But if they and their stakeholders are unable to reach such an agreement, and in the absence of any other viable partnership, we will not be able to justify investing additional tax dollars to keep Chrysler in business.

Now, while Chrysler and GM are very different companies with very different paths forward, both need a fresh start to implement the restructuring plan they develop.  That may mean using our bankruptcy code as a mechanism to help them restructure quickly and emerge stronger.  Now, I want everybody to be clear about this.  I know that when people hear the word "bankruptcy" it can be unsettling, so let me explain exactly what I mean.  What I'm talking about is using our existing legal structure as a tool that, with the backing of the U.S. government, can make it easier for General Motors and Chrysler to quickly clear away old debts that are weighing them down so that they can get back on their feet and onto a path to success; a tool that we can use, even as workers staying on the job building cars that are being sold.

What I'm not talking about is a process where a company is simply broken up, sold off, and no longer exists.  We're not talking about that.  And what I'm not talking about is a company that's stuck in court for years, unable to get out.

So it's my hope that the steps I'm announcing today will have a salutary effect -- will go a long way forward towards answering many of the questions that people have about the future of GM and Chrysler.

But just in case there's still nagging doubts, let me say it as plainly as I can:  If you buy a car from Chrysler or General Motors, you will be able to get your car serviced and repaired, just like always.  Your warranty will be safe.  In fact, it will be safer than it's ever been, because starting today, the United States government will stand behind your warranty.

But we must also recognize that the difficulties facing this industry are due in no small part to the weaknesses in our economy as a whole.  And therefore, to support demand for auto sales during this period, I'm directing my team to take several steps.

First, we will ensure that Recovery Act funds to purchase government cars get out as quickly as possible and work through the budget process to accelerate other federal fleet purchases, as well.

Second, we'll accelerate our efforts through the Treasury Department's Consumer and Business Lending Initiative.  And we are working intensively with the auto finance companies to increase the flow of credit to both consumers and dealers.

Third, the IRS is launching a campaign to alert consumers of a new tax benefit for auto purchases made between February 16th and the end of this year -- if you buy a car anytime this year, you may be able to deduct the cost of any sales and excise taxes.  And this provision could save families hundreds of dollars and lead to as many as 100,000 new car sales.

Finally, several members of Congress have proposed an even more ambitious incentive program to increase car sales while modernizing our auto fleet.  And such fleet modernization programs, which provide a generous credit to consumers who turn in old, less fuel-efficient cars and purchase cleaner cars, have been successful in boosting auto sales in a number of European countries.  I want to work with Congress to identify parts of the Recovery Act that could be trimmed to fund such a program, and make it retroactive starting today.

Now, let there be no doubt, it will take an unprecedented effort on all our parts -- from the halls of Congress to the boardroom, from the union hall to the factory floor -- to see the auto industry through these difficult times.  And I want every American to know that the path I'm laying out today is our best chance to make sure that the cars of the future are built where they've always been built -- in Detroit and across the Midwest --  to make America's auto industry in the 21st century what it was in the 20th century -- unsurpassed around the world.  The path has been chosen after consulting with other governments that are facing this crisis.  We've worked closely with the government of Canada on GM and Chrysler, as both those companies have extensive operations there.  The Canadian government has indicated its support for our approach and will be announcing their specific commitments later today.

While the steps I'm taking will have an impact on all Americans, some of our fellow citizens will be affected more than others.  So I'd like to speak directly to all those men and women who work in the auto industry or live in countless communities that depend on it.  Many of you have been going through tough times for longer than you care to remember.  And I won't pretend that the tough times are over.  I can't promise you there isn't more difficulty to come.

But what I can promise you is this:  I will fight for you.  You're the reason I'm here today.  I got my start fighting for working families in the shadows of a shuttered steel plant.  I wake up every single day asking myself what can I do to give you and working people all across this country a fair shot at the American Dream.

When a community is struck by a natural disaster, the nation responds to put it back on its feet.  While the storm that has hit our auto towns is not a tornado or a hurricane, the damage is clear, and we must likewise respond.  And that's why today I'm designating a new Director of Recovery for Auto Communities and Workers to cut through the red tape and ensure that the full resources of our federal government are leveraged to assist the workers, communities, and regions that rely on our auto industry.  Edward Montgomery, a former Deputy Labor Secretary, has agreed to serve in this role.

And together with Labor Secretary Solis and my Auto Task Force, Ed will help provide support to auto workers and their families, and open up opportunity to manufacturing communities in Michigan and Ohio and Indiana and every other state that relies on the auto industry.

They will have a strong advocate in Ed.  He will direct a comprehensive effort that will help lift up the hardest-hit areas by using the unprecedented levels of funding available in our Recovery Act and throughout our government to create new manufacturing jobs and new businesses where they're needed most -- in your communities.  And he will also lead an effort to identify new initiatives we may need to help support your communities going forward.

These efforts, as essential as they are, are not going to make everything better overnight.  There are jobs that won't be saved.  There are plants that may not reopen.  There's little I can say that can subdue the anger or ease the frustration of all whose livelihoods hang in the balance because of failures that weren't theirs.

But there's something I want everybody to remember.  Remember that it is precisely in times like these -- in moments of trial and moments of hardship -- that Americans rediscover the ingenuity and resilience that makes us who we are; that made the auto industry what it once was and what it will be again; that sent those first mass-produced cars rolling off the assembly lines; that built an arsenal of democracy that propelled America to victory in the Second World War; and that powered our economic prowess in the first American century.

Because I know that if we can tap into that same ingenuity and resilience right now, if we can carry one another through this difficult time and do what must be done, then we will look back and say that this was the moment when the American auto industry shed its old ways, marched into the future, remade itself, and once more became an engine of opportunity and prosperity not only in Detroit, not only in our Midwest, but all across America.

I'm confident we can make that happen, but we've got a lot of work to do.  Thank you.  Thank you, everybody.

END                    11:25 A.M

THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Vice President

____________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                  March 28, 2009


REMARKS BY THE VICE PRESIDENT
AT THE FIRST SESSION
OF THE PROGRESSIVE GOVERNANCE CONFERENCE
Sheraton Miramar Hotel and Convention Center Vina del Mar, Chile
VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN: Madam President, I should start by saying it's humbling for a mere Vice President to be in the midst of so many Presidents and Prime Ministers. (Laughter.) I'm flattered, and I thank you all very much.
I will attempt to -- (inaudible) -- assignment, which was to speak to what our administration is doing to deal with the crisis, but if you'll permit me just a few brief introductory comments.
You know, I think when our children and our grandchildren look back at this moment, they're going to say: Why didn't they know this was going to happen? In a sense, this crisis was predictable.
And that in hindsight is easy. But, you know, there's a -- if my -- if my friend, Gordon Brown, will permit me to quote an Irishman -- (laughter) -- and by the way, I remind our Chilean friends that it was an Irishman that helped out here, I want you to know. And President Lula, I thought it was only we Irish who spoke too much, I didn't think that was just a Latin problem. (Laughter.)
But the poet William Butler Yates, speaking about an incident with Great Britain in a poem he wrote called "Easter Sunday 1916", he used a line in that poem that I think is particularly appropriate, applies to this moment. He said, "The world has changed, it has changed utterly, a terrible beauty has been born."
The fact is the world has changed utterly -- not merely technology and information, but the world has changed in every respect. It is fundamentally different than it was -- I've been a United States senator since I was 28 years -- 29 years-old, since 1972. The change that's taken place from roughly 1989 to today, both politically, economically, technologically, is staggering.
To quote an American columnist, Tom Friedman -- he talks about the world being flat. It is flat. It's flat like it never was thought of before. And it is -- it seems to me that we should not overreact -- we should not overreact. It's not a choice of markets or governments, in my view. Markets are still -- a free market still needs to be able to function. But if I can steal a phrase from a former President speaking of a crisis in 1932, a worldwide depression, it was referenced about him that he saved capital -- saved capitalism from the capitalists.
Well, it seems to me --(inaudible) -- have to, in a sense, save the markets from free marketeers right now. And the essence of that requires transparency and accountability. And I think what -- I know what President Obama and I are attempting to do in our administration, and I want to make it clear: What we're doing domestically I'm not suggesting is the answer for any one of you. That's for you to decide. We are not here, and I am not attempting to in any way suggest or dictate what we think the outlines of recovery should be. I can just tell you what we think it is for us and what role we think we have an obligation to play in the world.
And that is that it's time to build a new foundation for a much broader and sustained growth moving into the 21st century. And I think to the extent that -- are we able to -- is it being translated?
I think the answer lies less in ideological prescriptions than it does in practical applications of the circumstances we face.
And so I'm going to talk a little bit about how the United States is attempting to respond to this economic crisis. And we understand we share a responsibility. Some of you suggest we are primarily responsible, but regardless of your perspective, we understand we share a real responsibility. Some of the approaches that I'm suggesting may be applicable elsewhere, as I said, but I recognize that every country's circumstances are different.
For the Obama/Biden administration, progressive government in a time of economic crisis that we find ourselves in means basically four principles. The first is to aggressively pursue the necessary steps to offset this recession, and bring about robust economic growth. Forbearance is not an option. Some of our colleagues around the world seem to think that forbearance may be the answer. Well, we will not stand down in our country until we reverse the negative trends in jobs and incomes that exist within our country -- and in many of yours, all of yours, quite frankly.
The second is we want to build a policy framework to ensure that, A, we can achieve lasting prosperity, based not upon excessive borrowing supported by speculative bubbles, whether they be the dot.com bubble or the housing bubble, but by investing in the future, by -- and secondly, that prosperity has to be broadly shared. It has not been in my country and many of yours over the past decade or more. We believe it's essential that there be a strong middle class, and access to the middle class from those who are striving to join it.
The third principle of our agenda is that making public investments in health care, energy, and education are the three areas we believe are the new foundational basis upon which we can build a sustained economic growth that everyone can share in.
And, fourthly, doing all this in the context of a fiscal budget that ramps up to meet the crisis we face today, and then has mechanisms built into it that allows it to achieve a stable fiscal path by building into that budget that we've submitted the ability to regain control of these deficits.
Progressive governance must occur with respect to a global economic context within which we all reside. We recognize that, as well. The President and I realize how interconnected our economies are and we are deeply committed to resolving this crisis we all face. A strong American economy, not out of a sense of chauvinism, but out of a sense of necessity, a strong American economy is integral to a strong global economy, at least for this moment.
As Madam President has pointed out, we -- 25 percent of the world's GDP is the United States. So that if we do not prime the pump, if we do not get our engine running again, we all have a problem, particularly -- particularly less-developed countries.
And so we are aggressively pursuing a domestic policy agenda that I will elaborate on in a second, but we're thinking globally, as well. An important part of the G20 agenda is beginning the discussion about coordinated policies to reduce the systematic risk that we now all understand exists in global markets. A global market in the year 2009 is fundamentally different than what a global market was in the year 1980, or 1990, or even 1995.
And so I'd like to share with you our administration's economic agenda. And we're addressing this crisis in four parts: First, a recovery package. Now, I might add, we talk about politics -- we all understand we're all politicians around this table. I think that's a good thing, not a bad thing. I'm proud of it. But we're all politicians. And we understand how difficult it is to take what are very complicated notions and explain them to even very well-educated portions of our public.
Who ever talked about derivatives before? How are we explaining to people how complicated the international financial system is, and international monetary policy? It's a complicated thing to communicate to well-educated constituents.
And so this recovery package was difficult for us to start with, because we inherited a deficit of $1.2 trillion. Even in America, that's a lot of money -- $1.2 trillion. So this recovery package, already approved by Congress, was to restore economic demand. And in the face of this deficit, we went out and said, by the way, we want the Congress to appropriate and we want to spend over the next 18 months another $787 billion, adding initially to the deficit.
In the face of this deep recession, we passed the largest stimulus -- fiscal stimulus package in the history of our country -- I'd suggest maybe in the history of the world. And since the Great Depression of the '30s, our country has widely accepted the practice of temporarily pacing the missing private sector demand with public sector demand.
And we are -- it's projected that for at least the next two years in our country that public sector demand will be off by at least a trillion dollars per year. And so there's nothing ideological about this; it's just a practical approach, that when a trillion-dollar demand is taken out of the economy, it need be replaced, at least in large part in order to stimulate the economy. And that's what we did with this $787 billion package for this year.
And we hope and believe it will create or save 3.5 million jobs by the end of the year. Because as our folks understand, if people don't have jobs -- to make the President's point -- they don't have income. If they don't have income, they cannot purchase anything. If you cannot purchase anything -- and the list -- the cycle goes on.
The Recovery Act, as we call it, provides a necessary jolt to our economy to implement what we refer as "shovel-ready" projects, meaning projects that were on the books that were needed in the municipalities and the states that would improve the quality of life for our constituents, the competitiveness of our businesses, but were unable to be funded. Because we wanted to get the money and we were attempting to get the money -- it's my personal responsibility -- I learned something about you Presidents -- don't send you long memorandums suggesting how we should proceed without being ready for the President to turn to you and say, okay, go do it. So I've been given that responsibility to marshal and account for $787 billion. I guess that's easier than trying to raise it. (Laughter.) But the fact of the matter is it is a Herculean task.
And so we hope it provides a necessary jolt to the economy. And we've done countercyclical measures. I won't bore you with the detail of the plan, that's not particularly relevant. But we're going to use this money to create mostly -- the vast majority of which create private sector jobs, not public sector jobs. Over 80 percent are private sector jobs. And we'll be doing that by rebuilding our infrastructure, beginning the process.
And we're going to construct -- and at the same time, we hope that in this package we have picked those -- funding of those projects that will lay the foundation for a stronger and sustained economic growth for the 21st century -- constructing wind turbines, solar panels, a new energy grid, laying broadband and expanding mass transit, investing in health information technologies to save health care costs.
The stimulus makes a real commitment to renewable energy, energy efficiency, and a stronger energy infrastructure in the name of reducing carbon emissions and reducing our dependence on foreign oil, but in addition to that, creating jobs immediately -- good-paying, sustainable jobs. Now, above all, as I said, it's about jobs.
Our next element of our plan, in this sort of three-legged stool here, is that we believed that it was necessary, although it is the most politically painful part of the process, and that is -- that is restoring our financial institutions.
Now, I don't know about your constituency, but mine believes that it's all the problem of those financial institutions. To use the popular jargon, were they not so greedy, were they not so this or that, we wouldn't be in this problem; why are we saving them? Why are we helping them? It's not an easy answer, in a political context, to provide. But we all know it is necessary. We need to get credit flowing again.
And so when our housing bubble burst, our banking system took a huge hit, and our credit markets froze up. And until we start lending again, it's going to be very difficult for the U.S. economy to get the lift it needs, and by extension, very difficult for us to provide the lift that the international economy is looking for us to provide.
So when there's no lending, creditworthy families can't afford to buy homes or cars. I'm talking about creditworthy families. I'm not talking about families who, for good or bad reason, are not creditworthy, but when creditworthy enterprises are not able to move, the whole system begins to implode and turn in on itself.
So our financial rescue plan takes some of the following steps to address this. A, it gives private investors the incentive to partner with the government to clear bad assets off the balance sheets of these banks. It also floods the credit market with liquidity, hundreds of billions of dollars from our Treasury and Federal Reserve Bank to loosen up credit lines. Thirdly, it recapitalizes our banking system, strengthening the balance sheets with direct capital injections. And finally, and perhaps the most important step, is to introduce a set of financial market regulations that will prevent excessive speculation, under-regulated processes that got us in this mess in the first place. And we're actively rolling out these ideas, and will do so in advance of the G20.
The third element of our plan is housing. The housing bubble that inflated over the last decade burst in 2007, and may ultimately mean a loss of $6 to $8 trillion in housing wealth in our country. And to address this part of the fallout, our housing plan works with mortgage lenders to help homeowners refinance to cheaper loans. That's why we reduced interest rates so dramatically. It avoids foreclosure to those with high debt-to-income ratios by modifying the terms of their loans. And we believe these plans are going to help a minimum of 9 million homeowners in the United States stay in their homes.
And the fourth and final piece of our -- and I want to make it clear now, I hope this does not come off as proscriptive, that we think we're doing all this right and, therefore, why doesn’t everybody else do the same thing. We do believe this is what is necessary to get the engine going again in the States.
The fourth and final component of our economic budget and -- is the second most difficult part of our agenda, and that is that we set out a budget -- (inaudible) -- roundly criticized by the opposition, and that's legitimate for them to do, but also, some skeptics in our own -- among our own friends, in our own parties.
(Audience participant speaks.)
VICE PRESIDENT BIDEN: Whatever you said, yes. (Laughter.) I just like the way you said it. (Laughter.) No, they always criticize. I like the way you say it, though. (Laughter.)
But this component of our economic plan seems to fly in the face of what some of our friends internationally, and at home, can't understand. It, in the near term, also further raises the deficit. And our budget is over $3.7 trillion. And the budget has three goals. One is to set aside the needed funds to meet the current challenge we face, begin to make the long-term investments critical to our economic future, and ramp down the currently elevated spending levels to get to a sustainable fiscal path.
The major lesson from the Great Depression, in our view, is that forbearance is not an option. That's what Herbert Hoover did for a couple years, and Franklin Roosevelt inherited the Depression and he started to change it. It's not just a question of having a social safety net to save people from falling; we want to lay a foundation for a new economy so that prosperity can be broadly shared and we can build a platform and not just a safety net.
I would respectfully suggest that with the advent of the social welfare state after World War II, which made sense and was necessary, we find out that a safety net that relies upon the largess of the wealthy and wealthy nations in not the best bet always to make. It's not always available. We'd like to go beyond that and actually begin to change access to wealth formation for all people.
We want to reform our health care system, reducing costs and increasing coverage, and we invest in the budget of $600 billion in health care over the next decade to do that.
Now, we have a meeting of the minds, believe it or not, we're no longer engaged in the polemic argument at home that we went through -- and most of you settled years ago -- about whether or not health care is a right or a privilege, and all of that. American businesses figured out they're at a serious competitive disadvantage without a rational health care system.
We also realized that there's no way to gain control of our out-budget years and our deficit without controlling the cost of health care. Health care costs went up 54 percent in the last eight years and wages increased 3 percent. It is an unsustainable position purely from a budgetary point. So we believe we're generating some consensus.
We also want to make our country energy-sufficient [sic] while creating sustainable clean energy for the 21st century. As President Obama has said, the country that harnesses the power of sustainable renewable energy is going to lead the 21st century. And like all of you, we want to enter the competition to do that, to lead. By investing in development of clean, renewable energy, the President's budget is going to reduce our dependence on fossil fuels, create millions of good-paying jobs in the private sector in a new green economy. And at the same time, we hope and believe that we will begin finally to meet the threat of climate change.
And we seek to modernize, thirdly, our education system to foster economic growth and competitiveness now and into the future. Among the things that the budget does is build in the Recovery Act expanding the size of what we call Pell grants that provides access to college for the poor. We also support funding and support -- renew initiatives at state and local levels to help low-income students and the like.
And the one thing I can say, if I could wave a wand, beyond providing food and sustenance for all of those in the world under pressure now, it would be to educate the world's public. (inaudible) -- a lot of us have good education systems, but quite frankly, access to those systems even in some of your countries, I respectfully suggest, is not as accessible as it should be. But that's for you to decide, not us. We know in our country it has to get better.
So, in conclusion, let me say that be assured that we are aggressively attacking a full set of challenges that are facing our economy. We expect the recession to end later this year. But as President Lula pointed out to me last night -- and all of us, and we all know -- is that employment will lag far behind. We're still going to have a very, very difficult circumstance in our country -- and most of our countries -- even when the GDP begins to grow again, as it hasn't in our country. We're technically in -- not technically, in fact in recession. So unemployment is likely to continue rising.
However, thanks to our recovery package, we expect it to rise less than it otherwise would. And at the same time, the most important thing we can do during this whole process -- and it's going to begin at the G20 -- is to reset the rules of the road; to have common sense oversight that keeps us from getting back into the same spot we're in 10 years from now. And that's an effort that we look forward to joining all of you, our global partners, in doing.
So let me conclude by saying that we -- President Obama and I sought these offices because we had a fundamental disagreement with the policies of the last administration. We don't question the motive of the last administration; we question seriously their policies. And it's a little bit like that old metaphor -- it takes a while to turn around a super-tanker. We are moving as rapidly as we can to change the direction of our country and our policies, but we're going to have to ask -- and we don't expect to get it, but we have to ask for a little bit of patience as we move forward.
To be able to do all we need to do all at one time is not likely. We've only been in office now a couple months, and we've made some fairly significant changes. But the most important one I want you all to keep in mind, as we really, genuinely -- we genuinely want to be collaborative. We genuinely want to engage in consultation. We genuinely want to know what others think.
We do not look to ourselves as the engine to solve the problems; we only look to ourselves in joining you to jointly solve the problems. But I will end with where my friend from Argentina began, that we do need rules of the road. We acknowledge that. And we will play by the rules. But one of the things I would say to all of us is when the rules are broken don't just expect us to enforce the rules. Let me say that again -- when the rules are broken, as they repeatedly are, we are reluctant, as an international community, to enforce the rules, whether they be in Iran or whether they be in other countries in the world.
So we are going to join -- once the rules are set, we will abide by them as part of the effort to draft them, but when they're broken there's a need for all of us to step up.
And so the good news is there's a change. The bad news is, for you all, there's a change. (Laughter.) as I said to one of you -- and I will not -- we were joking -- I said, the very good news is that we're willing to, and want to collaborate. The bad news is that you don't have the last administration to use as an excuse -- I use this phrase editorially, not "you" particularly -- the last administration as an excuse for non-action.
So we look forward to working with you. I'm delighted to be here and I truly am flattered, as Vice President, to be here and given the same privileges as the Presidents of these great countries -- and Prime Ministers. Thank you very much. (Applause.)
END
THE WHITE HOUSE
 
Office of the Press Secretary
_________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                              March 27, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT THE INSTALLATION OF ATTORNEY GENERAL ERIC HOLDER
George Washington University
Washington, D.C.
10:23 A.M.
THE PRESIDENT:  I am proud to be here today for the installation of my friend, Eric Holder, as the 82nd Attorney General of the United States.  (Applause.)
I want to recognize our Deputy Attorney General, David Ogden, for his outstanding service to this department, both in this tour of duty, and in his last.  Where did David go?  He was here just a second ago.  (Laughter.)  Here he is.  Come on out here.  That's David.  (Applause.)  I'd like to thank Special Agent Earl Camp for starting things off with the Pledge of Allegiance and for his tremendous sacrifice for this nation.  Thanks also to members of Congress who have joined us, to President Steven Knapp for hosting us, and to Judge Robert Richter for administering the oath.  Thank you very much.
I also want to welcome Eric's entire family, who is here today.  Like me, Eric married up -- (laughter and applause) -- and we are grateful to his extraordinary wife, Dr. Sharon Malone, and their children -- Brooke, Maya and Eric -- for sharing him with all of us.  So, Sharon, thank you.  Thank you, guys.  (Applause.)
There are few more important jobs in our nation's government than that of Attorney General.  As President, I swore an oath to preserve, protect and defend our Constitution.  And as Eric himself has said, it is the Attorney General who serves as "the guardian of that revered document" that is the basis of our laws and the driving force of our democracy.
And that's what's always distinguished this nation -- that we are bound together not by a shared bloodline or allegiance to any one leader or faith or creed, but by an adherence to a set of ideals.  That's the core notion of our founding -- that ours is a "government of laws, and not men."  It is the motto inscribed on the library of my law school alma mater:  "Not under man but under God and law."
But today, as we install the man charged with upholding our laws, we are reminded that the work of translating law into justice -- of ensuring that those words put to paper more than two centuries ago mean something for all of our people -- that is a fundamentally human process.
It is what so many of you -- the men and women of our Justice Department -- do every single day:  keeping us safe from terrorist attacks; bringing to justice those who would do us harm; rooting out corruption and fighting violent crime; protecting our markets from manipulation and our environment from pollution; and upholding our most fundamental civil rights.
That's why I sought to appoint an Attorney General who understands that justice isn't about some abstract legal theory, or footnote in a casebook -- it's about how our laws affect the daily realities of people's lives:  whether they can make a living and care for their families; whether they feel safe in their own homes and welcome in their own nation. 
I sought someone who recognizes the very real threats we face, but has the wisdom, in those hard-to-call cases, to find that fine balance between ensuring our security and preserving our liberty.  And most of all, I was looking for someone who believes deeply enough in the American people's cause to serve as the American people's lawyer.
And taken together, I think that's a pretty good description of our new Attorney General.  It's a reflection of how he was raised, and of the choices he's made throughout his life.  Eric's father came to this country as a boy and served in the Army during the second World War.  And even though he couldn't get served at a lunch counter in the nation he defended, he never stopped believing in its promise.  He and Eric's mother worked hard to seize that promise for their sons and give them every opportunity to succeed. 
But Eric was never content to achieve just for himself.  Each time he rose, he worked to pull others up with him:  mentoring young people in college; working for the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund in law school; distinguishing himself as a prosecutor, a judge, and a leader in this department.  All along, working tirelessly to right the balance of power so ordinary people could get a fair shake; all along, showing the independence of mind that justice requires -- never hesitating to take on members of his own party, including those to whom he owed his job.  In fact, several months ago, Eric even had the audacity to comment to a reporter on my basketball skills.  (Laughter.)  He said, and I quote -- (laughter) -- here's what he said -- he said, "I'm not sure he's ready for my New York game."  (Laughter.)  We will see about that, Mr. Attorney General.  (Laughter and applause.)
Now, I can't vouch for Eric's skills on the basketball court -- (laughter) -- but I can confirm that he is thoroughly prepared to take on the law enforcement challenges of this new century.  As a student of history, he also knows history's lessons about what happens when we let politics and ideology cloud our judgment -- and let fear and anger, rather than reason, dictate our policy.  These are mistakes he will not repeat.  Because in the end, Eric comes to this job with only one agenda:  to do what is right under the law. 
It's no easy task.  And it is one that falls to every member of this department, because our laws are only as effective, only as compassionate, only as fair as those who enforce them.  In the end, our union is only as perfect as we are willing to work for.  It endures only to the extent that we are willing to fight for the ideals on which it is based -- to do our part, as generations before us, to breathe new life into them with the more enlightened understandings of our time. 
That has always been the core mission of this department.  It is the story told by the murals that adorn the walls of your headquarters, installed years ago to illustrate the power of law to improve our lives.
Now I haven't yet seen it yet myself, but I'm told that one of these murals, painted back in the 1930s, depicts black children and white children attending school together, sitting side by side in the same classroom.  This was years before Brown vs. Board of Education, at a time when Washington, D.C., was still a segregated city.
It is, to this day, a moving reminder that sometimes, law lags behind justice -- and it is up to us to bridge that distance.  That's been the work of Eric Holder's life and so many of yours.  I thank you for answering the call to serve this nation, and I look forward to working with you in the months and years ahead to meet the urgent challenges of our time.
So thank you, God bless you.  Keep up the great work, and let's install our outstanding Attorney General.  (Applause.)
(The oath of office is administered.) 
ATTORNEY GENERAL HOLDER:  Thank you, Mr. President, for your remarks and for the trust that you have placed in me by asking me to lead this great department.  Let me just depart here and say that he's never going to see my New York game.  (Laughter.)  He's got 10 years on me, he works out, I'm the coach of the team in which he will be playing, and nothing more than that.  (Laughter.)  But had I been 10 years younger -- (laughter.)
I also want to recognize -- there are a number of special people here today, but there's one person I want to recognize:  the wife of a person who I consider the greatest Attorney General; the building is named for that person -- Ethel Kennedy.  (Applause.)
I want to thank my wife, Sharon, and my three wonderful children, whose love and support sustain me.  I want to say hello to my mother, who is recovering from a recent illness but who I know is watching this event.  Mom, you work hard and you get well.
And I want to thank the many career professionals from the department who I see here today.  Over my career, you have been my mentors, my colleagues and my friends.  It is your dedication to duty and love of country that gives the Department of Justice its heart and its soul, and ensures that it lives up to the ideals enshrined in our Constitution that are our special duty to protect.
Ours is a nation of laws guided by principles that reflect the essential goodness of the American people.  Many of these values -- adherence to the rule of law, equality before the law, and the applicability of due process -- are as well known as they are timeless.  And yet these principles can only be true -- truly the animating forces of our legal system if we, both individually and collectively, make it so.
That is why, Mr. President, I pledge to you, to my fellow Department of Justice employees, and to the American people as a whole, that I will lead a Department of Justice that is firmly rooted in and solely guided by these sacred principles.  In all that we do, in all that requires us to make the different judgments that must withstand the scrutiny of the ages, these values will serve as our eternal touchstone.
It will not always be easy to solely let these principles serve as the enduring markers that guide our path.  This will be particularly true when we face unforeseen and even existential challenges.  And it won't always be popular as we apply them to unfamiliar dangers.  But it will always be right.
There are some who say that we can no longer afford to use these principles as our foundation.  There are some who say that the challenges we face are too grave, that the stakes are too high.  And there are some who say that these principles weaken us as we meet the challenges of this modern age.
But here is what I say:  The power of this nation is at its zenith when the actions of our government are firmly grounded on the bedrock of the rule of law and the values that make our nation unique.
My friends, the true test of our nation's greatness is whether we uphold our most cherished principles not when it is easy, but when it is hard.  Our nation, our department must meet this test this time.  We have done so in the past; we will do so again.
You, the women and men of the Department of Justice, know that there is no contradiction between our ideals and our efforts to enforce the law.  Our commitment to the rule of law, to equal protection, and to due process are not an obstacle to be overcome, but the foundation upon which you and generations of our predecessors have built the department's long and storied history.
This nation, this department has faced novel and difficult challenges before, and we have overcome them.  And let no one doubt that we will overcome the challenges we face today and those that we will confront tomorrow.
And let no one doubt that we shall do so, guided by the principles that gave birth to our great nation and that are enshrined not only on the parchment pages of the Constitution but also in the living spirit of the American ideal and in the halls of the department that I now call home for a final time.
Here is my commitment to you as the new Attorney General:  We at the Department of Justice will protect our people from those abroad and from those within our borders who seek to do us harm.  We will protect our nation's markets from fraud and from those who prey on the vulnerable.  We will protect the civil rights of our fellow citizens -- all of our fellow citizens -- in the workplace, in the housing market, in the educational institutions, and in the voting booth, as well as in their day-to-day lives.  We will protect our environment from depredation and our public institutions from corruption.  We will be fair and we will be just in all of the things that we do.
And we will zealously protect our Constitution -- indeed, the very rule of law itself -- from those who would force upon us the false choice between security and liberty, between safety and justice.
Now, during the eight weeks, I've had the opportunity to meet with a number of you and to thank you for your dedicated work for our department and for our nation, and for all that you all are so fortunately to serve.  In the coming months I hope to meet many more of you and to talk about and refine the methods that we will use in our common cause.  Please know that I consider it to be a special privilege, the highest honor of my life and of my career, to return to the Department of Justice that I love, for the last time, and to be given the responsibility to lead it.  Please also know that I am very proud to serve with you.
This is our time.  This is our time.  When American generations look back now on the work that we will do, let us strive to ensure that they will say that we kept the faith and that we made a superb Justice Department even greater. 
I thank you very much, my friends, and I look forward to working with all of you.  (Applause.)
END                                     
10:40 A.M. EDT
 
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
_______________________________________________________________
                           For Immediate Release                   March 27, 2009                                   

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
ON A NEW STRATEGY FOR AFGHANISTAN AND PAKISTAN
 Room 450
Dwight D. Eisenhower Executive Office Building
  
9:40 A.M. EDT
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Good morning.  Please be seated. 
Before I begin today, let me acknowledge, first of all, Your Excellencies, all the ambassadors who are in attendance.  I also want to acknowledge both the civilians and our military personnel that are about to be deployed to the region.  And I am very grateful to all of you for your extraordinary work. 
I want to acknowledge General David Petraeus, who's here, and has been doing an outstanding job at CENTCOM, and we appreciate him.  I want to thank Bruce Reidel -- Bruce is down at the end here -- who has worked extensively on our strategic review.  I want to acknowledge Karl Eikenberry, who's here, and is our Ambassador-designate to Afghanistan.  And to my national security team, thanks for their outstanding work.
Today, I'm announcing a comprehensive, new strategy for Afghanistan and Pakistan.   And this marks the conclusion of a careful policy review, led by Bruce, that I ordered as soon as I took office.  My administration has heard from our military commanders, as well as our diplomats.  We've consulted with the Afghan and Pakistani governments, with our partners and our NATO allies, and with other donors and international organizations.  We've also worked closely with members of Congress here at home. And now I’d like to speak clearly and candidly to the American people.
The situation is increasingly perilous.  It's been more than seven years since the Taliban was removed from power, yet war rages on, and insurgents control parts of Afghanistan and Pakistan.  Attacks against our troops, our NATO allies, and the Afghan government have risen steadily.  And most painfully, 2008 was the deadliest year of the war for American forces.
Many people in the United States -- and many in partner countries that have sacrificed so much -- have a simple question: What is our purpose in Afghanistan?  After so many years, they ask, why do our men and women still fight and die there?  And they deserve a straightforward answer.
So let me be clear:  Al Qaeda and its allies -- the terrorists who planned and supported the 9/11 attacks -- are in Pakistan and Afghanistan.  Multiple intelligence estimates have warned that al Qaeda is actively planning attacks on the United States homeland from its safe haven in Pakistan.  And if the Afghan government falls to the Taliban -- or allows al Qaeda to go unchallenged -- that country will again be a base for terrorists who want to kill as many of our people as they possibly can.
The future of Afghanistan is inextricably linked to the future of its neighbor, Pakistan.  In the nearly eight years since 9/11, al Qaeda and its extremist allies have moved across the border to the remote areas of the Pakistani frontier.  This almost certainly includes al Qaeda's leadership:  Osama bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri.  They have used this mountainous terrain as a safe haven to hide, to train terrorists, to communicate with followers, to plot attacks, and to send fighters to support the insurgency in Afghanistan.  For the American people, this border region has become the most dangerous place in the world.
But this is not simply an American problem -- far from it. It is, instead, an international security challenge of the highest order.  Terrorist attacks in London and Bali were tied to al Qaeda and its allies in Pakistan, as were attacks in North Africa and the Middle East, in Islamabad and in Kabul.  If there is a major attack on an Asian, European, or African city, it, too, is likely to have ties to al Qaeda's leadership in Pakistan. The safety of people around the world is at stake.
For the Afghan people, a return to Taliban rule would condemn their country to brutal governance, international isolation, a paralyzed economy, and the denial of basic human rights to the Afghan people -- especially women and girls.  The return in force of al Qaeda terrorists who would accompany the core Taliban leadership would cast Afghanistan under the shadow of perpetual violence.
As President, my greatest responsibility is to protect the American people.  We are not in Afghanistan to control that country or to dictate its future.  We are in Afghanistan to confront a common enemy that threatens the United States, our friends and our allies, and the people of Afghanistan and Pakistan who have suffered the most at the hands of violent extremists.
So I want the American people to understand that we have a clear and focused goal:  to disrupt, dismantle and defeat al Qaeda in Pakistan and Afghanistan, and to prevent their return to either country in the future.  That's the goal that must be achieved.  That is a cause that could not be more just.  And to the terrorists who oppose us, my message is the same:  We will defeat you.
To achieve our goals, we need a stronger, smarter and comprehensive strategy.  To focus on the greatest threat to our people, America must no longer deny resources to Afghanistan because of the war in Iraq.  To enhance the military, governance and economic capacity of Afghanistan and Pakistan, we have to marshal international support.  And to defeat an enemy that heeds no borders or laws of war, we must recognize the fundamental connection between the future of Afghanistan and Pakistan -- which is why I've appointed Ambassador Richard Holbrooke, who is here, to serve as Special Representative for both countries, and to work closely with General Petraeus to integrate our civilian and military efforts.
Let me start by addressing the way forward in Pakistan.
The United States has great respect for the Pakistani people.  They have a rich history and have struggled against long odds to sustain their democracy.  The people of Pakistan want the same things that we want:  an end to terror, access to basic services, the opportunity to live their dreams, and the security that can only come with the rule of law.  The single greatest threat to that future comes from al Qaeda and their extremist allies, and that is why we must stand together.
The terrorists within Pakistan's borders are not simply enemies of America or Afghanistan -- they are a grave and urgent danger to the people of Pakistan.  Al Qaeda and other violent extremists have killed several thousand Pakistanis since 9/11. They've killed many Pakistani soldiers and police.  They assassinated Benazir Bhutto.  They've blown up buildings, derailed foreign investment, and threatened the stability of the state.  So make no mistake:  al Qaeda and its extremist allies are a cancer that risks killing Pakistan from within.
It's important for the American people to understand that Pakistan needs our help in going after al Qaeda.  This is no simple task.  The tribal regions are vast, they are rugged, and they are often ungoverned.  And that's why we must focus our military assistance on the tools, training and support that Pakistan needs to root out the terrorists.  And after years of mixed results, we will not, and cannot, provide a blank check.
Pakistan must demonstrate its commitment to rooting out al Qaeda and the violent extremists within its borders.  And we will insist that action be taken -- one way or another -- when we have intelligence about high-level terrorist targets.
The government's ability to destroy these safe havens is tied to its own strength and security.  To help Pakistan weather the economic crisis, we must continue to work with the IMF, the World Bank and other international partners.  To lessen tensions between two nuclear-armed nations that too often teeter on the edge of escalation and confrontation, we must pursue constructive diplomacy with both India and Pakistan.  To avoid the mistakes of the past, we must make clear that our relationship with Pakistan is grounded in support for Pakistan's democratic institutions and the Pakistani people.  And to demonstrate through deeds as well as words a commitment that is enduring, we must stand for lasting opportunity.
A campaign against extremism will not succeed with bullets or bombs alone.  Al Qaeda's offers the people of Pakistan nothing but destruction.  We stand for something different.  So today, I am calling upon Congress to pass a bipartisan bill co-sponsored by John Kerry and Richard Lugar that authorizes $1.5 billion in direct support to the Pakistani people every year over the next five years -- resources that will build schools and roads and hospitals, and strengthen Pakistan's democracy.  I'm also calling on Congress to pass a bipartisan bill co-sponsored by Maria Cantwell, Chris Van Hollen and Peter Hoekstra that creates opportunity zones in the border regions to develop the economy and bring hope to places plagued with violence.  And we will ask our friends and allies to do their part -- including at the donors conference in Tokyo next month.
I don't ask for this support lightly.  These are challenging times.  Resources are stretched.  But the American people must understand that this is a down payment on our own future -- because the security of America and Pakistan is shared.  Pakistan's government must be a stronger partner in destroying these safe havens, and we must isolate al Qaeda from the Pakistani people.  And these steps in Pakistan are also indispensable to our efforts in Afghanistan, which will see no end to violence if insurgents move freely back and forth across the border. 
Security demands a new sense of shared responsibility.  And that's why we will launch a standing, trilateral dialogue among the United States, Afghanistan and Pakistan.  Our nations will meet regularly, with Secretaries Clinton and Secretary Gates leading our effort.  Together, we must enhance intelligence sharing and military cooperation along the border, while addressing issues of common concern like trade, energy, and economic development.
This is just one part of a comprehensive strategy to prevent Afghanistan from becoming the al Qaeda safe haven that it was before 9/11.  To succeed, we and our friends and allies must reverse the Taliban's gains, and promote a more capable and accountable Afghan government.
Our troops have fought bravely against a ruthless enemy.  Our civilians have made great sacrifices.  Our allies have borne a heavy burden.  Afghans have suffered and sacrificed for their future.  But for six years, Afghanistan has been denied the resources that it demands because of the war in Iraq.  Now, we must make a commitment that can accomplish our goals.
I've already ordered the deployment of 17,000 troops that had been requested by General McKiernan for many months.  These soldiers and Marines will take the fight to the Taliban in the south and the east, and give us a greater capacity to partner with Afghan security forces and to go after insurgents along the border.  This push will also help provide security in advance of the important presidential elections in Afghanistan in August.
At the same time, we will shift the emphasis of our mission to training and increasing the size of Afghan security forces, so that they can eventually take the lead in securing their country. That's how we will prepare Afghans to take responsibility for their security, and how we will ultimately be able to bring our own troops home.
For three years, our commanders have been clear about the resources they need for training.  And those resources have been denied because of the war in Iraq.  Now, that will change.  The additional troops that we deployed have already increased our training capacity.  And later this spring we will deploy approximately 4,000 U.S. troops to train Afghan security forces. For the first time, this will truly resource our effort to train and support the Afghan army and police.  Every American unit in Afghanistan will be partnered with an Afghan unit, and we will seek additional trainers from our NATO allies to ensure that every Afghan unit has a coalition partner.  We will accelerate our efforts to build an Afghan army of 134,000 and a police force of 82,000 so that we can meet these goals by 2011 -- and increases in Afghan forces may very well be needed as our plans to turn over security responsibility to the Afghans go forward. 
This push must be joined by a dramatic increase in our civilian effort.  Afghanistan has an elected government, but it is undermined by corruption and has difficulty delivering basic services to its people.  The economy is undercut by a booming narcotics trade that encourages criminality and funds the insurgency.  The people of Afghanistan seek the promise of a better future.  Yet once again, we've seen the hope of a new day darkened by violence and uncertainty.
So to advance security, opportunity and justice -- not just in Kabul, but from the bottom up in the provinces -- we need agricultural specialists and educators, engineers and lawyers. That's how we can help the Afghan government serve its people and develop an economy that isn't dominated by illicit drugs.  And that's why I'm ordering a substantial increase in our civilians on the ground.  That's also why we must seek civilian support from our partners and allies, from the United Nations and international aid organizations -- an effort that Secretary Clinton will carry forward next week in The Hague.
At a time of economic crisis, it's tempting to believe that we can shortchange this civilian effort.  But make no mistake: Our efforts will fail in Afghanistan and Pakistan if we don't invest in their future.  And that's why my budget includes indispensable investments in our State Department and foreign assistance programs.  These investments relieve the burden on our troops.  They contribute directly to security.  They make the American people safer.  And they save us an enormous amount of money in the long run -- because it's far cheaper to train a policeman to secure his or her own village than to help a farmer seed a crop -- or to help a farmer seed a crop than it is to send our troops to fight tour after tour of duty with no transition to Afghan responsibility.
As we provide these resources, the days of unaccountable spending, no-bid contracts, and wasteful reconstruction must end. So my budget will increase funding for a strong Inspector General at both the State Department and USAID, and include robust funding for the special inspector generals for Afghan Reconstruction.  
And I want to be clear:  We cannot turn a blind eye to the corruption that causes Afghans to lose faith in their own leaders.  Instead, we will seek a new compact with the Afghan government that cracks down on corrupt behavior, and sets clear benchmarks, clear metrics for international assistance so that it is used to provide for the needs of the Afghan people.
In a country with extreme poverty that's been at war for decades, there will also be no peace without reconciliation among former enemies.  Now, I have no illusion that this will be easy. In Iraq, we had success in reaching out to former adversaries to isolate and target al Qaeda in Iraq.  We must pursue a similar process in Afghanistan, while understanding that it is a very different country.
There is an uncompromising core of the Taliban.  They must be met with force, and they must be defeated.  But there are also those who've taken up arms because of coercion, or simply for a price.  These Afghans must have the option to choose a different course.  And that's why we will work with local leaders, the Afghan government, and international partners to have a reconciliation process in every province.  As their ranks dwindle, an enemy that has nothing to offer the Afghan people but terror and repression must be further isolated.  And we will continue to support the basic human rights of all Afghans -- including women and girls.
Going forward, we will not blindly stay the course.  Instead, we will set clear metrics to measure progress and hold ourselves accountable.  We’ll consistently assess our efforts to train Afghan security forces and our progress in combating insurgents.  We will measure the growth of Afghanistan’s economy, and its illicit narcotics production.  And we will review whether we are using the right tools and tactics to make progress towards accomplishing our goals.
None of the steps that I've outlined will be easy; none should be taken by America alone.  The world cannot afford the price that will come due if Afghanistan slides back into chaos or al Qaeda operates unchecked.  We have a shared responsibility to act -- not because we seek to project power for its own sake, but because our own peace and security depends on it.  And what’s at stake at this time is not just our own security -- it's the very idea that free nations can come together on behalf of our common security.  That was the founding cause of NATO six decades ago, and that must be our common purpose today.
My administration is committed to strengthening international organizations and collective action, and that will be my message next week in Europe.  As America does more, we will ask others to join us in doing their part.  From our partners and NATO allies, we will seek not simply troops, but rather clearly defined capabilities:  supporting the Afghan elections, training Afghan security forces, a greater civilian commitment to the Afghan people.  For the United Nations, we seek greater progress for its mandate to coordinate international action and assistance, and to strengthen Afghan institutions.
And finally, together with the United Nations, we will forge a new Contact Group for Afghanistan and Pakistan that brings together all who should have a stake in the security of the region -- our NATO allies and other partners, but also the Central Asian states, the Gulf nations and Iran; Russia, India and China.  None of these nations benefit from a base for al Qaeda terrorists, and a region that descends into chaos.  All have a stake in the promise of lasting peace and security and development.
That is true, above all, for the coalition that has fought together in Afghanistan, side by side with Afghans.  The sacrifices have been enormous.  Nearly 700 Americans have lost their lives.  Troops from over 20 countries have also paid the ultimate price.  All Americans honor the service and cherish the friendship of those who have fought, and worked, and bled by our side.  And all Americans are awed by the service of our own men and women in uniform, who've borne a burden as great as any other generation’s.  They and their families embody the example of selfless sacrifice.
I remind everybody, the United States of America did not choose to fight a war in Afghanistan.  Nearly 3,000 of our people were killed on September 11, 2001, for doing nothing more than going about their daily lives.  Al Qaeda and its allies have since killed thousands of people in many countries.  Most of the blood on their hands is the blood of Muslims, who al Qaeda has killed and maimed in far greater number than any other people.  That is the future that al Qaeda is offering to the people of Pakistan and Afghanistan -- a future without hope or opportunity; a future without justice or peace.
So understand, the road ahead will be long and there will be difficult days ahead.  But we will seek lasting partnerships with Afghanistan and Pakistan that promise a new day for their people. And we will use all elements of our national power to defeat al Qaeda, and to defend America, our allies, and all who seek a better future.  Because the United States of America stands for peace and security, justice and opportunity.  That is who we are, and that is what history calls on us to do once more.
Thank you.  God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.  (Applause.) 
 
END
10:02 A.M. EDT
                                                     
 
THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary
__________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                              March 26, 2009

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT "OPEN FOR QUESTIONS" TOWN HALL

East Room

11:39 A.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you so much.  Well, it is great to see all of you.  And I am thrilled that all of you here in the White House and everybody who is viewing this online is participating in this experiment that we're trying out.  When I was running for President, I promised to open up the White House to the American people.  And this event, which is being streamed live over the Internet, marks an important step towards achieving that goal.  And I'm looking forward to taking your questions and hearing your thoughts and concerns -- because what matters to you and your families, and what people here in Washington are focused on, aren't always one and the same thing.

Here in Washington, politics all too often is treated like a game.  There's a lot of point scoring, a lot of talk about who's up and who's down, a lot of time and energy spent on whether the President is winning or losing on this particular day or this particular hour.  But this isn't about me.  It's about you.  It's about the folks whose letters I read every single day.  And for the American people, what's going on is not a game.  What matters to you is how you're going to find a new job when nobody seems to be hiring or how to pay medical bills after you get out of the hospital or how to put your children through college when the money you'd put away for their tuition is no longer there.

That's what matters to you.  That's what you expect your leaders to be focused on.  And that's why I've been working to deliver the changes you sent me here to make; to ensure that we're not only making it through this crisis, but come out on the other side stronger and more prosperous as a nation over the long term.  That's the future that I believe is within our reach. 

But that future will not come about on its own.  It will come because we all, every single one of us, from Main Street to the halls of Congress, do what generations of Americans have done in times of trial; because we remember that at heart we are one nation, and one people, and united by a bond that no division of party or ideology can break; because we come together as Americans to choose that better day.

And that's what we've already begun to do.  We, as a nation, have already begun the critical work that will lead to our economic recovery.  It's a recovery that will be measured by whether jobs are being created and families have more money to pay their bills at the end of each month.  That's why we're preventing teachers and police officers from being laid off, and putting Americans to work rebuilding our crumbling roads and bridges and dams, creating or saving 3.5 million jobs in the coming years.

And that's why we're putting a tax cut into the pockets of 95 percent of working families who will see it -- see that tax cut in their paycheck by April 1st.

It's a recovery that will be measured by whether families can achieve that most American of dreams, and own a home without fear of losing it.  That's why we've launched a plan to stabilize the housing market and help responsible homeowners stay in their homes.  This plan is one of the reasons that mortgage interest rates are now at near-historic lows.  And we've already seen a jump in refinancings of mortgages, and homeowners taking advantage of lower rates.  And every American, by the way, should know that up to 40 percent of all mortgages right now are eligible for refinancing.

It's a recovery that will be measured by whether families and entrepreneurs can get the loans they need.  That's why we're freeing up credit that's frozen with a program that supports the market for more car loans, and student loans, and small business loans; and with a plan that will partner government resources with private investment to break the logjam that is currently preventing our banks from lending money to even the most creditworthy customers.

And in the end, it's a recovery that will be measured by whether it lasts, whether it endures; by whether we build our economy on a solid foundation instead of a overheated housing market or maxed-out credit cards or the sleight of hand on Wall Street; whether we build an economy in which prosperity is broadly shared.  That's what the budget I expect to sign is intended to do.  It's a budget that cuts the things we don't need to make room for the investments we do; a budget that cuts the massive deficits we've inherited in half by the end of my first term and offers a blueprint for America's success in the 21st century.

That success will require preparing every child, everywhere in this country, to out-compete any worker anywhere in the world because we know that those students who are getting the best education are going to be able to compete.  And that's why we're making a historic investment in early childhood education.  That's why we're going to make a historic investment in improving K-12 education, making sure that our children get a complete and competitive education from the cradle up through a career.  It's an investment that will expand and improve not just early learning programs, but reward good teachers while replacing bad ones, and put college or technical training within reach for anyone who wants it.

Our success will also require freeing ourselves from the dangerous dependence on foreign oil by building a clean-energy economy, because we know that with this will not only come greater security and a safer environment, but new high-paying jobs of the future to replace those that we've lost. 

And our success will also require controlling spiraling health care costs that are bankrupting families, and crushing businesses, and driving up skyrocketing deficits.  At the current course and speed, these health care costs are unsustainable.  And that's why my budget takes a first big step towards comprehensive health care reform that will reduce costs, improve care and ensure that everyone who works has coverage they can afford.

This is what Americans' success demands and this is what our budget will do.  And I'm under no illusions that a better day will come about quickly or easily.  It's going to be hard.  But as I said the other night at my press conference, I'm a big believer in the idea of persistence -- the idea that when the American people put their mind to something and keep at it, without giving up, without turning back, no obstacle can stand in our way, and no dream is beyond our reach.  That's why we're here today -- because it will take all of us talking with one another, all of us sharing ideas, all of us working together to see our country through this difficult time and bring about that better day. 

So I want to thank all of you for this opportunity to talk with you.  And now I'd like to bring Jared back up to the stage, and he's going to open it up for questions.  So, Jared, let's see how this thing works.

DR. BERNSTEIN:  Thank you, Mr. President.  Our first question comes from Boston, Massachusetts, on the topic of education:  "The Founding Fathers believe that there is no difference between a free society and an educated society.  Our educational system, however, is woefully inadequate.  How do you plan to restore education as a right and core cultural value in America?"

THE PRESIDENT:  Well, it's a great question, and -- let me see if this mic works so that I'm not stuck at this podium.  I'm here only because of the education I received.  I wasn't born into wealth, I wasn't born into fame, but I had parents who cared about education and grandparents who cared about education, and I was lucky enough, through scholarships and sacrifice on the part of my family, to get the best education that America has to offer.

Too many of our children aren't getting that kind of education.  It's not because their parents don't believe in the value of education; it's not because these young people are less talented.  It's because of two reasons:  One, in many cases, our schools are under-resourced.  There aren't enough teachers; the teachers aren't getting enough of the training they need for the classroom; there's a shortage of supplies.  Some of the schools that I visited during the course of traveling around the country just shock the conscience.  There are schools that I've seen that were built in the 1850s that are still being used but haven't been upgraded the way they need to.

Now, there's a second problem, though, and it's one that money alone cannot solve, and that is that we have a school system that was designed for the agricultural era -- there's a reason why we've got three months off during the summer.  That's supposed to be when everybody is working on -- out on the farm and bringing in harvest.  And it's not just the amount of time our kids are spending, it's how our classrooms are designed, how curriculums are structured, how things like teacher promotion and training happen. 

So a lot of times in Washington we get an argument about money versus reform.  And the key thing to understand about our education system is we need more resources and we need reform.  If we just put more money into a system that's designed for the 19th century and we're in the 21st, we're not going to get the educational outcomes we need.  On the other hand, if we talk a lot about reform but we're not willing to put more resources in, that's not going to work. 

So let me give you just a couple examples of what we need to do.  Early childhood education we know works.  Let's invest in that.  That's what my budget calls for -- substantial investment; every dollar we invest in early childhood education, we get potentially $10 back in improved reading scores, reduced dropout rates, reduced delinquency rates and so forth.

Number two, let's focus on the most important ingredient in the school, and that's the teacher.  Let's pay our teachers more money.  Let's give them more support.  Let's give them more training.  Let's make sure that schools of education that are training our teachers are up to date with the best methods to teach our kids.  And let's work with teachers so that we are providing them measures of whether they're effective or not, and let's hold them accountable for being effective.

Now that doesn't mean just a single high-stakes standardized test.  It also means that we're working with teachers to determine, what's the best way to discipline -- maintain discipline in a classroom?  What's the best way to get kids excited about science?  Giving them the time and the resources to improve, but also having high standards of expectation in terms of their performance.

If we do early childhood education, if we focus on teacher training, if we invest in math and science education, which is vital -- and we're falling behind other countries on that front -- then I actually feel pretty confident that we can out-compete any country in the world.  But it's going to take more money and it's going to take more reform and it's going to take, by the way, openness to innovation on things like charter schools or performance pay.  There are a whole range of things that may work, in some cases may not work, but we've got to try some new things because right now too many of our kids are stuck, and we can't afford to lose them.

DR. BERNSTEIN:  The next question is on homeownership, from Heather from Ohio:  "President Obama, what benefits from the stimulus plan are there to those of us who are paying our mortgages but living paycheck to paycheck?"

THE PRESIDENT:  Well, I mentioned this in the opening remarks.  This is something that I really want everybody to understand.  Our housing plan -- and we're devoting $50 billion to it -- has a number of different components.  One component is setting up a mechanism where people who just can't afford their mortgage right now are able to renegotiate with banks, and the banks lower their interest, and the homeowner assures that they're going to make a commitment to pay a certain amount every month, and the government helps to step in to bridge the gap.  But the point is, it's going to be cheaper, not only for that family but also potentially for the entire community, if they stay in their home.

And so that's -- that part of the housing plan is targeted for folks who are really in distress.  They're getting close to the point where they might be losing their home.

But there are a whole bunch of folks out there who are not about to walk away from their home, but are getting killed right now because their home values have dropped drastically; they're still making payments, but they're in trouble.  And for that huge set of responsible homeowners out there, I want people to understand what we've done is created mechanisms in the credit markets that have lowered mortgage rates down to historic levels, and what we've done is we've opened it up so that FHA loans that used to be only for people with a certain mortgage level, that we are using FHA and other mechanisms to open up refinancings to a whole bunch of homeowners who previously weren't qualified.

So now what you've got is a situation where 40 percent of the people sitting here, 40 percent of the people who are participating in this virtual town hall, could potentially refinance their mortgage.  And they've got to take advantage of that.  We are providing additional support from the government in order to facilitate those refinancings.  We're starting to see refinancings go up significantly. 

So you have the potential to cut your monthly payments, but you've got to take advantage of it.  And if you need more information, you can go on our web site, whitehouse.gov, or you can contact your local bank and find out whether you qualify to participate in this refinancing.

DR. BERNSTEIN:  Next we have a video question from Harriet in Georgia about bringing jobs back to America:  "Hello, President Obama.  Here is my question for your online town meeting.  When can we expect that jobs that have been outsourced to other countries to come back and be made available to the unemployed workers here in the United States?  Thank you so much for all your hard work.  God bless you.  Bye-bye."

THE PRESIDENT:  Well, I appreciate that.  Let me talk more, first of all, broadly about what's happening in the job market.  We have had just a massive loss of jobs over the last several months, the kind of job loss we haven't seen at least since the early '80s and maybe since the 1930s, in terms of how quickly we've seen the economy shed jobs.

A lot of that is prompted by the financial crisis and the locking up of the credit markets.  And that's why when we are -- when we talk about dealing with this credit crisis and the banks, I just want everybody to understand it's not because we're overly concerned about Wall Street or a bunch of CEOs; it's because if we don't fix credit, if we don't get liquidity back to small businesses and large businesses alike who can have that -- use that line of credit to buy inventory and to make products and sell services, then those businesses shrivel up and they start laying people off.

Ultimately, our measure of whether we're doing a good job or not is, are we going to be able to create and save jobs?  And part of that involves fixing the financial system.

There is a long-term issue, though, that we have to deal with -- and this was true even before the current crisis -- and that is that so much of our economic activity was in the financial services sector.  It was related to an overheated housing market.  It was dependent on huge amounts of consumer saving.  And we were seeing those steady declines in manufacturing.  We were seeing steady declines in a lot of other productive sectors of the economy.  And one of the things that my budget is designed to do is, by fixing our education system, by reducing costs of health care, by going after the clean-energy jobs of the future, trying to put our economy on a more solid footing.

Now, a lot of the outsourcing that was referred to in the question really has to do with the fact that our economy -- if it's dependent on low-wage, low-skill labor, it's very hard to hang on to those jobs because there's always a country out there that pays lower wages than the U.S.  And so we've got to go after the high-skill, high-wage jobs of the future.  That's why it's so important to train our folks more effectively and that's why it's so important for us to find new industries -- building solar panels or wind turbines or the new biofuel -- that involve these higher-value, higher-skill, higher-paying jobs.

So I guess the answer to the question is, not all of these jobs are going to come back.  And it probably wouldn't be good for our economy for a bunch of these jobs to come back because, frankly, there's no way that people could be getting paid a living wage on some of these jobs -- at least in order to be competitive in an international setting.

So what we've got to do is create new jobs that can't be outsourced.  And that's why energy is so promising.  We've been talking about what's called a smart grid, and some of you may have heard of this.  The basic idea is, is that we're still using an electricity grid that dates back 100, 150 years ago.  Well, think about all the gizmos you guys are carrying -- (laughter) --all the phones and the BlackBerrys and the this and the that.  You're plugging in all kinds of stuff in your house.  We've got an entirely new set of technologies, huge demands in terms of energy, but we've got a grid that's completely outdated.

Now, one of the things that we wanted to do in the stimulus package was to go ahead and start laying a new grid.  And to do that, it's like building the Transcontinental Railroad.  You've got a -- it's a huge project involving all 50 states.

The benefits of the grid are that we could reduce our energy costs by billions of dollars.  We could set up systems so that everybody in each house have their own smart meters that will tell you when to turn off the lights, when the peak hours are, can help you sell back energy that you've generated in your home through a solar panel or through other mechanisms.  If we get plug-in hybrid cars, you can plug it in at night and sell back electricity to the utility, and then charge up your car again in the morning before you leave. 

All this can be done, but it also creates jobs right now.  Our biggest problem, we don't have enough electricians to lay all these lines out there.  And these are jobs -- these are union jobs that potentially pay $80,000-$90,000 a year, with benefits. But it's a matter of making the investment in infrastructure and also then training the workers to be able to get those jobs.  And that's where we're going to be focused on.  That's where the job growth is going to occur.

One last point I want to make -- and I know I'm not supposed to talk this long, but we're going to have to be patient and persistent about job creation because I don't think that we've lost all the jobs we're going to lose in this recession.  We're still going to be in a difficult time for much of this year.  Employment is typically what's called a lagging indicator.  Now, this is -- Dr. Bernstein, he's a Ph.D. economist, so he'll correct me if I'm wrong here, but --

DR. BERNSTEIN:  I'm sure I can make this really confusing.  (Laughter.)

THE PRESIDENT:  But historically, if you look at every recession, what happens is that when the economy starts getting in trouble, it takes a while before businesses decide, you know what, this economy is in trouble, it's not bouncing back -- we better start laying off workers.  So what we're seeing now is a lot of businesses have decided that our sales are way down, we've got to start shedding workers.  And that's going to continue for a while.

Now, the reverse is true, as well.  When the economy starts recovering, when these businesses start being a little more confident that, you know what, we think we've bottomed out; the recovery package President Obama passed gives us some optimism about making investments in certain areas -- it takes a while before they start hiring even if they've started to make these investments.

So the reason I point that out is, I don't want people to think that in one or two months suddenly we're going to see net job increases.  It's going to take some time for the steps that we've taken to filter in.  The fact that the housing market is starting to stabilize a little bit -- there's still a lot of inventory out there before people then actually start building new homes.  At some point people are going to start buying new cars again, but it's going to take a little bit of time for the automakers to get back on their feet.

So employment is something that we're going to have a difficult time for the next several months, maybe through the end of this year, but I'm confident that we're taking the steps that are required to create these new jobs of the future.

DR. BERNSTEIN:  After the last recession ended in 2001, the unemployment rate went up for another 19 months before it started coming back down. 

This next question -- an area close to your heart -- health care reform.  From Richard in California:  "Why can we not have a universal health care system, like many European countries, where people are treated based on needs rather than financial resources?"

THE PRESIDENT:  Well, first of all, I was in this room last month in what we called a health care forum.  And we brought all the members of Congress, Republicans and Democrats who were interested in this issue; we brought together various constituency groups, insurance companies, drug companies, you name it.  And my message to them was:  Now is the time to reform the health care system -- not four years from now, not eight years from now, not 20 years from now.  Now. 

And the reason -- (laughter) -- the reason that I think it is so important is that the high costs of health care are a huge drag on our economy.  It's a drag on our families.  I can't tell you how many personal stories that I hear about people who are working, maybe have two parents working and yet still don't have health care.  And the decisions that they have to make -- excruciating decisions about whether or not somebody goes to a doctor -- it makes them less productive, it makes them less mobile in terms of being able to take new jobs or start a new business because they're worried about hanging on to their health care.  So it's a drag on families.

But it's a drag on businesses, as well.  There's not a small business or large business out here who hasn't seen their health care costs skyrocket, and it cuts into their profits. 

And it's a drag on the federal budget and the state budgets.  That's the thing that is going to potentially break the bank here in the United States.  Medicare and Medicaid, if we don't get control of that, that is the biggest driver of our long-term deficits. 

So when people -- when you hear this budget debate that's taking place right now, and folks say, oh, you know, President Obama's budget, he's increasing money for veterans and he's increasing money for education, and he's doing all these things that -- that's going to bust the budget, what they don't understand is, is that if you add up the recovery package that we've already passed and you add up the various proposals I have to grow the economy through clean energy and all that stuff that we're doing, that amounts to a fraction of the long-term deficit and debt that we're facing.  The lion's share of it has to do with Medicare and Medicaid and the huge, rising cost of health care.  So our attitude is, better to pay now and make an investment in improving the health care system rather than waiting and finding ourselves in a situation where we can't fix it.

Now, the question is, if you're going to fix it, why not do a universal health care system like the European countries?  I actually want a universal health care system; that is our goal.  I think we should be able to provide health insurance to every American that they can afford and that provides them high quality. 

So I think we can accomplish it.  Now, whether we do it exactly the way European countries do or Canada does is a different question, because there are a variety of ways to get to universal health care coverage.

A lot of people think that in order to get universal health care, it means that you have to have what's called a single-payer system of some sort.  And so Canada is the classic example:  Basically, everybody pays a lot of taxes into the health care system, but if you're a Canadian, you're automatically covered.  And so you go in -- England has a similar -- a variation on this same type of system.  You go in and you just say, "I'm sick," and somebody treats you, and that's it.

The problem is, is that we have what's called a legacy, a set of institutions that aren't that easily transformed.  Let me just see a show of hands:  How many people here have health insurance through your employer?  Okay, so the majority of Americans, sort of -- partly for historical accident.  I won't go into -- FDR had imposed wage controls during war time in World War II.  People were -- companies were trying to figure out how to attract workers.  And they said, well, maybe we'll provide health care as a benefit. 

And so what evolved in America was an employer-based system.  It may not be the best system if we were designing it from scratch.  But that's what everybody is accustomed to.  That's what everybody is used to.  It works for a lot of Americans.  And so I don't think the best way to fix our health care system is to suddenly completely scrap what everybody is accustomed to and the vast majority of people already have.  Rather, what I think we should do is to build on the system that we have and fill some of these gaps. 

And I'm looking to Congress to work with me to find that optimal system.  I made some proposals during the campaign about how we can lower costs through information technologies; how we can lower costs through reforms in how we reimburse doctors so that they're not getting paid just for the number of operations they're doing, but for whether they're quality outcomes; investing in prevention so that kids with asthma aren't going to the emergency room, but they're getting regular checkups.

So there are a whole host of things that we can do to cut costs, use that money that we're saving then to provide more coverage to more people.  And my expectation is, is that I will have a health care bill to sign this year.  That's what we're going to be fighting for.  That's what we're going to be striving for.

Can I just interrupt, Jared, before you ask the next question, just to say that we -- we took votes about which questions were going to be asked and I think 3 million people voted or --

DR. BERNSTEIN:  Three point five million.

THE PRESIDENT:  Three point five million people voted.  I have to say that there was one question that was voted on that ranked fairly high and that was whether legalizing marijuana would improve the economy -- (laughter) -- and job creation.  And I don't know what this says about the online audience -- (laughter) -- but I just want -- I don't want people to think that -- this was a fairly popular question; we want to make sure that it was answered.  The answer is, no, I don't think that is a good strategy -- (laughter) -- to grow our economy.  (Applause.)

So -- all right.

DR. BERNSTEIN:  Thank you for clearing that up.  (Laughter.)  This next question comes from Columbia, South Carolina:  "The unemployment rate for Iraq and Afghanistan veterans is higher than the national unemployment rate.  Our veterans are a national treasure.  How can you, the VA, and I ensure our veterans are successfully transitioning into civilian life?"

THE PRESIDENT:  That's a great question.  You know, I had just an extraordinary honor -- yesterday was Medal of Honor Day.  And I went to Arlington National Cemetery, and we had a ceremony in front of the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier with a collection of Medal of Honor winners from all our various wars. 

And a special place of honor was a guy named John Finn, who had been present the day Pearl Harbor was bombed.  He was on one of the ships, was shot by -- was strafed by the fire from the planes coming in, and yet still had the presence of mind to shoot down a plane, and won the Medal of Honor -- or was awarded the Medal of Honor for that.

And it just reminds you that we wouldn't be here if it hadn't been for the sacrifices of earlier veterans.  We would not -- (applause) -- we would not enjoy the same safety and security and liberty that we do. 

So when our veterans come home from Iraq and Afghanistan -- and they have performed brilliantly, they have done everything that's been asked of them, regardless of what your views are on these wars -- they have earned these benefits that all too often we fail to give them. 

And that's why in my budget we are increasing veterans funding by more than any time in the last 30 years.  We're going to make sure that we deal with the -- (applause) -- we're going to make sure that deal with the backlog that too many veterans experience in terms of getting benefits.  We're going to make sure that homeless veterans are receiving housing and services. 

The homeless rate for veterans is multiple times higher than it is for non-veterans.  That's inexcusable.  It means that we're going to provide services for Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, that we're going to provide services for Traumatic Brain Injury that are the signature injuries of these recent wars.  So we are going to significantly increase veterans spending. 

Now, just as is true generally, government alone can't do it.  So all of us individually are going to have roles.  If you're a business owner, hiring a veteran, not discriminating against somebody who's a veteran is going to be absolutely critical.  In your communities, in your churches, in your neighborhoods, making sure that there's outreach and celebration of veterans when they come home, that's going to be critical. 

I think we've done a much better job during these wars than we did during Vietnam, where in many cases our treatment of veterans was inexcusable.  But we can always do more.  Government is going to do its role, and then we've got to make sure that our communities do their role, as well.

DR. BERNSTEIN:  Mr. President, the next video will be our last Internet question before we turn to the audience for Q&A for follow-up.  Let me also note that this question from Alex in Ohio happens to be about the same topic that the Middle Class Task Force is focusing on this month.  Let's turn to this:

"Hi, Mr. President.  My name is Alex.  My name is Kristin (ph).  And I'm Mallory (ph).  We are all sophomores at Kent State University in Ohio.  We really like the emphasis you've put on education so far in your administration, but we're concerned about higher education.  Our question is:  What proposals do you have to make college more affordable and to make student loans easier to get?  And when will your national service program be available so we can take advantage of the scholarship?  Thank you, Mr. President!"

THE PRESIDENT:  That was pretty well done.  (Laughter and applause.)  Well, I am very excited about the possibility that we may be able to get national service done in the next few weeks.  National service was a priority for me during the campaign, partly because of my own biography.  I found my calling when I became a community organizer working in low-income neighborhoods when I was 22, 23 years old.  And it gave me a sense of direction, a sense of service, it helped me grow, it helped me give back.  And I think there are young people all across America who are eager for that opportunity. 

And so what we've said during the campaign was, let's set up a situation where every young person who is so inspired can take advantage of service, and in exchange they will help be able to finance their educations. 

And I'm confident that we're about to get legislation passed.  And once that legislation is passed, I think that before the end of the year potentially we can get something implemented on that front.

In addition, what we are also doing is to try to make the student loan and student grant programs that are already in place work better.  So just to give you one example, right now a lot of the student loan programs run through banks, but a lot of them go directly to students from the government -- so-called direct loans.  The banks make several billion dollars' worth of profits off managing these student loans, which would be okay except for the fact that these loans are guaranteed by the federal government.

So, the reason banks are able to make money lending you is because -- that there's some risk that you might not pay it back, plus you're giving up the use of your money for -- they're giving up the use of their money for a while.  If, on the other hand, this is the government's money and they're just a pass-through, it doesn't seem very sensible that banks should be making money that way.

So what we've said is let's make all these direct loans, as opposed to having bank intermediaries or -- and not just banks -- financial services organizations.  They can make profits on other things, but let's not have them make profits on this.  Let's take those billions of dollars, and that then allows us to either lower student loan rates or expand grants. 

And one of the things that we want to do is on the Pell grant program, for example.  We want to increase the amount of the Pell grant so that it catches up with inflation and we want to -- we want more young people to be eligible for the Pell grant program.  And that's particularly important because anybody who's financed their educations understands that grants are a lot better than loans.  And when I was going to college, about -- and this was typical for I think college students -- the average student who needed financial assistance, about 70 percent of it came in grants and about 30 percent of it came in loans.  Today, it's reversed:  30 percent come in grants; 70 percent come in loans.  And so students are loaded up with $20,000, $30,000, $40,000 worth of debt -- and this is just for their undergraduate education; that doesn't even start counting their higher ed.

And if you come out of college with $50,000 worth of debt, it's hard for you to then start making a decision about wanting to be a teacher, or wanting to go into social work, or wanting to be a scientist and research to find the next innovation.  You may decide, well, the only thing I can do is to work on Wall Street or work in a big corporation that's not doing cutting-edge research. 

And we want people -- all that's fine, I mean, those are good career choices -- but we want our young people to have more flexibility, not to mention we want them to be able to -- if they choose to get married, to be able to buy a home and start a family without already having essentially a mortgage that they're carrying with them out of college, before they even buy a house.

So we're going to spend -- this is another area where we devote a considerable amount of money in our budget.  And I just want to remind you of this, because we're having this budget debate in Washington right now.  And again, everybody says -- a lot of the critics out there are saying, how is it that you're going to be spending all this money?  We've got to worry about the deficit, et cetera. 

I just want to remind you that the money that we are spending on education, on health care, and on energy -- if you added up all that increased money that we're spending, it still is not what's driving our long-term deficits.  What's driving it is Medicare, Medicaid, a structural gap that we have because of the Bush tax cuts over the last several years that left us spending a lot more than we were saving.

And it's going to take us a while to dig our way out of that problem.  But the way to dig our way out of that problem is not to shortchange investments in our people.  A lot of -- I'll bet there are a bunch of families here who are making some tough choices right now, and who are scrimping a little bit and saving.

Now, somebody could make the same argument to you that folks are making to us with respect to the budget, which is, you can't afford to be sending your kids to college right now.  That's fiscally irresponsible.  You're taking out debt for your kids to get an education.  It's better for you to just put them to work right now at a fast-food place, and they'll be bringing in a little bit of income.  And maybe later they can go to college.

Well, most of us don't make that decision, because we understand that making the investment now will lead to greater opportunity, greater economic advancement later.  Well, the same thing is true in our economy.  We can't shortchange the investments that will allow us to grow in the future. 

We're going to have to impose discipline and eliminate programs that don't work, and we're doing that.  We're cutting this budget by $2 trillion.  And we're cutting the deficit in half by the end of my first term.

But what we can't shortchange are those things that are going to allow us to grow long term.  I don't want us to constrict and reduce our ambitions, and set our sights lower for our kids and the next generation, because we weren't willing to make those investments now.  That's not how America works.  (Applause.)

All right.  So now -- the folks here have been very patient, so all of you who are watching this live-streaming online, we're actually going to have some live stuff instead of some virtual stuff.  We're going to ask -- get some questions or comments from the audience.  And I'm going to go boy, girl, boy, girl -- (laughter) -- to avoid anybody being mad at me.  We'll start right there, yes.  And we've got some microphones so everybody can hear you.

Q    Mr. President, my name is Ellie (ph).  I'm from Maryland, but I'm originally from Michigan.  I have family members who work for GM and Ford.  I know the top executives have made -- of the auto companies -- have made a lot of bad moves over the years, but I can't imagine the suffering that we would see in the Midwest if these companies went under.  So my question to you is, what specific steps do you see your administration taking about the health of the auto industry?

THE PRESIDENT:  Okay.  It is a very topical question because I'm going to be making some announcements over the next several days about the auto industry.  I don't want to make all the news here today, so I'm not going to be as specific as you'd like, but I guarantee in the next few days you will have a very extensive answer on what we need to do.

Let me give you my general philosophical approach, and that is that we need to preserve a U.S. auto industry.  I think that's important.  I think it's important not just symbolically; it's important because the auto industry is a huge employer -- not just the people who work for GM or Ford or Chrysler, but all the suppliers, all the ripple effects that are created as a consequence of our auto industry. 

But my job is also to protect taxpayers.  And you're right -- there's been a lot of mismanagement of the auto industry over the last several years.

Now, right now we are in such a bad crisis that even Toyota is losing a whole lot of money.  So typically you're looking at $14 million -- or 14 million new cars are sold every year.  Is that right, Jared, in an average year for our population?  It's gone down to 9 [million].  Everybody has pulled back -- partly because the credit-crunch people couldn't get auto loans; people were worried about, am I going to keep my job, so they decided let's put off buying the new car.  The point is, is that you've seen this huge drop-off.  So every automaker is getting killed right now.

I think it is appropriate for us to say, are there ways that we can provide help for the U.S. auto industry to get through this very difficult time -- but the price is that you've got to finally restructure to deal with these long-standing problems.  And that means that everybody is going to have to give a little bit -- shareholders, workers, creditors, suppliers, dealers -- everybody is going to have to recognize that the current model, economic model, of the U.S. auto industry is unsustainable.  Even if sales go back to 14 million, which eventually they will, it's still a model that doesn't work.  Just trying to build more and more SUVs and counting on gas prices being low and that's your only profit margin, that's just not a model that's going to work.

So what we're expecting is that the automakers are going to be working with us to restructure.  We will provide them some help.  I know that it is not popular to provide help to autoworkers -- or to auto companies.  But my job is to measure the costs of allowing these auto companies just to collapse versus us figuring out, can they come up with a viable plan?  If they're not willing to make the changes and the restructurings that are necessary, then I'm not willing to have taxpayer money chase after bad money.

And so a lot of it's going to depend on their willingness to make some pretty drastic changes.  And some of those are still going to be painful because I think you're not going to see a situation where the U.S. automakers are gaining the kind of share that they had back in the 1950s.  I mean, we just didn't have any competition when -- back then, Japan was in rubble, Europe was in rubble -- we were the only players around.  And that's not going to be true.  This is going to be a competitive global market.  We have to make those adjustments.

All right.  Okay.  It's a gentleman's turn.  All right, this gentleman right here.  We got a microphone behind you.

Q    Good afternoon, Mr. President.  My name is Carlos Del Toro.  I served in the Navy for 26 years, retired four years ago, and started a small business.  So I first want to thank you for all the efforts that you and your administration has done on behalf of veterans and also on behalf of small businesses.

THE PRESIDENT:  Well, we appreciate your service.  Thank you.

Q    Thank you, sir.  My question is, one of the things that I have experienced over the last four years as a small business trying to do business in the federal procurement business, essentially, as a small engineering company, is the challenge of the bundling of contracts, which has made it increasingly difficult for service-disabled businesses -- all small businesses across the nation -- to compete basically within the federal procurement system.  I know that you believe in fair and open competition on a broad basis.  I would suggest to you, and my question to you is, will your administration look at this issue and try to unbundle these contracts that make it more competitive for small businesses to work in the federal marketplace?

THE PRESIDENT:  It's a great question.  It's an issue that I'm familiar with.  Just by way of background for people who aren't as familiar with federal purchasing, the federal government is such a big customer that sometimes for administrative convenience, what they do is they just say, here, Halliburton, here's a contract for $20 billion to do all these various things, and then you sort of figure out how you're going to divvy it up.  Well, it may be that -- I'm sorry, what was your name?

Q    Carlos.

THE PRESIDENT:  It may be that Carlos has a better product to sell -- (laughter) -- you know, for a segment of that contract, but he can't bid on the entire thing, all right?  And so what ends up happening is the taxpayer loses the benefit of a better product at a better price because everything is bundled into this huge contract with a giant general contractor who then divvies up the business.

So one of the things that we're trying to figure out is, are there are ways that we can unbundle and unpackage some of these goods and services that the government purchases.  It'll save taxpayers' money.  It'll promote more competition.  Carlos is still going to have to bid.  He's still going to have to prove that his price is better and his product is better, but at least he's got a chance.

Now, we're not going to be able to do that on everything, because there are some things that, frankly, you need some economies of scale, right?  But what we want to do is make sure that we're looking for every opportunity to unbundle to give everybody a chance to compete so that we don't just have one or two or three major contractors who are getting every contract, because at a certain point what ends up happening is those contractors get so much clout in Washington, they're getting such huge contracts, then they start spending a million dollars on lobbyists to make sure that the contracts keep going the same way.  You start seeing the system distorted in ways that aren't healthy.  And the more players there are, the more Carloses there are who are out there scratching and striving to get some business, ultimately the better deal we'll get as taxpayers.

So, great.  Okay.  Here you go.

Q    My name is Linda Bock and I'm a registered nurse just in Prince George's County, Maryland -- been there 34 years at a free senior health center.  And I'm here with my fellow nurses from SEIU.  First of all, thank you for listening to us, because as nurses we do listen to our patients all the time.  We're their advocate.  And so we appreciate this opportunity for you to hear from us. 

One of the things we want to make sure is that nurses are represented in the health care forum committees -- reform committees because we want to be there on behalf of our fellow nurses and on behalf of the patients that we sometimes have to speak up for.  So I really hope that we can be there so we can push the things like prevention and education that are so very important so that we don't use our emergency rooms for their doctor visits and that we have more community-based health centers for those that are in need.  And I just -- I really appreciate this opportunity to be heard.

THE PRESIDENT:  Well, I appreciate that.  I guarantee you nurses were part of the health care summit, and they will be at the table in all these discussions.  I'm biased toward nurses, I just like nurses -- (laughter).  When Michelle and I went in and Malia was being born, the OB/GYNE was a close friend of ours and so was much more attentive than the usual OB/GYNE might be.  But the fact is, we only saw her for like 15 minutes.  The rest of the time, it was nurses who were doing everything.  When Sasha, our little precious pea -- (laughter) -- she got meningitis when she was three months old -- very dangerous.  The doctors did a terrific job, but, frankly, it was the nurses that were there with us when she had to get a spinal tap, and all sorts of things that were just bringing me to tears. 

And we've got a problem in this country, which is we have a shortage of nurses -- makes no sense, given this unemployment rate.  But the reason is, is because the pay of nurses, the hours of nurses, the quality of life of nurses, the fact that nurse professors are even worse paid than the nurses themselves, so that you get these huge bottlenecks in terms of training as many nurses as we want.

All these issues are part of the inefficiency of the health care system that has to be fixed.  And the more we're emphasizing primary care, preventive care, wellness -- all of which will save us money in the long term -- the more that we can deploy nurses as the troops on the front lines in ultimately driving down some of these health care costs. 

So I think it's very important that nurses are a part of this process.

Here, we've got a mic.  I'm hanging on to my mic.  (Laughter.) 

Q    Yes, sir.

THE PRESIDENT:  I might not get it back.  (Laughter.)

Q    Sir, you're the President, you always get it back.  (Laughter.)  Sir, I'm Tom Sawner.  I'm a service-disabled veteran, small-business owner in Arlington, Virginia.  My company, Educational Options, works with public schools.  We serve more than 200,000 at-risk kids within public schools, providing online content, partnering with teachers, and I was honored to serve on your education platform committee.

THE PRESIDENT:  Wonderful.

Q    Today my question is, as a small-business owner, my company is still profitable.  We're still growing, we're still hiring.  The money that I make as a profit, I'm plowing right back in, and even the money that I pay to the bank for my business loans.  Yet under current tax laws, all of that counts as income to me before I ever see a penny of it.

Sir, could you please help small businesses by allowing, some way, somehow, money we pay to the bank in principle to not count against our income, and put us in the "richest" before we ever seem a dime, and allow us to invest in this huge engine to drive economic recovery?

And a final question:  As a veteran, would you please see if we can enforce the existing laws for veteran and other small-business set-asides?  Thank you, sir.

THE PRESIDENT:  Okay, good.  Well, thank you for the question.  Obviously, I'm not completely familiar with your circumstances or your tax status.  But we want to do everything we can to relieve the tax burden on startups and small businesses, and as they grow, then their tax burden is going to grow accordingly.

So one of the things that we have already proposed and is reflected in our budget is that we are eliminating capital gains taxes for small businesses.  That's something that we've already proposed and put in place.

Now, what'll happen is, you won't see that reflected in an immediate benefit because it will kick in five years from now.  The law starts now, but you have to have those capital gains accumulate over the course of five years before it counts, because we don't want people gaming the system.  But that's an example of the kinds of tools that we are already putting in place in the tax code to provide you relief, so that as you're reinvesting, that you are not penalized for that reinvestment.

And we will do everything we can to enforce the existing rules with regard to small businesses for veterans.

Okay, this young lady back here.

Q    Hi, Mr. President.  Thank you so very much for having me, a public school teacher from Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, here to be with you.

THE PRESIDENT:  What's your name?

Q    Bonnee Breese.

THE PRESIDENT:  Good to see you, Bonnee.

Q    Thank you.  I'm from Overbrook High School.  I have to say that, because I know all the children are watching.  (Laughter.)

THE PRESIDENT:  All right.  Hello, Overbrook.  (Laughter and applause.)  There you go.

Q    Thank you.  Two questions in reference of education, since this is a major part of your budget plan and platform.  Definitions of charter schools and definitions of effective teachers -- how do you plan to define those two categories?  And are you willing to have teachers on the platform, in the committees, as a part of developing those plans?

THE PRESIDENT:  Absolutely.  Well, as I said, the teachers are the most important person in the education system.  So if we don't have teacher buy-in, if they're not enthusiastic about the reforms that we're initiating, then, ultimately, they're not going to work.  So we've got to have teacher participation in developing these approaches.

The definition of charter schools is pretty straightforward.  And that is that in most states you now have a mechanism where you set up a public school -- so this is not private schools, these are public schools receiving public dollars -- but they have a charter that allows them to experiment and try new things.  And typically, they're partnering up with some sort of non-for-profit institution. 

So, in Chicago, you've got charter schools that are affiliated with a museum, or they're affiliated with an arts program, and they may have a particular focus.  It may be a science charter school, or it may be a language academy.  They are still going to have to meet all the various requirements of a state-mandated curriculum; they're still subject to the same rules and regulations and accountability.  But they've got some flexibility in terms of how they design it.  Oftentimes they are getting parents to participate in new ways in the school.  So they become laboratories of new and creative learning.

Now, there are some charter schools that are doing a great job, and you are seeing huge increases in student performance.  And by the way -- one last point I want to make about these charters -- they're non-selective, so it's not a situation where they're just cherry-picking the kids who are already getting the highest grades; they've got to admit anybody.  And typically there are long waiting lines, so they use some sort of lottery to admit them.

Some of them are doing great work, huge progress and great innovation; and there's some charters that haven't worked out so well.  And just like bad -- or regular schools, they need to be shut down if they're not doing a good job.  But what charters do is they give an opportunity for experimentation and then duplication of success.  And we want to encourage that.  So that's the definition of charters. 

In terms of teachers, how we measure performance -- as I said before, I have been a critic of measuring performance just by the administering of a single high-stakes standardized test during the year, and then the teacher is judged.  And that was, I think, the biggest problem with No Child Left Behind.  It basically said that you just go in -- (applause) -- here's the standardized test, we'll see how the kids are doing; and because it doesn't even measure progress, you could have a very good teacher or a very good school in a poor area where test scores have typically been low, and they are still punished even though they're doing heroic work in a difficult situation.

The other problem is that you started seeing curriculums and teachers teaching to the test -- not because they want to, but because there's such a huge stake in doing well on these tests that suddenly the science curriculum, instead of it being designed around sparking people's creativity and their interest in science, it ends up just being, here's the test, here's what you have to learn -- which the average kid is already squirming enough in their seat; now they're thinking, well, this is completely dull, this is completely uninteresting.  And they get turned off from science or math or all these wonderful subjects that potentially they could be passionate about.

So what we want to do is not completely eliminate standardized tests -- there's a role for standardized tests.  All of us have taken them and they serve a function.  We just don't want it to be the only thing.  So we want to work with teachers to figure out how do we get peer review, how do we have evaluation -- I was just talking to Bill Gates yesterday and he was talking about the use of technology where you can use videos to look at really successful teachers and how they interact with their students, how they're monitoring students, et cetera, and then you bring in the teachers at the end of the day and, just like a coach might be talking to his players about how you see how on that play you should have been here and you could have done that -- same thing with teachers. 

But they don't get that feedback.  Usually, especially beginning teachers are completely isolated.  They're in this classroom -- they're sort of just thrown in to sink or swim.  Instead, let's use a variety of mechanisms to assess and constantly improve teacher performance.

Now, one thing I have to say -- I know you'll admit this, although maybe you can't on TV, but in private I'll bet you'd admit that during the -- how long have you been teaching?

Q    Fifteen years.

THE PRESIDENT:  Fifteen years.  Okay, so you've been teaching for 15 years.  I'll bet you'll admit that during those 15 years there have been a couple of teachers that you've met -- you don't have to say their names -- (laugher) -- who you would not put your child in their classroom.  (Laughter.)  See?  Right?  You're not saying anything.  (Laughter.)  You're taking the Fifth.  (Laughter.)

My point is that if we've done everything we can to improve teacher pay and teacher performance and training and development, some people just aren't meant to be teachers, just like some people aren't meant to be carpenters, some people aren't meant to be nurses.  At some point they've got to find a new career. 

And it can't be impossible to move out bad teachers, because that brings -- that makes everybody depressed in a school, if there are some folks -- and it makes it harder for the teachers who are inheriting these kids the next year for doing their job. 

So there's got to be some accountability measures built in to this process.  But I'm optimistic that we can make real progress on this front.  But it's going to take some time.  All right?

DR. BERNSTEIN:  Mr. President, we have --

THE PRESIDENT:  How many times --

DR. BERNSTEIN:  One more question, please.

THE PRESIDENT:  Oh, one more question.  Now, yelling -- just saying it right here is not going to get you the question.  (Laughter.)  You know what I'm going to do, is -- I hope I don't seem biased here; I'm going to go with a young person here.  Last question -- at least younger than me.  (Laughter.)

Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  My name is Sergio Salmeron.  I want to find out about health care.  In a society, a lot of times we have to step back and ask ourselves if what we're doing in principle, not in practice, is right.  And so when we think about health care, I want to know from you if the things like preexisting conditions and preventive medicine, if they are a symptom of what's going on in our health care system, then what is the problem and how do you address it?

THE PRESIDENT:  Well, I'll talk to you about preexisting conditions, because this is something that I talked about during the campaign; it's something that touched on me personally.

My mother contracted ovarian cancer when she was 53, and she died six months later.  It's one of those cancers that typically is diagnosed very -- at late stages; it's hard to catch early. 

She was at the time working as an independent contractor.  She was working for an international assistance organization.  And so she had insurance, but when she was diagnosed and the medical bills started mounting up, some of -- this insurance company started saying that this is a preexisting condition, so maybe we don't have to reimburse you.  And we had to spend a bunch of time fighting with these insurance companies about this issue. 

Now, eventually we were lucky we got these costs approved, because the point was she didn't know, nobody had diagnosed it, and if you start having a -- the standard of preexisting condition is you might have had that illness some time at some point before you -- or you were genetically predisposed to it, potentially none of us would ever get any insurance. 

So -- but I still remember watching her -- you know, she's sick, she's going through chemotherapy, and she's on the phone arguing with insurance companies.  And she's lucky she had insurance.  There are tons of people out there who, once they've had one heart attack, once they've been diagnosed with diabetes, once they've got some form of chronic illness, from that point forward it is almost impossible for them to get health insurance.  And if their employer, especially if it's a small employer, wants to give them health insurance, the costs are so prohibitive that they can't do it even if the employer wants to help.

I mean, if Carlos has got a small business, if -- I don't know how many employees he has, but if he has 10 employees, 22 employees, and if one of them got a serious illness like leukemia, it would send his insurance rates skyrocketing to a point where he just couldn't operate.

So this is why any reform of the health care system I think has to address this issue, and to say we are going to allow anybody to get health insurance.  And if you've got a preexisting condition you're not going to be excluded but you're going to be able to obtain health insurance.  And if you can't obtain it through a private plan then there is going to a public plan that is available in some way to give you insurance, or insurers are obligated to provide you with insurance in some way.

Now that's a principle.  What are the details of how we're going to do that?  There are a lot of different approaches. 

We have seen some progress with the insurance companies where they have said, we are willing to take everybody in, but only if everybody is required to be in.  That's the position that they're taking right now.  So the idea is you combine a rule that eliminates preexisting condition exclusions with mandatory health insurance, just like auto insurance is mandatory.  That's a proposal they've put forward.

Now, that's progress in the sense that they've acknowledged that this preexisting condition situation is a real problem.  Whether that ends up being the best mechanism -- during the campaign, I was skeptical of mandates only because my attitude was the reason people don't have health insurance is not because they don't want it, it's because they can't afford it.  And if we drive down cost, then people will have it.

But that's part of the debate that's going to be taking place over the next several months as we try to develop a health care plan for the future. 

Okay?  Listen, I know that there were other people who had questions, both here in the live audience, as well as in our virtual audience.  But we're out of time.  I just want to say thank you for participating.  Thanks for paying attention.  And we need you guys to keep paying attention in the months and years to come.  (Applause.)

Thank you, everybody.  (Applause.)

END
12:50 P.M. EDT

 
 
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
_____________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                  March 25, 2009 
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COMMITTEE FUNDRAISER
Warner Theater
Washington, D.C.
9:05 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:  Hello!  Hello!  (Applause.)  How's it going, Democrats?  Thank you. (Applause.)  Thank you, everybody.    Please have a seat.  Thank you.  Thank you. 
How about the Howard University Gospel Choir?  Give it up.  (Applause.)  Howard -- HU.  How about Tony Bennett?  (Applause.) And how about Tim Kaine?  (Applause.) 
Tim endorsed me in February of 2007, when a whole bunch of people could not pronounce my name.  (Laughter.)
AUDIENCE:  Obama!  Obama!  Obama!
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, it's easy now.  (Laughter.)
AUDIENCE:  Obama!  Obama!  Obama!
THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  Well, at the time it was a little harder.  (Laughter.)  And Tim has just been an extraordinary friend, but most importantly, we're grateful for his leadership -- his leadership in Virginia as governor -- (applause) -- his strong and steady tenure at the helm of the DNC.  He is going to be one of the best chairmen we've ever had. (Applause.)
I want to thank the National Finance Committee, the Mid-Atlantic Finance Committee, everybody in this room who has been there every step of the way for the last couple of years.  All of you were just hanging tough through all the twists and turns of our campaign.  And without you, I wouldn't be standing here today.  So thank you very much.  (Applause.)
To the Democratic National Committee, to Organizing for America, thank you for your efforts to share our future-facing agenda with the American people.  And I know that there are thousands of volunteers all across this country who just this weekend took the extraordinary step of going door to door, talking to their friends, talking to their neighbors, sending a message about why we've got to move this economy forward from recession to recovery and ultimately to prosperity.  And I am humbled by their efforts.
In these efforts, what they do is they help me connect with everyday Americans -- their struggles, their hopes, their dreams, their worries about whether they're going to have a job and a paycheck to count on; whether they’re going to be able to pay the medical bills, or keep up with their mortgage, or pay tuition for their children.
These are the same concerns that I heard when I traveled to California last week.  Every once in a while we like to get out of this town.  (Laughter.)  Not because I don't enjoy Washington, but because it is important to get out of the hall of mirrors here -- (laughter) -- and listen to what's happening with the American people.  The same concerns that I read about -- I've taken the habit of reading a sampling of letters that are sent to the White House every single night, just to remind myself of why we worked so hard and why we are here.  All of these letters, all of these comments and questions I get at town halls, they ask the same question:  What are you going to do in Washington to -- to not give us a hand out, but give us a hand up; to help us figure out how we can manage through these difficult times?  We are willing to work hard, we are willing to take our responsibilities seriously; we just want to make sure that our families have their chance at the American Dream.
Now, over the past two months, we’ve been working to answer that question with a comprehensive strategy to attack the crisis on all fronts.  And I know that in Washington sometimes it's easy to get caught up in the day-to-day cable chatter, and be distracted by the petty and the trivial, and everybody is keeping score -- are they up, are they down?  You know, one day I'm a genius; one day I'm a bum.  (Laughter.)  Every day there's a new winner, a new loser. 
So what we understand is there are going to be days where things don't go exactly the way we planned, and days where things go smoothly.  There are going to be days where the market goes up, and days where the market goes down.  But that's not how we measure success.  We measure economic recovery in a different way.  And we're seeing progress all across America -- because we measure recovery by how many Americans can bring home a paycheck that helps them make ends meet.  (Applause.) 
And that's why the first part of our strategy was to pass a recovery plan that would jumpstart the economy, put money in people’s pockets.  And because we did, all across America you've got teachers who are still teaching, and police officers who are still on the beat; you've got construction workers that are breaking ground on the infrastructure that will guide us to the future.  Because of that plan, 95 percent of working families are going to have a tax cut in their paycheck in a few weeks.  (Applause.)
That's how we measure recovery.  We measure recovery whether -- by whether families can keep their own piece of the American Dream.  And that’s why the second step was to put forward a bold housing plan to stabilize the market, and we are now starting to see mortgage rates at their lowest levels.  We're already starting to see, because of an $8,000 tax credit for first-time homebuyers, that now we're seeing glimmers of hope, and home prices are starting to stabilize in parts of the country.  And we're seeing record refinancings.
That's because of this plan.  That's how we measure success. We measure success by whether or not the American people have confidence that small businesses all across America are going to have the opportunity to keep their doors open.  (Applause.)  And that's why we passed a series of measures, working with Tim Geithner and the Federal Reserve Bank, to open up credit to small businesses, to make sure that we're providing loan guarantees beyond what we've traditionally provided.
And we measure success by whether or not kids can go to college -- which is why we made sure that we are -- (applause) -- dealing with the loan market and student loans that had dried up, and now young people who have the grades and the will to go to college, they've got a chance to do that.  We've already generated more lending in the last week than we had generated over the previous four months because of the actions that we have taken.  (Applause.)  
And ultimately, we are going to measure our success based on whether we're creating an economy that builds a lasting foundation for shared economic growth, so that we don't face another cycle of bubble and bust, and another crisis like this 10, 20 years from now.
That's what happened over the last six months -- we've seen the consequence of years of an economy that was built on speculation and inflated home prices and maxed-out credit cards and overleveraged banks.  It looked good at the time, but it didn't create lasting wealth; it created the illusion of prosperity.  And now it's put us all at risk.
That's why the most critical part of our strategy is to build an economy on a strong foundation, and that's what the budget I submitted to Congress does.  (Applause.)  It’s not just a budget; it’s a blueprint for our economic future.  (Applause.) It finally tackles those things that we have been putting off for far too long.  Because we know that we've got to reduce our dependence on foreign oil -- and that why we’re going to invest in renewable energies that lead to the jobs and industries of tomorrow.  (Applause.)
We know that the countries that out-educate us are going to out-compete us tomorrow.  And that's why we invested in early childhood education, and high standards for our schools, and rewards for teachers who are successful -- (applause) -- and college educations for anybody who wants to go.  We've got to demand excellence for our schools, to finally prepare our workforce for the 21st century economy.  We want our children to be scientists and engineers and doctors and teachers.
And because we know that the crushing cost of health care is bankrupting families and businesses, and bankrupting the federal government and the state government, our budget reflects the reforms that will bring down costs, and improve care, and guarantee Americans their choice of doctors and hospitals.
People talk about, well, you can't do health care right now; we need more fiscal discipline.  They don't understand the choice isn’t between health care reform and fiscal discipline; we have to invest in health care reform in order to deliver fiscal discipline. (Applause.)  That's exactly -- one of the reasons we're doing this.  (Applause.)  
And because we've inherited an economic mess and a fiscal mess -- (laughter) -- this budget makes the tough choices necessary to cut the deficit by the end of my first term in half -- even under the most pessimistic estimates.  We've already proposed $2 trillion in deficit reduction over the next decade.  We'll continue making these tough choices in the months and years ahead as our economy recovers.
And to a bunch of the critics out there, I've already said, show me your budget.  (Laughter.)  Show me what you want to do.  (Applause.)  And I'm happy to have that debate -- because I believe in the vision of the Democratic Party.  (Applause.)  I believe in a vision that helps people help themselves.  And I believe that in the end, the best way to bring down our deficit is not with a budget that continues the very same policies that led to the false prosperity and massive debts that we've seen.  It’s a budget that leads to broad economic growth, moves us from an era of borrow and spend to save and invest. 
That’s what clean energy jobs will do.  That’s what a highly skilled workforce will do.  That’s what an efficient health care system that controls costs will do.  That's why this budget is inseparable from recovery -- because it lays the foundation for a secure and lasting prosperity; the groundwork for a future that reflects what we know this country can be.
Now, let me just say that there are those who say, you know, you're taking on too much; say the budget is too ambitious, we should only focus on one problem at a time.
AUDIENCE:  Nooo!
THE PRESIDENT:  But we know -- we're smarter than that.  (Applause.)  We know the challenges are too big to ignore.  That single mom out there trying to figure out whether she can have health care for her family -- she doesn't think --
AUDIENCE MEMBER:  She can't wait.
THE PRESIDENT:  She cannot wait.  (Applause.)  I'm not going to wait until we've got another $4-a-gallon gasoline before suddenly everybody says, why don't we have an energy policy?  We can't wait.  (Applause.)  I'm not going to wait until suddenly we find out that our children can't compete for the jobs of the future.  That's why we're going to fix education now, not later. We can't wait.  (Applause.)
The American people don’t have the luxury of focusing on one problem at a time.  They can't tell their landlord, sir, I can't pay the rent this month, I got other things to do.  (Laughter.)  They don't say, I'm sorry, we're not going to get sick this month because -- (laughter) -- we've got other things to spend our money on.  They have to choose between -- they shouldn't have to choose between tuition for their kids and retirement.  They've got all these challenges all at once.  They have to do all of these things.  And that's why we have to do all of these things
-- because I'm not going to turn my back on the American people who sent me here.  (Applause.)
And I'm not going to kick these problems down the road for another four years, another eight years, for the next President, the next generation.  (Applause.)  We're going to tackle them now.  That's why I ran for President.  That's why you helped me become President.  That's why we are not going to stop until we get this thing done.  (Applause.)
Thank you very much, everybody.  God bless you.  (Applause.)
END                                                             
9:19 P.M. EDT
 
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secrectary

_____________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                 March 25, 2009

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COMMITTEE FUNDRAISER
National Women in the Arts Museum
Washington, D.C.
7:58 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, everybody. Thank you. (Applause.) Please, everybody, have a seat. Thank you. Thank you so much. Now, first of all, I want to thank all the attendees, and Jane Stetson, the DNC National Finance Chair; and Andy Tobias, who is the DNC Treasurer -- both of them have done so much already for the party. We're grateful for them.
I want to thank my great friend, Tim Kaine. He's being a little modest when he says he endorsed me early. He endorsed me before just about anybody else outside of Illinois endorsed me -- (applause) -- on the steps in Richmond, the former seat of the Confederacy, back in February of 2007, at a time when not many people gave me a chance. And, Tim, we are just extraordinarily grateful for you -- for the exceptional leadership that you're already showing not just in Virginia, but now as a strong and steady hand at the DNC.
And one of the things I'm most excited about with Tim is that he understands this is not about top-down politics, this is about bottom-up politics. And part of the reason I was so excited to have him be part of the DNC is he understood that what matters ultimately is how well we are mobilizing the American people to take charge of this democracy. And that's what he's stood for all his life; that's what he's standing for now.
I want to thank all the members of the National Finance Committee and the Mid-Atlantic Finance Committee in this room who have been there every step of the way for more than two years now. Without you, I would not be standing here today as President. And so I'm extraordinarily grateful.
And I'm grateful to all of you at the Democratic National Committee and Organizing for America -- OFA -- for your efforts to share our future-facing agenda with the American people. I know that thousands of volunteers, as Tim talked about, took the extraordinary step last weekend of reaching out to Americans all across 50 states, talking to people about our plans to move this economy from recession to recovery, and ultimately to prosperity. And I'm always humbled by their efforts, because they're doing it not because they want something out of it, they're not doing it because they think that they're going to benefit in some personal way; they're doing it because they believe in this country and are willing to commit to it.
It's those efforts that help me hear the concerns of ordinary Americans from all across this country: their struggles and their hopes; their worries about whether they’ll have a job and a paycheck that they can count on; whether they’ll be able to pay their medical bills or their child's college tuition; or whether they're going to be able to retire anytime soon.
These are the concerns I heard last week when I traveled to California and I spent time talking with ordinary Americans in town halls and in the places where they work. They're the same concerns that I read about when I look through the letters that I've taken to reading every night -- letters from constituents all across the country. And all of them ask the same simple question: What are you going to do in Washington about the problems that we’re facing out here? Do you hear me? Do you remember me?
Over the past two months, we’ve been working to answer that question with a comprehensive strategy to attack the current economic crisis on all fronts. And I know it can be easy, especially in Washington, to get caught up in the day-to-day chatter of cable television; to be distracted by the petty and the trivial, and to fall into the trap of keeping score about who’s up and who’s down.
There will be days where we may be declared winners, and there will be days where the umpires say, oh, they lost that one. There will be days when the markets go up; there will be days when the markets go down. But you and I, we measure our economic recovery in a different way. We're already starting to see signs of progress that we're making a difference in the lives of the American people. (Applause.)
We measure our recovery by how many Americans can bring home a paycheck that lets them make ends meet. That’s why the first part of our strategy was to pass a recovery plan to jumpstart job creation and put money in people’s pockets. And because we did, all across the country there are teachers that are still in the classroom, and police officers that are still on the beat, and construction crews that are breaking ground rebuilding America’s infrastructure for the future. Because of this plan, as early as next week, 95 percent of all Americans are going to receive a tax cut -- a tax cut that we promised during the campaign -- it's going to be in their paychecks.
That's how we measure success. We measure our recovery by how many families own their own piece of the American Dream. That’s why the second step of our strategy was to launch a plan to stabilizing the housing market and help responsible homeowners stay in their homes. That's why the recovery plan included an $8,000 tax credit for first-time homebuyers. Already, mortgage rates have fallen to near-historic lows, encouraging Americans to re-finance their mortgages, and we've begun to see signs of increased sales and stabilizing home prices for the very first time in a long time.
We measure our recovery by how many small businesses can keep their doors open, and how many families can afford the promise of a college education. And that’s why the third step that we took was to restart the flow of credit to families and businesses by generating car loans and student loans and small business loans. It's a program that Secretary Geithner worked with the Federal Reserve to design and it has already generated more lending in the last week than we saw in the previous four months combined.
And ultimately, we're going to measure our success based on whether we can create an economy that builds a lasting foundation for our shared economic growth so that we don't face another crisis like this 10 years from now, or 20 years from now.
You see, what’s happened over the last six months is the result of an economy built on years of reckless speculation and overinflated home prices and maxed-out credit cards and overleveraged banks. And that approach doesn't create lasting wealth; it creates the illusion of prosperity, and it's endangered us all.
That's why the most critical part of our strategy is to build our economy on a stronger foundation, and that's what the budget I submitted to Congress is designed to do. It’s more than just a budget; it’s a blueprint for our economic future. It's a vision of what the Democratic Party stands for -- that boldly and wisely makes the choices we as a nation have been putting off for too long.
Because we know that we've got to reduce our dependence on foreign oil, we’re going to invest heavily in renewable sources of energy that will lead to new jobs and new industries, and put America at the forefront of a clean energy future.
Because we know that countries that out-educate us today will out-compete us tomorrow, we’re going to invest in childhood education; in high standards and accountability for our schools; we're going to reward teachers for success; and we're going to invest in affordable college educations for anybody who wants to go. It's time to demand excellence from our schools so we can finally prepare our workforce for a 21st century economy, and inspire our children to come out of school saying they want to be scientists and engineers and doctors and teachers.
And because we know that the crushing cost of health care is punishing families and businesses, and bankrupting the federal and state governments, we're going to invest in reforms that bring down those costs while improving care and guaranteeing Americans their choice of doctors and hospitals. The choice isn’t between health care reform and fiscal discipline; we have to invest in health reform in order to achieve fiscal discipline. (Applause.)
And because we've inherited a historic fiscal mess, this budget makes the tough choices necessary to cut our deficit in half by the end of my first term -- even under the most pessimistic estimates. We've proposed $2 trillion in deficit reductions over the next decade? We'll continue making these tough choices in the months and years ahead as our economy recovers.
In the end, the best way to bring down this deficit is to grow our economy. It's not with a budget that continues the very same policies that have led us down the path of narrow prosperity for a few and massive debt. It’s with a budget that leads to broad economic growth and shared prosperity, moving from an era of borrow and spend to saving and investing.
That’s what clean energy jobs and businesses will do. That’s what a highly-skilled workforce will do. That’s what an efficient health care system can do. That's how we're going to control costs of entitlements like Medicare and Medicaid. That's why this budget is inseparable from this recovery -- because it is what lays the foundation for a secure and lasting prosperity; the groundwork for a future that reflects what we know this country can be.
Now, there are those who will tell you that all this is too much, that the plans in this budget are just too ambitious to enact; we should only focus, they'll tell you, on one problem at a time. But we know that the challenges we face are too large to ignore. The cost of our health care is too high to ignore. Our dependence on foreign oil is too dangerous to ignore. Our education deficit is growing too wide to ignore.
I said this at a town hall meeting the other day -- the American people don’t have the luxury of choosing to handle one problem at a time. They can't say, well, you know what, I'm not going to pay my mortgage this month because I've got medical bills to pay; we're not going to save for a retirement, we're going to do a child's college tuition. They've got to do it all at the same time. They've got to confront all of these problems. That's why we have to confront all of these problems.
To kick these problems down the road four years from now, eight years from now, for the next President, for the next generation, that would be to duplicate the irresponsibility that led us to this point. That's not why I ran for office. That's not why you worked so hard during this election. You didn’t send me here to pass on problems to somebody else. You sent me here to solve them, and with your help, that's what I intend to do. (Applause.)
We know that the road to our future is going to be long, we're going to hit our share of bumps and setbacks before it ends. We know that there's going to be a lot of sniping. We know that -- that's how this town works. (Laughter.) But we also know this: We'll only get there if we travel down this road as one nation -- as one people. We'll only get there if we remember that what has always built America is unflinching faith in the future and unshakable confidence that new and better day lies ahead.
If we take the smart steps right now to create lasting economic growth; if we look beyond our own short-term self-interests to the wider set of obligations that we have to each other; if we band together with resolve and clear purpose to take care of business right here and now, we succeed. That’s when we prosper. That’s when the United States of America cannot be stopped.
And seeing all of you here tonight, I believe that the future is going to be very bright for all of us. So I thank you. I hope you're ready to continue rolling up your sleeves. Our work is not yet done, it's not yet time to celebrate. But we're going to get it done -- I'm absolutely confident, thanks to you. (Applause.)
END
8:13 P.M. EDT