THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary
________________________________________________________________________________________
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE                                             April 4, 2009

NEWS CONFERENCE BY PRESIDENT OBAMA
 
Palaiz de la Musique et Des Congres
Strasbourg, France

4:32 P.M. (Local)
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Good afternoon. We have just finished -- well, not just finished -- because I know there's been a little bit of a delay -- we have finished what I consider to be a very productive meeting. I want to thank President Sarkozy and Chancellor Merkel for hosting us here in Strasbourg and Kehl. I should add that not only were they gracious hosts, but the commitments that they made with respect to Afghanistan indicate the seriousness of purpose with which they are approaching the NATO challenge, and our mission in Afghanistan in particular.
I want to congratulate Prime Minister, and now Secretary General-to-be, Mr. Rasmussen. He is an outstanding public servant, somebody with an extraordinary reputation, and I have confidence that he's the right man to help lead NATO during a period in which we are moving from a vision first created in the 20th century to a vision that responds to 21st-century challenges.
I should point out that the election of Prime Minister Rasmussen was unanimous, but there was important efforts to make sure that everybody felt included. And I want to thank, in particular, Turkey for raising some concerns having to do with their security issues and their confidence that the new Secretary General would address them. So I congratulate all the parties concerned in arriving at a outstanding outcome.
The NATO was founded on the basis of a simple but solemn commitment: An attack on one is an attack on all. And from that foundation we forged the strongest Alliance in history, an Alliance that is stronger because it is made up of free nations.
Sixty years ago much of Europe was in rubble, and this continent was divided. Today the Cold War is over and Europe is free. Former adversaries have reconciled. We've protected peace and security in the Balkans. Our Alliance has more than doubled in size. There was nothing predestined about the success. It took decades of consistent effort, careful cooperation and collective action. But while we celebrate NATO's achievements, we can't rest upon them. The 21st century has ushered in a new era of global threats. To meet these dangers, the Alliance must renew and reform itself once more.
The United States came here to listen, to learn, and to lead, because all of us have a responsibility to do our parts. America can't meet our global challenges alone; nor can Europe meet them without America. I'm confident that the leaders who join me here today share that view and that we're moving forward with a sense of common purpose.
We made great progress. Albania and Croatia are now formally NATO members. We welcomed France's renewed commitment to the Alliance's military structures. And we agreed to develop a new strategic concept, which will be critical in modernizing NATO so that it can meet the challenges of our time.
We need to strengthen our planning to protect all of our allies. And we need the capacity to meet new and unconventional challenges. We need to partner with other countries and international institutions, and we need a constructive relationship with Russia on issues of common concern.
Today I focused in particular on Afghanistan. NATO's mission there represents both the promise of its past and its purpose for the future. After 9/11, our allies declared the attacks on New York and Washington an attack on all. And together, we embarked on the first mission beyond Europe against an enemy that recognizes no borders or laws of war.
Seven years later, al Qaeda is active in the border regions of Afghanistan and Pakistan. These terrorists threaten every member of NATO. They've struck in both Europe and North America. They are plotting new attacks, and that's why my administration undertook a comprehensive review of our strategy. We listened carefully and we consulted closely with our allies. And today I briefed them on the results and discussed how we might move forward together.
We start from a simple premise: For years, our efforts in Afghanistan have lacked the resources needed to achieve our goals. And that's why the United States has recommitted itself to a clear and focused goal -- to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and to prevent their return to either country in the future.
This effort cannot be America's alone. All of NATO understands that al Qaeda is a threat to all of us, and that this collective security effort must achieve its goals. And as a signal of that commitment, I am pleased that our NATO allies pledged their strong and unanimous support for our new strategy. Keep in mind it was only just a week ago that we announced this new approach. But already with Secretary Clinton's work at The Hague and with the success at today's summit we've started to match real resources to achieve our goals.
We're leaving Strasbourg and Kehl with concrete commitments on NATO support. Our allies and partners have already agreed to provide approximately 5,000 troops and trainers to advance our new strategy, as well as increased civilian assistance. To support critical elections for August 20th, NATO will fully resource our election support force to maximize security. And our allies have committed additional funds to an Afghan elections trust fund that will provide the necessary resources for free and fair elections.
To accelerate and enhance our training of Afghan security forces, a new NATO mission, a new NATO training mission, will focus on high-level support for Afghan army, and training and mentoring for the Afghan police. And many of our allies and partners have also pledged support for a new trust fund to sustain Afghan national armies going forward.
And to strengthen Afghan institutions and advance opportunity for the Afghan people, we are working with our NATO allies and partners to achieve substantial increases in non-military assistance and to provide the kind of doctors, engineers, educators and agricultural specialists that are needed to make a difference on the ground.
Now, we'll need more resources and a sustained effort to achieve our ultimate goals. But these commitments of troops, trainers and civilians represent a strong down payment on the future of our mission in Afghanistan and on the future of NATO. These are the new missions that NATO must take on in the 21st century, and these are the new capabilities that we need to succeed.
NATO was founded upon mutual responsibility to our common security. And today I'm confident that we took a substantial step forward in renewing our Alliance to meet the challenges of our time.
And before I start taking questions, let me just note that while we were busy dealing with common securities issues here at the summit, we received news yesterday of an extraordinary tragedy back in the United States, where a lone gunman killed and injured multiple people. My administration is in communications with law enforcement officials, federal, state and local. We are monitoring the investigation. I am heartbroken for the families who survived this tragedy, and it just underscores the degree to which, in each of our countries, we have to guard against the kind of senseless violence that the tragedy represents.
So, with that, let me start with Richard Wolf, USA Today.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. I'm wondering if you can say that you got what you asked for here and also in London, because you didn't ask for everything you wanted -- and what I mean by that is you didn't get a lot more combat troops here, and you didn't get direct government stimulus there.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, first of all, I don't want to circle back and have a whole new press conference about the G20 summit, since I answered some pretty extensive questions there. A week before the summit, two weeks before the summit, on multiple occasions, I indicated that the notion somehow that we were seeking to dictate to other countries their budgets and their approach to government spending was simply not accurate. What we said was that all of us have to take important steps to deal with economic growth.
We in the United States have taken appropriate actions to fill the huge hole in demand that had occurred as a consequence of the financial crisis. We saw that other countries at the G20, like China and Japan and Great Britain and France and Germany, had all similarly taken stimulus steps. And the most important thing in terms of stimulus that we wanted to see at the G20 was a commitment that as we monitor what takes place, we assure that if what's been done is not adequate, then we reconvene to make sure that we're taking steps that are adequate to create jobs and regrow the economy.
With respect to what we wanted here in NATO, the first thing we wanted was consensus and unity around a refocused approach to Afghanistan. And because of careful consultation with our allies prior to releasing the results of our strategic review, we came here expecting consensus and we're gratified to receive that consensus. You had NATO putting its stamp of approval on what I believe is a well-thought-out, hard-headed strategy and approach to Afghanistan, but also the need to deal with the interaction between Afghanistan and Pakistan.
This was not a pledging conference and yet we already received the kinds of commitments that historically you don't see at a conference like this. And I think if you will talk to prior participants, they would tell you that what was pledged here today was significant.
Let me just review: We fully resourced the elections -- 3,000 from allies and partners; 300 new paramilitary trainers and mentors for NATO training missions in Afghanistan; 70 NATO-embedded training teams to support expansion of Afghan -- the Afghan National Army; $100 million down payment on the Afghan National Army trust fund; and civilian assistance of half a billion dollars.
That was at a summit that was designed to discuss strategy as opposed to attract pledges. And I think it's an indication of the fact that this Alliance is committed to achieving the focused goals that we've set out in Afghanistan. I think that you're not going to see a division between allies in terms of how we approach the situation. I think our allies are encouraged by not only the consultation that we conducted prior to releasing our strategy, but also our commitment to continually reviewing the strategy to ensure that it works.
And what we anticipate is not only that we will see additional resources brought to bear on the strategy, but that also we will have established a baseline of honesty and clarity about our purpose so that it will be much more difficult for each of us in NATO to try to avoid or shirk the serious responsibilities that are involved in accomplishing our mission. Okay?
Peter Maer, CBS.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. I've got a two-parter on this policy. I'm wondering if at any time in the course of the meeting or before, you asked for a commitment from NATO for combat troops in a war stance like the ones already there and the thousands of others that you're ordering.
And since you keep referring to this and you have referred to it as an Afghanistan and Pakistan policy, and you said recently that you don't envision sending -- you don't envision NATO troops being sent to Pakistan -- what is the message to Pakistan and the terrorists who are hiding out there?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, as I said, this was not a pledging conference. All the NATO allies have troops on the ground who are in harm's way. Our ISAF partners have troops on the ground in harm's way. They are making significant commitments despite having participated in what has turned out to be a very lengthy operation.
And so the whole point of the strategy was to get beyond this notion that somehow there is one kind of troop and one kind of way of accomplishing our mission in Afghanistan. The trainers that we're sending in are not -- are no less important than those who are in the south in direct combat with the Taliban -- because if we can't achieve these other goals, then we will put more and more of a burden -- an unsustainable burden -- on those troops that are conducting direct combat operations.
So the answer is, number one, all these allies have combat troops on the ground. Number two, part of our strategy is to make sure that we've got a much more comprehensive approach.
With respect to Pakistan, we want to bring all of our diplomatic and development skills to bear on strengthening Pakistan in part because they have to have the capacity to take on al Qaeda within their borders, but also because to the extent that we strengthen Pakistan's ability to deliver goods and services and a better life for its people, then the less the contagion of extremism in that country or in the region is likely to spread.
And I informed our allies here today that we are going to, despite difficult budget circumstances, put more money into aid to Pakistan, conditioned on some concrete results in dealing with the terrorist threat. And we are going to be pushing our allies to participate, for example, in the donors forum for Pakistan that's going to be taking place.
Q And the message to the terrorists?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: We are going to keep on going until we get this job done. And they should be clear that we are unified, we are strong; they will not wear us down. We are going to complete our mission so that our people are safe.
Okay. Major.
Q Thank you, Mr. President, and good afternoon. I'd like to ask you about a law that's recently been passed in Afghanistan that affects the 10 percent of the Shia population there. A summary of it says it negates the need for sexual consent between married couples, tacitly approves child marriage, and restricts a woman's right to leave the home. The United Nations Development Fund for Women says this legalizes the rape of a wife by her husband. I'd like your assessment of this law, number one. Number two, will you condition future troop movements of the U.S. to Afghanistan on the basis of this law being retracted or rewritten? And if not, sir, what about the character of this law ought to motivate U.S. forces to fight and possibly die in Afghanistan?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, first of all, this was actually a topic of conversation among all the allies. And in our communication -- communiqué, you will see that we specifically state that part of this comprehensive approach is encouraging the respect of human rights. I think this law is abhorrent. Certainly the views of the administration have been, and will be, communicated to the Karzai government. And we think that it is very important for us to be sensitive to local culture, but we also think that there are certain basic principles that all nations should uphold, and respect for women and respect for their freedom and integrity is an important principle.
Now, I just want to remind people, though, why our troops are fighting, because I think the notion that you laid out, Major, was that our troops might be less motivated. Our troops are highly motivated to protect the United States, just as troops from NATO are highly motivated to protect their own individual countries and NATO allies collectively. So we want to do everything we can to encourage and promote rule of law, human rights, the education of women and girls in Afghanistan, economic development, infrastructure development, but I also want people to understand that the first reason we are there is to root out al Qaeda so that they cannot attack members of the Alliance.
Now, I don't -- those two things aren't contradictory, I think they're complementary. And that's what's reflected in the communiqué.
Q But do you object to the law --
PRESIDENT OBAMA: We have stated very clearly that we object to this law. But I want everybody to understand that our focus is to defeat al Qaeda and ensure that they do not have safe havens from which they can launch attacks against the Alliance.
Ed Luce, from the Financial Times. Where's Ed -- there he is.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. In the context of all the multilateral activity that's been going on this week -- the G20, here at NATO -- and your evident enthusiasm for multilateral frameworks, to work through multilateral frameworks, could I ask you whether you subscribe, as many of your predecessors have, to the school of American exceptionalism that sees America as uniquely qualified to lead the world, or do you have a slightly different philosophy? And if so, would you be able to elaborate on it?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: I believe in American exceptionalism, just as I suspect that the Brits believe in British exceptionalism and the Greeks believe in Greek exceptionalism. I'm enormously proud of my country and its role and history in the world. If you think about the site of this summit and what it means, I don't think America should be embarrassed to see evidence of the sacrifices of our troops, the enormous amount of resources that were put into Europe postwar, and our leadership in crafting an Alliance that ultimately led to the unification of Europe. We should take great pride in that.
And if you think of our current situation, the United States remains the largest economy in the world. We have unmatched military capability. And I think that we have a core set of values that are enshrined in our Constitution, in our body of law, in our democratic practices, in our belief in free speech and equality, that, though imperfect, are exceptional.
Now, the fact that I am very proud of my country and I think that we've got a whole lot to offer the world does not lessen my interest in recognizing the value and wonderful qualities of other countries, or recognizing that we're not always going to be right, or that other people may have good ideas, or that in order for us to work collectively, all parties have to compromise and that includes us.
And so I see no contradiction between believing that America has a continued extraordinary role in leading the world towards peace and prosperity and recognizing that that leadership is incumbent, depends on, our ability to create partnerships because we create partnerships because we can't solve these problems alone.
Tom, McClatchy.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. Of the 3,000 troops that NATO committed to send to Afghanistan, I wanted to ask you, is that a net increase, or will some of them be replacements? And more importantly, how open-ended is that commitment? Will they stay past the election in August and into 2010 alongside U.S. troops?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: You know, the -- keep in mind that this is not a ceiling for what we're achieving. Again, I just want to emphasize this was not a pledge conference. So what I prefer to do is to have Bob Gates or Mike Mullen or General McKiernan or others talk to you in detail about troop rotations, how various NATO contributions will be integrated into the various operations that are going to be taking place. But if you ask people who have been around these NATO summits, they will tell you that it is highly unusual to see the kinds of commitments that we saw today this early and this much unanimity, in terms of what our strategy, should be.
Everybody understands it's going to be hard. And part of why I think our strategy was received favorably was because we did not try to paper over the difficulties. And I think every leader who participated in the summit understands that these commitments place a strain on our populations at a time when we're already going through very difficult times.
We got jobs reports yesterday back home that 663,000 people have lost their jobs just last month. States are struggling. Families are struggling. Military families are going through all the strains and stresses of deployments, and although we're dealing with that issue successfully, thanks to some good planning by Secretary Gates and our drawdown in Iraq, this is still a strain both on our budgets and on our troops, who are performing brilliantly. And that's not unique to the United States, that's true for all the NATO allies.
But what I'm deeply encouraged by is I don't see any lessening of will to ensure that terrorist organizations cannot operate with impunity and continue to threaten devastating attacks on the United States, NATO members, and that I think is -- that promises success over the long term.
Let me -- I'm going to take just two more questions and I'll -- from non-Americans. You guys weren't even on my list, but I'm adding you on so that -- and I want to make sure that the other world leaders treat my American colleagues well, too, though. (Laughter.) Did Sarkozy give you guys any questions? (Laughter.) You see there? There's got to be mutuality in the transatlantic relationship. (Laughter.)
What's your name?
Q Sonja Sagmeister from a little country, Austria, from Austrian Television. Mr. President, you said you came here to learn and to listen. So a quite personal question -- what did you learn from your personal talk with the European leaders? And did this change in a certain way your views on Europe and its politics?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: It's an interesting question. I had already formed relationships with many of them. Some of them I had met when I traveled through Europe before my election. Some of them I had met because they came to Washington after the election. This is the first time I've been in a forum with so many of them at the same time.
I'm extraordinarily impressed by the quality of leadership. I am constantly reminded that although there are cultural differences that are important and that we have to be sensitive to, what we have in common between Europe and the United States so vastly exceeds any differences that we have; that we should not forget why we are allies, and we should be careful about some of the easy stereotypes that take place on both sides of the borders.
It was also interesting to see that political interaction in Europe is not that different from the United States Senate. There's a lot of -- I don't know what the term is in Austrian -- wheeling and dealing -- and, you know, people are pursuing their interests, and everybody has their own particular issues and their own particular politics.
But I think it's a testimony to the success of the European Union, as well as NATO, that on very important issues, each leader seems to be able to rise above parochial interests in order to achieve common objectives. And I think that has accounted for some of the extraordinary success and prosperity of Europe over the last several years.
Yes, right back there.
Q Mr. President, I am Vladimir Lame from Albania from Tirana Observer. Thanks for the approval of Albanian candidate to be member of NATO. But do you think this will bring peace and stability in Balkans, first of all? And the new American President will support Kosovo for membership in U.N. and for other countries to recognize this new state?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, first of all, we are very proud of Albania and Croatia. And they made extraordinary efforts at reform in order to see this day come about, and so we're grateful for them.
With respect to the Balkans, I think that because of NATO actions, because of European assistance, because of a lot of hard work by the peoples themselves, we have seen a stabilizing of the situation. But some of those gains are fragile. And I am very concerned about the impact that the economic downturn may have on the ability of these various countries to stay focused on achieving peace and resolving differences through negotiations.
That's not unique to the Balkans. That's, I think, true around the world. One of the points that was made during the G20 summit is that what starts as a financial crisis can move to a broader economic crisis, a social crisis, and eventually a political crisis. And so we have to monitor that very carefully. We want to play a constructive role in that process. The first constructive role we can play is to help fix this economy. Obviously we have a big role to play in doing that, and I was very pleased to see what happened with the G20.
But we have a specific role in emerging markets in developing countries. And many of these Balkan states we need to make sure that their economies are stabilized during this crisis period. I think that will help in the broader issues of political reconciliation.
Okay. Thank you, everybody. Appreciate it. Thank you. (Applause.)
END
5:05 P.M. (Local)
 
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
___________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                   April 3, 2009

REMARKS BY PRESIDENT OBAMA
AT STRASBOURG TOWN HALL
Rhenus Sports Arena
Strasbourg, France
2:18 P.M. (Local)
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you so much. (Applause.) Good afternoon. Bon après-midi. (Applause.) And guten tag. It is a great honor for me to be here in Europe, to be here in Strasbourg. I want to make just a few acknowledgements. I want to thank the President of France, Nicolas Sarkozy, for being such a terrific friend. I want to thank his wife, Madam Sarkozy. They just hosted us at the palace and could not have been more gracious.
I want to thank the Charge d'Affaires, Mark Pekala, and his wife, Maria, who were helping to organize us; Vincent Carver, who's the Counsel General in Strasbourg. And I want to thank the Mayor of Strasbourg, Roland Ries, for his hospitality. (Applause.)
It is wonderful to be here with all of you and to have an opportunity not only to speak to you but also to take some questions. You know, oftentimes during these foreign trips you see everything from behind a window, and what we thought was important was for me to have an opportunity to not only speak with you but also to hear from you, because that's ultimately how we can learn about each other. But before I take some questions, I hope you don't mind me making a few remarks about my country and yours; the relationship between the United States and the relationship between Europe.
Strasbourg has been known throughout history as a city at the crossroads. Over thousands of years, you straddled many kingdoms and many cultures. Two rivers are joined here. Two religions have flourished in your churches. Three languages comprise an ancient oath that bears the city's name. You served as a center of industry and commerce, a seat of government and education, where Goethe studied and Pasteur taught and Gutenberg imagined his printing press.
So it's fitting because we find ourselves at a crossroads as well -- all of us -- for we've arrived at a moment where each nation and every citizen must choose at last how we respond to a world that has grown smaller and more connected than at any time in its existence.
We've known for a long time that the revolutions in communications and technology that took place in the 20th century would hold out enormous promise for the 21st century -- the promise of broader prosperity and mobility; of new breakthroughs and discoveries that could help us lead richer and fuller lives. But the same forces that have brought us closer together have also given rise to new dangers that threaten to tear our world apart -- dangers that cannot be contained by the nearest border or the furthest ocean.
Even with the Cold War now over, the spread of nuclear weapons or the theft of nuclear material could lead to the extermination of any city on the planet. And this weekend in Prague, I will lay out an agenda to seek the goal of a world without nuclear weapons. (Applause.)
We also know that the pollution from cars in Boston or from factories in Beijing are melting the ice caps in the Arctic, and that that will disrupt weather patterns everywhere. The terrorists who struck in London, in New York, plotted in distant caves and simple apartments much closer to your home. And the reckless speculation of bankers that has new fueled a global economic downturn that's inflicting pain on workers and families is happening everywhere all across the globe.
The economic crisis has proven the fact of our interdependence in the most visible way yet. Not more than a generation ago, it would have been difficult to imagine that the inability of somebody to pay for a house in Florida could contribute to the failure of the banking system in Iceland. Today what's difficult to imagine is that we did not act sooner to shape our future.
Now, there's plenty of blame to go around for what has happened, and the United States certainly shares its -- shares blame for what has happened. But every nation bears responsibility for what lies ahead, especially now, for whether it's the recession or climate change, or terrorism, or drug trafficking, poverty, or the proliferation of nuclear weapons, we have learned that without a doubt there's no quarter of the globe that can wall itself off from the threats of the 21st century.
The one way forward -- the only way forward -- is through a common and persistent effort to combat fear and want wherever they exist. That is the challenge of our time -- and we can not fail to meet it, together.
Now, we take for granted the peace of a Europe that's united, but for centuries Strasbourg has been attacked and occupied and claimed by the warring nations of this continent. Now, today in this city, the presence of the European Parliament and the Council of Europe stand as symbols of a Europe that is united peaceful and free. (Applause.)
Now, we take this peace and prosperity for granted, but this destination was not easily reached, nor was it predestined. The buildings that are now living monuments to European unity were not drawn from simple blueprints. They were born out of the blood of the first half of the 20th century and the resolve of the second. Men and women had to have the imagination to see a better future, and the courage to reach for it. Europeans and Americans had to have the sense of common purpose to join one another, and the patience and the persistence to see a long twilight struggle through.
It was 61 years ago this April that a Marshall Plan to rebuild Europe helped to deliver hope to a continent that had been decimated by war. Amid the ashes and the rubble that surrounded so many cities like this one, America joined with you in an unprecedented effort that secured a lasting prosperity not just in Europe, but around the world -- on both sides of the Atlantic.
One year later, exactly 60 years ago tomorrow, we ensured our shared security when 12 of our nations signed a treaty in Washington that spelled out a simple agreement: An attack on one would be viewed as an attack on all. Without firing a single shot, this Alliance would prevent the Iron Curtain from descending on the free nations of Western Europe. It would lead eventually to the crumbling of a wall in Berlin and the end of the Communist threat. Two decades later, with 28 member nations that stretched from the Baltic to the Mediterranean, NATO remains the strongest alliance that the world has ever known.
At the crossroads where we stand today, this shared history gives us hope -- but it must not give us rest. This generation cannot stand still. We cannot be content merely to celebrate the achievements of the 20th century, or enjoy the comforts of the 21st century; we must learn from the past to build on its success. We must renew our institutions, our alliances. We must seek the solutions to the challenges of this young century.
This is our generation. This is our time. And I am confident that we can meet any challenge as long as we are together. (Applause.)
Such an effort is never easy. It's always harder to forge true partnerships and sturdy alliances than to act alone, or to wait for the action of somebody else. It's more difficult to break down walls of division than to simply allow our differences to build and our resentments to fester. So we must be honest with ourselves. In recent years we've allowed our Alliance to drift. I know that there have been honest disagreements over policy, but we also know that there's something more that has crept into our relationship. In America, there's a failure to appreciate Europe's leading role in the world. Instead of celebrating your dynamic union and seeking to partner with you to meet common challenges, there have been times where America has shown arrogance and been dismissive, even derisive.
But in Europe, there is an anti-Americanism that is at once casual but can also be insidious. Instead of recognizing the good that America so often does in the world, there have been times where Europeans choose to blame America for much of what's bad.
On both sides of the Atlantic, these attitudes have become all too common. They are not wise. They do not represent the truth. They threaten to widen the divide across the Atlantic and leave us both more isolated. They fail to acknowledge the fundamental truth that America cannot confront the challenges of this century alone, but that Europe cannot confront them without America.
So I've come to Europe this week to renew our partnership, one in which America listens and learns from our friends and allies, but where our friends and allies bear their share of the burden. Together, we must forge common solutions to our common problems.
So let me say this as clearly as I can: America is changing, but it cannot be America alone that changes. We are confronting the greatest economic crisis since World War II. The only way to confront this unprecedented crisis is through unprecedented coordination.
Over the last few days, I believe that we have begun that effort. The G20 summit in London was a success of nations coming together, working out their differences, and moving boldly forward. All of us are moving aggressively to restore growth and lending. All of us have agreed to the most substantial overhaul of our international financial system in a generation. No one is exempt. No more will the world's financial players be able to make risky bets at the expense of ordinary people. Those days are over. We are ushering a new era of responsibility, and that is something we should all be proud of. (Applause.)
As we take these steps, we also affirm that we must not erect new barriers to commerce; that trade wars have no victors. We can't give up on open markets, even as we work to ensure that trade is both free and fair. We cannot forget how many millions that trade has lifted out of poverty and into the middle class. We can't forget that part of the freedom that our nations stood for throughout the Cold War was the opportunity that comes from free enterprise and individual liberty.
I know it can be tempting to turn inward, and I understand how many people and nations have been left behind by the global economy. And that's why the United States is leading an effort to reach out to people around the world who are suffering, to provide them immediate assistance and to extend support for food security that will help them lift themselves out of poverty.
All of us must join together in this effort, not just because it is right, but because by providing assistance to those countries most in need, we will provide new markets, we will drive the growth of the future that lifts all of us up. So it's not just charity; it's a matter of understanding that our fates are tied together -- not just the fate of Europe and America, but the fate of the entire world.
And as we restore our common prosperity, we must stand up for our common security. As we meet here today, NATO has still embarked on its first mission overseas in Afghanistan, and my administration has just completed a review of our policy in that region.
Now, I understand that this war has been long. Our allies have already contributed greatly to this endeavor. You've sent your sons and daughters to fight alongside ours, and we honor and respect their service and sacrifice.
And I also know that there's some who have asked questions about why are we still in Afghanistan? What does this mean? What's its purpose? Understand we would not deploy our own troops if this mission was not indispensable to our common security. As President, I can tell you there's no decision more difficult, there's no duty more painful, than signing a letter to the family of somebody who has died in war.
So I understand that there is doubt about this war in Europe. There's doubt at times even in the United States. But know this: The United States of America did not choose to fight a war in Afghanistan. We were attacked by an al Qaeda network that killed thousands on American soil, including French and Germans. Along the border of Afghanistan and Pakistan, those terrorists are still plotting today. And they're -- if there is another al Qaeda attack, it is just as likely, if not more, that it will be here in Europe in a European city.
So I've made a commitment to Afghanistan, and I've asked our NATO partners for more civilian and military support and assistance. We do this with a clear purpose: to root out the terrorists who threaten all of us, to train the Afghan people to sustain their own security and to help them advance their own opportunity, and to quicken the day when our troops come home.
We have no interest in occupying Afghanistan. We have more than enough to do in rebuilding America. (Applause.) But this is a mission that tests whether nations can come together in common purpose on behalf of our common security. That's what we did together in the 20th century. And now we need an alliance that is even stronger than when it brought down a mighty wall in Berlin.
That's why we applaud France's decision to expand and deepen its participation in NATO, just as we support a strong European defense. That's why we welcome Croatia and Albania into the fold. And that is why we must ensure that NATO is equipped and capable of facing down the threats and challenges of this new age. This is one of our central tasks.
And we also know that in the 21st century, security is more complex than military power. This is the generation that must also stop the spread of the pollution that is slowly killing our planet, from shrinking coastlines and devastating storms to widespread misery and famine and drought. The effects of climate change are now in plain sight.
Europe has acted with a seriousness of purpose that this challenge demands. And in the last few months I'm proud to say that America has begun to take unprecedented steps to transform the way that we use energy. We appointed a special envoy to help us lead a global effort to reduce the carbon that we send in the atmosphere.
But we all know that time is running out. And that means that America must do more. Europe must do more. China and India must do more. Rolling back the tide of a warming planet is a responsibility that we have to ourselves, to our children, and all of those who will inherit God's creation long after we are gone. So let us meet that responsibility together. I am confident that we can meet it. But we have to begin today. (Applause.)
And let us resolve that when future generations look back on ours, they will be able to say that we did our part to make this world more peaceful.
It's perhaps the most difficult work of all to resolve age-old conflicts, to heal ancient hatreds, to dissolve the lines of suspicion between religions and cultures, and people who may not look like us, or have the same faith that we do, or come from the same place. But just because it's difficult does not make the work any less important. It does not absolve us from trying.
And to that end, America will sustain our effort to forge and secure a lasting peace between the Israelis and the Palestinians. I've sent a clear message to the leaders and peoples of Iran that while we have real differences, we also have mutual interests, and we seek new engagement based on mutual respect. And it is in that spirit that America and Europe must reach out to the vast majority of Muslims in our nations and in all nations. We seek only hope of peace and partnership, and the opportunity of a better life.
We cannot simply solve these conflicts militarily. We have to open our minds and we have to open our hearts to the differences among us and the commonalities between us. With every threat that we face, a new day is possible. We can't get there alone. As it was in the darkest days after World War II, when a continent lay in ruins and an atomic cloud had settled over the world, we must make the journey together.
We know that transformational change is possible. We know this because of three reasons: First, because, for all our differences, there are certain values that bind us together and reveal our common humanity: the universal longing to live a life free from fear, and free from want; a life marked by dignity and respect and simple justice.
Our two republics were founded in service of these ideals. In America, it is written into our founding documents as "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." In France: "Liberté" -- (applause) -- absolutely -- "egalité, fraternité." (Applause.) Our moral authority is derived from the fact that generations of our citizens have fought and bled to uphold these values in our nations and others.
And that's why we can never sacrifice them for expedience's sake. That's why I've ordered the closing of the detention center in Guantanamo Bay. (Applause.) That's why I can stand here today and say without equivocation or exception that the United States of America does not and will not torture. (Applause.)
The second way that we can turn challenge into opportunity is through our persistence in the face of difficulty. In an age of instant gratification, it's tempting to believe that every problem can and should be solved in the span of a week. When these problems aren't solved, we conclude that our efforts to solve them must have been in vain. But that's not how progress is made. Progress is slow. It comes in fits and starts, because we try and we fail and then we try something else. And when there are setbacks and disappointments we keep going. We hold firm to our core values, and we hold firm to our faith in one another.
The third reason we know that we can change this world is because of men and women like the young people who are here today. Each time we find ourselves at a crossroads, paralyzed by worn debates and stale thinking, the old ways of doing things, a new generation rises up and shows the way forward. As Robert Kennedy once told a crowd of students in South Africa, "It is a revolutionary world that we live in, and thus, it is young people who must take the lead." (Applause.) Because young people are unburdened by the biases or prejudices of the past. That is a great privilege of youth. But it's also a tremendous responsibility because it is you who must ultimately decide what we do with this incredible moment in history.
We just emerged from an era marked by irresponsibility, and it would be easy to choose the path of selfishness or apathy, of blame or division. But that is a danger that we cannot afford. The challenges are too great. It is a revolutionary world that we live in, and history shows us that we can do improbable, sometimes impossible things. We stand here in a city that used to stand at the center of European conflict; only now it is the center of European union. We did that together. Now we must not give up on one another. We must renew this relationship for a new generation, in a new century. We must hold firm to our common values, hold firm to our faith in one another. Together, I'm confident that we can achieve the promise of a new day.
Thank you very much. (Applause.) Thank you. Thank you very much. (Applause.) Please, everybody have a seat. So the way this works -- do we have microphones in the audience? Yes? So just raise your hand if you want a question, and I will call on you. I think we have some translators. If you want to speak French and German, my French and German are terrible. But we have people who speak very good French and very good German who will translate your question, and translate my answer. And I will try to get as many questions as I can get in, in the remaining 20 minutes or so that we have.
And I will start with this young lady right here. Yes, you, right there. (Laughter.) Please introduce yourself. Hold on, I can't hear you yet. Can we increase the sound on the mic? Let's try again. Oh, I called -- now, I just want to say I did not call on the American on purpose. (Laughter.)
Q (Inaudible.)
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, after only two months, that's kind of a big question. (Laughter.) But here's what I would like to see. And, look, you aim high knowing that you'll make mistakes and sometimes you'll fall short.
Number one, my first task is to restore the economy of the United States, but, in concert with other nations, to restore global economic growth. That's my number one task, because we are going through the worst crisis since the 1930s.
That means that not only do we have to fix the banking system, put common-sense regulations in place to prevent a crisis like this from ever happening again, making sure that we are keeping trade relationships between countries open -- but it also means helping developing countries and poor countries who, through no fault of their own, have been devastated by this crisis, and if we allow them to collapse will ultimately be a drag on our ability to prosper.
Emerging markets have actually been the drivers of economic growth over the last several years. If we can get millions of Chinese to prosper, that is ultimately good for us. If we can get all the Indians in poverty to suddenly be able to buy a refrigerator or send their children to college, that will raise everybody's living standards, because those will be enormous new markets for all of us.
So what I want to be able to do is not only fix the immediate crisis, but, working in partnership with other countries, create a path for sustainable, responsible growth. And I think we can do that. There are a lot of people who benefit from globalization, but there are also people who have been harmed by globalization. Globalization in and of itself can be good, but can also be destructive.
If we create the right framework so that what happened in the banking system can't happen again, then globalization can be good for everybody and lift everybody's living standards up. And by the way, history has shown us that we are most vulnerable to war and conflict when people are desperate economically. And nobody knows that history more than Europe.
So that would be number one. Number two is I would like to be able to say that as a consequence of my work, that we drastically lessened the threat of not only terrorism but also nuclear terrorism. And we can't reduce the threat of a nuclear weapon going off unless those who possess the most nuclear weapons -- the United States and Russia -- take serious steps to actually reduce our stockpiles.
So we are going to -- (applause) -- so we want to pursue that vigorously in the years ahead. And I had a excellent meeting with President Medvedev of Russia to get started that process of reducing our nuclear stockpiles, which will then give us greater moral authority to say to Iran, don't develop a nuclear weapon; to say to North Korea, don't proliferate nuclear weapons.
In my own country, what I think is very important is that we finally get a health care system that is reliable and cost-effective. That's something that -- (applause) -- you know, that's a social safety net that exits in almost all of Europe that doesn't exist in the United States. You have millions of people who work hard every single day, but if they get sick they could potentially lose everything. And in a country as wealthy as ours, that's not acceptable to me.
So we are going to work hard to make sure that we have a health care system that won't be identical to what you have in Europe -- each country has its own traditions and approaches -- but that provides people quality, affordable, accessible health care.
And then, I would like to see us in the United States take the lead on a new approach to energy -- because none of the developed countries are going to be able to sustain their growth if we don't start using energy differently, and the world cannot survive all countries using energy in the same ways that we use it.
I was meeting with the Indian Prime Minister yesterday after the summit -- a very good and wise man, Prime Minister Singh -- and he was talking about how Indian growth rates have gone up 9 percent every year. They need to grow at that pace in order to bring hundreds of millions of people in their country out of abject poverty, desperate poverty. They have to grow at a rapid pace.
Now, he actually is committed to working towards dealing with the climate change issue, but he made a very simple point, which is a point that I understood before the meeting and all of us should not forget -- and that is that you cannot expect poor countries, or relatively poor countries, to be partners with us on climate change if we are not taking the lead, given that our carbon footprint is many times more than theirs per capita. I mean, each one of us in the developed world, I don't care how environmentally conscious you are, how green you are -- I'm sure there are some green folks here --
Q Yes!
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Yes! I don't care how green you are, you are -- you have a much bigger carbon footprint than the average Indian, or the average person from China. And so we in developed countries then -- it's critical for us to lead by example by becoming more energy efficient, and we also have to harness technology and shared scientific breakthroughs in order to find more sustainable energy patterns.
Now, I've got other things that I want to do, but that's a pretty long list. Let me go on to a few more questions. (Applause.)
All right, now, I know there's some other Americans in the crowd. (Applause.) But do me a favor, Americans, wait till we get back home and I'll do a town hall there -- (laughter and applause) -- because I want to hear from my French and German and European friends. All right. And -- wait, wait, wait -- this gentleman right here in the glasses.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. I'm a student from Heidelberg, Germany, and -- (applause) -- my mother tongue is German, but my French is not good enough, so I ask my question in English.
You mentioned in your speech that we are a lucky generation. We live in peace, we live in democracies and free states, and we really -- we are very pleased to have this situation in Europe. But this is not the case all over the world, even not in Europe. Look to Belarus, for example; there's an autocratic regime.
And so my question concerns the many children all over the world that live in poverty, under human rights violation. They have hunger, they have no education, and other problems. So what is your strategy, Mr. President, to solve this problem?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, it's an excellent question, and the -- first of all, I think one of the things that we should be very proud of from the G20 summit yesterday was that we made a significant commitment to additional resources through the IMF and other mechanisms to provide assistance to emerging markets and poor countries that, as I said, are bearing the burden of a collapse in the financial system that they had nothing to do with.
The problem is so many of these countries had export-oriented markets, and when the economies contracted in our developing nations, it made them extremely vulnerable. You know, you have a country like Botswana, which is actually a well-managed country that has made enormous progress, but their main revenue generator is diamond sales, and they have literally seen the diamond market collapse -- in part because they couldn't get trade financing, in part because the demand in developed countries has dropped off. So we started to make progress there. Our most important task right now is helping them get through this crisis.
Over the long term, though, we've got to have a strategy that recognizes that the interest of the developed world in feeding the hungry, in educating children, that that's not just charity; it's in our interest. There's not a direct correlation between poverty and violence and conflict and terrorism. But I can tell you that if children have no education whatsoever, if young men are standing idle each and every day, and feel completely detached and completely removed from the modern world, they are more likely, they are more susceptible to ideologies that appeal to violence and destruction.
If you have no health facilities whatsoever in countries in Africa, these days a pandemic can get on a plane and be in Strasbourg or New York City or Chicago overnight. So we better think about making sure that there are basic public health facilities and public health infrastructure in those countries, because we can't shield ourselves from these problems. So that means developed countries have to increase aid, but it also means that the countries who are receiving aid have to use it wisely.
My father was from Kenya. And when I traveled to Kenya -- I had just been elected to the United States Senate -- everybody was very excited and they greeted me as if I was already a head of state, and there were people waving and lining the streets. I went to speak at a university and I had to be honest, which was, America has an obligation to provide Kenya help on a whole range of issues, but if Kenya doesn't solve its own corruption problem, then Kenya will never grow. It will never be able to provide for its own.
And so there's nothing wrong with the developed nations insisting that we will increase our commitments, that we will design our aid programs more effectively, that we will open up our markets to trade from poor countries, but that we will also insist that there is good governance and rule of law, and other critical factors in order to make these countries work.
We spend so much time talking about democracy -- and obviously we should be promoting democracy everywhere we can. But democracy, a well-functioning society that promotes liberty and equality and fraternity, a well-functioning society does not just depend on going to the ballot box. It also means that you're not going to be shaken down by police because the police aren't getting properly paid. It also means that if you want to start a business, you don't have to pay a bribe. I mean, there are a whole host of other factors that people need to -- need to recognize in building a civil society that allows a country to be successful. And hopefully that will -- that approach will be reflected not just in my administration's policies but in the policies that are pursued by international agencies around the world. Okay, good. (Applause.)
All right, right up -- I've got two of you, so you have to choose one. Which one should I call on? (Laughter.) I don't want to -- you're standing right next to each other. Oops. Well, I'm sorry, you know what, he actually called on the -- no, no, no, I was actually pointing down here. I didn't see those two ladies back there. Here you go, this one right here. Go ahead.
Q Well, hello, Mr. President. I'm sorry, I'm from Chicago, excuse me. (Applause.)
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Are you?
Q I'm also a student in the high school -- the international high school --
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, no, I'm sorry, if you're American I can't -- (laughter.)
Q I'm also French. (Applause.)
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Wait, wait, wait, wait, hold on. She said she's also French. What does that mean?
Q Double nationality.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Dual nationality. What do you think, should we let her ask the question? (Applause.) Okay, go ahead.
Q Thank you. Do you think that the economic crisis is an opportunity to restructure our industries in an ecological and sustainable way? And I also was wondering whether the dog was already in the White House or not. (Laughter.)
PRESIDENT OBAMA: The -- we are getting a dog. This is a very important question in the United States -- (laughter) -- what kind of dog we're getting and when we're getting it. It should be there soon.
I do think that in crisis there's always opportunity if it's used properly. So, for example, in the United States we decided to pass a large stimulus package to help growth at a time when the private sector was having a very difficult time.
Now, we could have just spent the money on the same old ways of doing things, but part of what we've decided was, if we're going to be spending a lot of government money anyway, why not spend it to double the amount of renewable energy? Why not spend it on retrofitting existing government buildings so that we drastically reduce their energy consumption? Why not start building high-speed rail?
One thing that, as an American who is proud as anybody of my country, I am always jealous about European trains. And I said to myself, why can't we have -- (applause) -- why can't we have high-speech rail? And so we're investing in that as well.
So on the transportation front, on -- with respect to building construction, on a whole range of issues, we are investing in new technologies that will make us more energy efficient. And that is one of the building blocks that's needed in order for us to reduce our carbon footprint and to work with other countries to achieve the climate change goals that I think are going to be so important.
I'm getting the signal that I've only got time for two more questions. Oh! I'm going to ask that young man in the suit -- because he got dressed up today. I know he doesn't usually wear a suit -- yes. Go ahead, go ahead.
Q I just want to know what do you expect from the French and the European countries regarding the war on terror?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Good. That's a good question. Look, I think that over the last seven, eight years, as I said in my speech, a lot of tensions have developed between the United States and Europe. And one of the legacies, I hope, from my administration is, is that we start bringing our historic alliance back together in a much more effective way.
Now, that doesn't mean that we're not going to have honest disagreements. All countries have disagreements between themselves. But I think that we can work much more effectively and cooperatively, and maintain that core trust that we have towards each other.
Nowhere have we seen more suspicion than around questions of war and peace and how we respond to terrorism. When 9/11 happened, Europe responded as a true friend would respond to the United States, saying, "We are all Americans." All of us have a stake in ensuring that innocent people who were just going about their business, going to work, suddenly find themselves slaughtered -- all of us have an interest in preventing that kind of vicious, evil act.
But after the initial NATO engagement in Afghanistan, we got sidetracked by Iraq, and we have not fully recovered that initial insight that we have a mutual interest in ensuring that organizations like al Qaeda cannot operate. And I think that it is important for Europe to understand that even though I'm now President and George Bush is no longer President, al Qaeda is still a threat, and that we cannot pretend somehow that because Barack Hussein Obama got elected as President, suddenly everything is going to be okay.
It is going to be a very difficult challenge. Al Qaeda is still bent on carrying out terrorist activity. It is -- don't fool yourselves -- because some people say, well, you know, if we changed our policies with respect to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, or if we were more respectful towards the Muslim world, suddenly these organizations would stop threatening us. That's just not the case.
It is true that we have to change our behavior in showing the Muslim world greater respect, and changing our language and changing our tone. It is true that we have to work very hard for Israeli-Palestinian peace. But what is also true is that these organizations are willing to kill innocent people because of a twisted, distorted ideology. And we, as democracies and as people who value human life, can't allow those organizations to operate.
So here's the bottom line. The United States has reviewed and redesigned its approach to Afghanistan. We believe that we cannot just win militarily. We have to win through development aid. We have to win through increasing the capacity of the Afghan government to provide basic services to its people and to uphold rule of law. We have to work with the Pakistani government so that they are more trusted by their population and have more control so that they can then go -- help us go after these terrorists. We have to encourage diplomacy in the region.
So it can't just be a military strategy and we will be in partnership with Europe on the development side and on the diplomatic side. But there will be a military component to it, and Europe should not simply expect the United States to shoulder that burden alone. We should not because this is a joint problem and it requires joint effort. (Applause.)
One last point I will make. In dealing with terrorism, we can't lose sight of our values and who we are. That's why I closed Guantanamo. That's why I made very clear that we will not engage in certain interrogation practices. I don't believe that there is a contradiction between our security and our values. And when you start sacrificing your values, when you lose yourself, then over the long term that will make you less secure. When we saw what happened in Abu Ghraib, that wasn't good for our security -- that was a recruitment tool for terrorism. Humiliating people is never a good strategy to battle terrorism.
So we are going to conduct our operations in a way that reflect our best selves and make sure that we are proud. And that, in turn, will allow the Europeans, I think, to feel good about our joint efforts, and also not to have excuses not to participate in those joint efforts. All right? (Applause.)
Okay, last question. All right, let me see here. All right, that young lady in the red right there, right there. She had all her friends helping her out.
Q Thank you. Hi, I'm Enis Otto (phonetic) from Heidelberg. (Applause.) And I'm totally European. (Laughter.) And first of all, I wanted to tell you that your name in Hungarian means "peach."
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Peach?
Q Yes.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Oh, okay. Well, how about that. I did not know that.
Q Yes, now you know it. And we wanted to know if you -- did you ever regret to have run for presidency till now? I mean, well, did you ever ask yourself, am I sure to manage -- yes.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Yes, it's a good question. (Applause.) Michelle definitely asked that question. (Laughter.) You know, there are -- there have been times, certainly, during the campaign, and there have been times over the last several months where you feel a lot of weight on your shoulders. There's no doubt about it.
During the campaign, the biggest sacrifice -- the thing that was most difficult was that I was away from my family all the time. In addition to missing -- in addition to being jealous about high-speed rail and the nice trains here, I'm also jealous of the fact that campaigns here only last a few months, whereas in the United States we were running for two years. So I was away from home all the time, and that was very difficult because not only do I have a wonderful wife, but I have two perfect daughters. And so, you know, I missed them a lot. (Applause.)
But the nice thing is now that I'm President, it turns out I have this really nice office in my house called the Oval Office, and so it only takes me a few seconds to get upstairs, and I'm home for dinner every night.
You also lose privacy and autonomy -- or anonymity. You know, it's very frustrating now -- it used to be when I came to Europe, that I could just wander down to a café and sit and have some wine and watch people go by, and go into a little shop, and watch the sun go down. Now I'm in hotel rooms all the time and I have security around me all the time. And so just -- you know, losing that ability to just take a walk, that is something that is frustrating.
But having said all that, I truly believe that there's nothing more noble than public service. Now, that doesn't mean that you have to run for President. (Applause.) You know, you might work for Doctors Without Borders, or you might volunteer for an -- or you might be somebody working for the United Nations, or you might be the mayor of Strasbourg. Right? (Applause.) I mean, they're all -- you might volunteer in your own community.
But the point is that what I found at a very young age was that if you only think about yourself -- how much money can I make, what can I buy, how nice is my house, what kind of fancy car do I have -- that over the long term I think you get bored. (Applause.) I think your life becomes -- I think if you're only thinking about yourself, your life becomes diminished; and that the way to live a full life is to think about, what can I do for others? How can I be a part of this larger project of making a better world?
Now, that could be something as simple as making -- as the joy of taking care of your family and watching your children grow and succeed. But I think especially for the young people here, I hope you also consider other ways that you can serve, because the world has so many challenges right now, there's so many opportunities to make a difference, and it would be a tragedy if all of you who are so talented and energetic, if you let that go to waste; if you just stood back and watched the world pass you by.
Better to jump in, get involved. And it does mean that sometimes you'll get criticized and sometimes you'll fail and sometimes you'll be disappointed, but you'll have a great adventure, and at the end of your life hopefully you'll be able to look back and say, I made a difference.
All right. Thank you, everybody. (Applause.)
END
3:18 P.M. (Local)
THE WHITE HOUSE 
Office of the Vice President
___________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                      April 2, 2009 
REMARKS BY THE VICE PRESIDENT
AT THE 21ST ANNUAL
NATIONAL FIRE AND EMERGENCY SERVICES DINNER
  
Hilton Washington
Washington, DC 
7:12 P.M. EDT
THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Thank you, thank you.  (Applause.)  It's an honor to be back with you.  (Applause.)  It's a genuine honor to be back with you.  (Applause.)
Ladies and gentlemen, please -- please sit down.  I'm not used to these standing ovations, I'm a Vice President.  (Laughter.)  Anyone from Delaware in the house?  (Applause.)  I know you all know we Delawareans, we take inordinate pride in our fire service in our state.  And I just want you to know we also take an inordinate amount at how many show up for this dinner.
I want to tell you though, straight up, first thing I asked when I got here, I said, "How many Delawareans here?"  When they told me the number, I said, "Good."  Because had it been less than last year, I really would have been angry, I'll tell you.  (Laughter.)
Warren, thank you for that -- for that introduction, and it's great to be back with all of you, and with so many other friends I have here.  And so many people have become my friends that I've traveled the country with, with the firefighters always beside me
Look, before we get going I want to mention one personal friend who is not here tonight, Hal Bruno.  Hal, I should mention, as you probably know, just celebrated his 80th birthday.  And Hal has been experiencing some health problems.  And I know I speak on behalf of everyone, everyone in this room and everyone who cares so deeply about Hal, that Hal felt as deeply about firefighters as we do him.  Hal, if somehow we can get this to you, we want you to know we wish you good health, and you're in our thoughts and our prayers.  And come next year, because it ain't the same without you being here.  (Applause.)
And there's one other person who is not here tonight.  He resigned from the Senate -- didn't resign, but didn't run again.  He’s one of my closest friends, and he kind of got a kick in the teeth -- he lost his wife, who was his best friend and his closest ally his whole life, Paul Sarbanes.  Paul Sarbanes has been, in all my years in the Senate, there's no one who supported the firefighters as a senator and as a person more strongly than Paul did.  And I want you to keep Paul in prayers.  The memorial service is tomorrow.  But he's going through a difficult time many of you have had to face.
So it's good -- back -- to be back here among so many of my friends.  And when I say "friends," as you know, I don't use the term lightly.  Friends are those who you can count on when you need them most.  And by that definition, every one of you in this room is my friend.  It's not -- it's not -- I'm here -- everybody seemed surprised backstage, you know, "He came this year."  Why wouldn't I come?  Why wouldn't I come?  You've been the most loyal -- (applause) -- decent group of people.  (Applause.)  And I want you to know when I'm not Vice President, and I'm not doing anything, I'll still come, because I want to tell you I owe you.  I owe you.  But not only do I owe you, our nation owes you.
It's an important debt that, in the White House at least, we try to repay every single solitary day.  Every day I go to my office, each and every day when I pick up the paper and read about another lost life, another father of three who courageously is heading in to save an entire building of -- full of families, but tragically leaving his own family behind.
For me, as you know, this debt is personal.  And for me there is only way to repay you.  And that's to equip you properly, and make conditions safer for each and every one of you every day you step into harm's way -- each and every one of you.  I promise you we will not stop until we don't have to read another obituary about a firefighter who has fatally put himself in harm's way -- (applause) -- always for the good of the community; until we won't have to open the newspaper and see how just yesterday, Captain Manny Rivera of Trenton, passed away from a heart attack after rescuing a victim, and having -- in the process leaving five children behind; until we don't have to read about Fire Chief Nolan Ray Schmidt of Hydro, Oklahoma; 37 years old, a volunteer since he was 18 years old -- leaving behind a wife and two daughters, ages four and two.  Look, I know that famous quote that:  Firemen never die, they just burn forever in the hearts of the people whose life they saved.  But I tell you what, I believe it to be true -- but it’s little consolation to the families at the time of the loss.

But, folks, you know, we can do a lot better.  We can do a lot better.  We have to do better.  And I promise you we will do better.  It’s time to do everything -- and I mean everything we can -- to reduce the dangers you face every day.  You think about the dangers we face -- we don’t think nearly enough about the dangers you face.  And to be able to better prepare you for the perils that are part of more than 20 million calls you receive annually -- you folks in this room represent the response to 20 million calls.

Now, look, I know -- I know you can’t make an inherently dangerous profession, an inherently dangerous job totally safe.  I get it.  I get it.  But I know one thing for darn sure:  We can make you a hell of a lot safer than you are today if we do what we have to do.  Folks, we both know why I haven’t and you haven’t stopped reading about those tragedies.  I read a study that you’ve read -- I hope -- conducted by the U.S. Fire Administration, that found that most fire departments are unable to respond to many common emergencies with the existing staffs they have.
I read another report by the National Institute of Occupational Safety and Health, that identified the lack of staffing as the key cause of firefighter fatalities on a fire ground.  Basically it’s pretty to clear to me that the single, greatest reason for the firefighter dying is that there are simply not enough firefighters.  I've read the studies.  But you've lived that reality every time you strap on a helmet and jump on the back of a truck.
Ladies and gentlemen, friends, I promise you this:  This is about to change.  This is about to change.  (Applause.)
You heard the quote -- you've heard the quote by a mutual friend of a lot of ours in this room when he was around, he said, "When a man becomes a fireman, his greatest act of bravery has been accomplished."  You know that was famously stated by the famous New York Fire Chief Ed Croaker.  He went on to say:  What he does after that is all in the line of duty.
Well, there’s truth in that statement, guys -- you all just live it.  I can’t figure out what makes you all tick, but thank God you tick the way you do.  You should talk about, it’s in the line of duty.  You know, I want you to know our administration recognizes that you’ve all acted bravely just by becoming firemen.  And now we owe it to you to make sure that all you do after that in your line of work is as safe as it can possibly be.
So I pledge to you tonight we’re going to make it happen.  We’ll do -- we’ll do a lot.  But we’ll do it both through better equipment and more firefighters to put the equipment to use.  One alone isn’t enough.  One alone is not enough.  We’ve already increased funding for stations and equipment, better training, more protective clothing, including $210 million in the Recovery Act.  Now, I get blamed for that -- but guess what?  I'm happy to take credit for that.  (Applause.)   Because let me tell you, that $210 million is not enough, it’s not part of this extra, beyond the budget -- this is in the Recovery Act.  And we’re committed to reauthorizing and increasing funding for SAFER,* which will go directly to fire departments -- you can hire more trained and professional firefighters; you're all professionals in this room.
You know, my volunteers are having trouble, it’s getting harder and harder.  The same ethic doesn’t apply.  People have 15 different jobs.  We need some help.  We’ve got to retain firefighters in the danger of being laid off and we’ve got to provide an environment where more people are willing to continue to do what so many of you volunteers have done your whole life.
The truth is, as you commit to saving the lives of endangered Americans, we have to do everything we can to save your lives.  Even as we continue to face economic turmoil, we still have to remain committed to America’s bravest domestic defenders.  And that's what you are -- you're so underestimated.  You're so underestimated.  You're not very good at blowing your own horn.  The truth of the matter is you are the bravest defenders we have.  Quite simply, our nation and our communities count on you, and it’s about time you can count on us.  And I promise you, you’ll be able to count on this administration.  Judge us by our deeds when these four years are over.
Ladies and gentlemen, that's not just a puffed-up platitude.  This is your new government taking bolder action that the community of firefighters needs to make sure you’re as strong as possible.  Again, I’ll go back to the thesis.  We always talk about what it takes to make the public safer, and obviously that's the goal.  But we don't spend nearly as much time of how we make it safer for you to make it safe for the public.  Because I want to tell you straight up, and you don't talk about it this way:  When your community, when the community of firefighters is stronger, when you have more of what you need, when you have sufficient personnel, our communities are stronger.  And that's somehow, sometimes the missing link here.  People don't quite see it that way.  When you're safer, we're all safer.
I once read that all men are created equal; then a few became firefighters.  (Laughter.)  Well ladies and gentlemen, there's a whole lot of truth to that.  (Applause.)  Look, I know you guys.  You guys jump off the apparatus after a fire, take off your equipment, jump in a car, and bust your rear end to get to the Little League field to go line it before the game.  You show up because you don't want to miss your daughter's soccer team's game that you're the coach of.  You head out into the communities, and you raise money for that veteran who lost his leg and needs a ramp built going up to his house so he can get in and out.
Actually, it seems to me -- it seems to me that you leap from your day jobs and head up doing exactly what we're all supposed to do as citizens.  But the irony is you do it the most of any of us.  You head right out on a mission that makes the rest of us look lazy.  And you succeed every time.  You're at the core of our communities, and it's time we recognized your value more than we have, and recognized your valor.  We recognize your valor in those moments where it's so obvious, like 9/11.  But it's amazing how quickly memory fades.  It's amazing how quickly it fades.
So it's time, on a regular basis -- day in, day out, year in, year out -- you got the respect you deserve.  You guys know how I feel, I know that.  It's too easy -- it'd be too hard for me to hide it, and you've figured it out.  But I want you to know the President recognizes it, too.  He recognizes the sacrifices you made, and he admires what you're doing; he admires your courage.  And he makes the same pledge to you I do:  We will give you the manpower and the equipment you need to protect your brothers and sisters in arms, and to protect your neighborhoods, our neighborhoods from the fierce dangers you battle every single day.  Well, we want to protect you more.
So you just keep doing what you're doing.  Judge us by our actions.  Those of you who know me, you know I don't say things I don't think I can deliver on.  You know that every day -- every day I read something about fire service, or someone losing their life, or some life being saved -- I see the firemen who saved my life, and saved the lives of my children.  Every day I see each and every one of you.  Every time I look at my kids, I see you guys.  I see the embodiment of sacrifice and courage that gave America its backbone right after 9/11.  I see a group of men and women coming together with one goal in mind:  Doing something for their communities, doing something for their neighbors, just simply doing something to make things better.  More than 20 million times a year you guys do that.  And it's time we thanked you for it, not just verbally.  It's time we set in motion and begin to repay the immeasurable debt that not only I owe you, but the entire nation owes you.
Look, you know, you guys have heard me kid a lot, and the Delaware guys know I sort of coined a phrase back in 1972.  I said there are three political parties:  There's the Democrats, Republicans, and firefighters, and I knew which one I need -- (laughter) -- and which one I've had at my back this entire time.  But you know, folks, this is not a political constituency.  You guys aren't a political constituency.  You're liberal/conservative, Democrats/Republicans.
The fact of the matter is, though, you are the men and women who I truly regard as my personal friends, and I'm not alone.  This isn't about politics at all.  It's about a kinship of character, and a commitment to country.  I remain forever indebted to all of you.  I remain forever your friend, and you know I love you all.  As a famous writer once remarked, "I can think of no more stirring a symbol of a man's humanity to man than a fire engine."
And those of us who have been on the receiving end of hearing that fire engine, seeing that ambulance, seeing that rescue vehicle come, it is -- it is the symbol, the symbol of humanity.  You don't come to have to hurt.  You risk your lives -- some of you in circumstances where you've been shot at -- coming.  And you do it for no other reason, no other reason to help somebody.  And most times, you don't even know who in God's name they are, you just do it.
So I thank you on behalf of your government.  I thank you on behalf of, I believe, all the American people, if they knew as much as I knew about you, would even be more generous in their requirements, the need to supply you with what you need.  And I want to thank you for your unyielding humanity.  And some of the guys from Delaware, I know, you don't want to -- humanity is a hard word to associate with them, you know what I mean?  (Laughter.)  But the truth of the matter is, as gruff and tough as you all act, as bad -- as tough -- I better watch myself.  (Laughter and applause.)
I keep forgetting I'm not back at my fire hall.  (Laughter.)  But as rugged and -- (laughter) -- unconcerned as you all try to be, I know something that you know and most Americans don't know, you're all suckers.  (Laughter.)  You all have got big hearts.  And you're all doing this for one reason:  There is nothing, no way -- nothing you do, nothing you do is as big a repayment than when you look in the eyes of that victim; you look in that person you carried out of that fire; you look in that person who Jaws of Life you used to save them.  And just the look in their eyes -- that's what makes you guys tick, that's what makes you guys tick.  And that's why I love you.
So, folks, for all that you do to serve this country so bravely, I want to say on behalf of the President of the United States and myself -- and a grateful nation -- thank you, thank you, thank you.  I love you.  (Applause.)
END                                                                        
7:30 P.M. EDT
 
THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary
_________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                April 2, 2009
NEWS CONFERENCE
BY PRESIDENT OBAMA

ExCel Center
London, United Kingdom
 

6:44 P.M. (Local) 
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Earlier today, we finished a very productive summit that will be, I believe, a turning point in our pursuit of global economic recovery.

By any measure, the London summit was historic.  It was historic because of the size and the scope of the challenges that we face, and because of the timeliness and magnitude of our response.

The challenge is clear.  The global economy is contracting. Trade is shrinking.  Unemployment is rising.  The international finance system is nearly frozen.  Even these facts can't fully capture the crisis that we're confronting, because behind them is the pain and uncertainty that so many people are facing.  We see it back in the United States.  We see it here in London.  We see it around the world:  families losing their homes, workers losing their jobs and their savings, students who are deferring their dreams.  So many have lost so much.  Just to underscore this point, back in the United States, jobless claims released today were the highest in 26 years.  We owe it to all of our citizens to act, and to act with a sense of urgency.

In an age where our economies are linked more closely than ever before, the whole world has been touched by this devastating downturn.  And today, the world's leaders have responded with an unprecedented set of comprehensive and coordinated actions.

Now, just keep in mind some historical context.  Faced with similar global challenges in the past, the world was slow to act, and people paid an enormous price.  That was true in the Great Depression, when nations prolonged and worsened the crisis by turning inward, waiting for more than a decade to meet the challenge together.  Even as recently as the 1980s, the slow global response deepened and widened a debt crisis in Latin America that pushed millions into poverty.

Today, we've learned the lessons of history.  I know that in the days leading up to the summit, some of you in the press, some commentators, confused honest and open debate with irreconcilable differences.  But after weeks of preparation, and two days of careful negotiation, we have agreed on a series of unprecedented steps to restore growth and prevent a crisis like this from happening again.

Let me outline what I think has been most significant.

Number one, we are committed to growth and job creation.  All G20 nations have acted to stimulate demand, which will total well over $2 trillion in global fiscal expansion.  The United States is also partnering with the private sector to clean out the troubled assets, the legacy assets that are crippling some banks, and using the full force of the government to ensure that our action leads directly to loans to businesses large and small, as well as individuals who depend on credit.  And these efforts will be amplified by our G20 partners, who are pursuing similarly comprehensive programs.

And we also agreed on bold action to support developing countries, so that we aren't faced with declining markets that the global economy depends on.  Together, the G20 is tripling the IMF's lending capacity and promoting lending by multilateral development banks to increase the purchasing power and expand markets in every country.

We've also rejected the protectionism that could deepen this crisis.  History tells us that turning inward can help turn a downturn into a depression.  And this cooperation between the world's leading economies signals our support for open markets, as does our multilateral commitment to trade finance that will grow our exports and create new jobs.

That's all on the growth front.

And next we made enormous strides in committing ourselves to comprehensive reform of a failed regulatory system.  And together, I believe that we must put an end to the bubble-and-bust economy that has stood in the way of sustained growth and enabled abusive risk-taking that endangers our prosperity.

At home, back in the States, our efforts began with the approach that Secretary Geithner proposed last week, the strongest regulatory reforms any nation has contemplated so far to prevent the massive failure of responsibility that we have already seen.  Today, these principles have informed and enabled the coordinated action that we will take with our G20 partners.

To prevent future crises, we agreed to increased transparency and capital protections for financial institutions. We're extending supervision to all systemically important institutions, markets and products, including hedge funds.  We'll identify jurisdictions that fail to cooperate, including tax havens, and take action to defend our financial system.  We will reestablish the Financial Stability Forum with a stronger mandate.  And we will reform and expand the IMF and World Bank so they are more efficient, effective and representative.

Finally, we are protecting those who don't always have a voice at the G20, but who have suffered greatly in this crisis.  And the United States is ready to lead in this endeavor.  In the coming days, I intend to work with Congress to provide $448 million in immediate assistance to vulnerable populations -- from Africa to Latin America -- and to double support for food safety to over $1 billion so that we are giving people the tools they need to lift themselves out of poverty.  We will also support the United Nations and World Bank as they coordinate the rapid assistance necessary to prevent humanitarian catastrophe.

I have to say, though, that this is not just charity.  These are all future markets for all countries, and future drivers of world economic growth.

Let me also underscore my appreciation to Prime Minister Brown, his entire team, and all my colleagues from around the world who contributed to the summit's success.  You know, it's hard for 20 heads of state to bridge their differences.  We've all got our own national policies; we all have our own assumptions, our own political cultures.  But our citizens are all hurting.  They all need us to come together.  So I'm pleased that the G20 has agreed to meet again this fall, because I believe that this is just the beginning.  Our problems are not going to be solved in one meeting; they're not going to be solved in two meetings.  We're going to have to be proactive in shaping events and persistent in monitoring our progress to determine whether further action is needed.

I also want to just make a few remarks about additional meetings I had outside of the G20 context.  While here in London I had the opportunity to hold bilateral meetings with leaders of Russia, China, South Korea, Saudi Arabia and India, as well as Great Britain.  And these discussions were extraordinarily valuable and productive.  Of course, we spoke about additional steps to promote economic recovery and growth.  But we also discussed coordinated actions on a range of issues:  how we could reduce the nuclear threat; how we could forge a coordinated response to North Korea's planned missile launch; how we can turn back terrorism and stabilize Afghanistan; how we can protect our planet from the scourge of climate change.  I'm encouraged that we laid the groundwork for real and lasting progress on a host of these issues.

Ultimately, the challenges of the 21st century can't be met without collective action.  Agreement will almost never be easy, and results won't always come quickly.  But I am committed to respecting different points of view, and to forging a consensus instead of dictating our terms.  That's how we made progress in the last few days.  And that's how we will advance and uphold our ideals in the months and years to come.

You know, at home, I've often spoken about a new era of responsibility.  And I believe strongly that this era must not end at our borders.  In a world that's more and more interconnected, we all have responsibilities to work together to solve common challenges.  And although it will take time, I am confident that we will rebuild global prosperity if we act with a common sense of purpose, persistence, and the optimism that the moment demands.

So I appreciate your attention, and I'm going to take a few questions.  I've got a list of a few people I'm going to call on and then I will intersperse some folks I'm calling on randomly.

Helene Cooper.

     Q    Mr. President, -- (inaudible) --

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, I think we did okay.  You know, when I came here, it was with the intention of listening and learning, but also providing American leadership.  And I think that the document that has been produced as well as the concrete actions that will follow reflect a range of our priorities.  

We wanted to make sure that we had a strong, coordinated response to growth -- and that's reflected in the document and in the actions that will be taken.  We thought it was important to make sure that we had a strong, coordinated regulatory response  -- and many of the details of the regulatory response draw from principles that we had developed prior to coming here. 

We felt that it was very important to strengthen our international financial institutions because developing countries, emerging markets are threatened -- even though they may not have been the cause of this crisis -- they are threatened by capital flight; they're threatened by reduced trade finance; drops in consumer demand in developed countries that were their export markets, and so we knew that it was going to be important to provide those countries with assistance.  And we have created as fundamental a reworking of the resources available to these international financial institutions as anything we've done in the last several decades.

So, overall, I'm pleased with the product.  And I'll leave it to others to determine whether me and my team had anything to do with that.  All right?

Chuck Todd.  Chuck.

Q    What concrete items that you got out of this G20 can you tell the American people back home who are hurting, the family struggling, seeing their retirement go down, or worrying about losing their job -- what happened here today that helps that family back home in the heartland?

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, as I said before, we've got a global economy, and if we're taking actions in isolation in the United States, but those actions are contradicted overseas, then we're only going to be halfway effective -- maybe not even half. 

You've seen, for example, a drastic decline in U.S. exports over the last several months.  You look at a company like Caterpillar, in my home state of Illinois, which up until last year was doing extraordinarily well; in fact, export growth was what had sustained it even after the recession had begun.  As a consequence of the world recession, as a consequence of the contagion from the financial markets debilitating the economies elsewhere, Caterpillar is now in very bad shape.  So if we want to get Caterpillar back on its feet, if we want to get all those export companies back on their feet, so that they are hiring, putting people back to work, putting money in people's pockets, we've got to make sure that the global economy as a whole is successful. 

And this document, which affirms the need for all countries to take fiscal responses that increase demand, that encourages the openness of markets, those are all going to be helpful in us being able to fix what ails the economy back home.

Let me mix in a -- Justin Webb, BBC.  Where's Justin?  There he is.  Go ahead.

Q    Mr. President, in the spirit of openness, with which you say you're --

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Why don't you get a microphone?  See, everybody is complaining.  (Laughter.)  I'm sure that's all your fellow British journalists.  (Laughter.)

Q    They're extraordinarily well behaved, Mr. President.  (Laughter.)  In the spirit of openness, with which you say you're going to run your administration, could you give us an insight into an area or areas where you came to London wanting something and you didn't get it; where you compromised, where you gave something away to achieve the wider breakthrough agreement?

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, I think that if you look at the language of the document, there are probably some areas where it wasn't so much of a sacrifice as it might not have been our number-one priority, but it became clear that it was very important to certain other actors.

I'd rather not specify what those precise items would be, because this is a collective document.  But there's no doubt that each country has its own quirks and own particular issues that a leader may decide is really, really important; something that is non-negotiable for them.  And what we tried to do as much as possible was to accommodate those issues in a way that didn't -- did not hamper the effectiveness of the overall document to address what I think are the core issues related to this crisis.

Now, keep in mind -- I think that this kind of coordination really is historic.  I said in the meeting that if you had imagined 10 years ago, or 20 years ago, or 30 years ago, that you'd have the leaders of Germany, France, China, Russia, Brazil, South Africa, a President of the United States named Obama -- (laughter) -- former adversaries, in some cases former mortal enemies, negotiating this swiftly on behalf of fixing the global economy, you would have said, that's crazy.  And yet it was happening, and it happened with relatively little -- relatively few hiccups.  And I think that's a testimony to the great work that Gordon Brown did, and his team, in organizing the summit, the collective work in our teams in doing some good preparation, some good ground work.  So I'm very proud of what's been done. 

This alone is not enough.  And obviously the actions that each of us take in our individual countries are still absolutely vital.  So we have a set of principles, for example, around dealing with systemic risk that I think will be very important in preventing the kinds of financial crises that we've seen. 

That does not entirely solve the problem of toxic assets that are still in U.S. banks and certain British banks and certain European banks.  And how each individual nation acts to deal with that is still going to be vitally important.  How well we execute the respective stimulus programs around the world is going to be very important.  The quicker they are, the more effective they are at actually boosting demand, the more all of us will benefit.  The more encumbered they are by bureaucracy and mismanagement and corruption, that will hamper our development efforts as a whole.

     So this is not a panacea, but it is a critical step, and I think it lays the foundation so that, should the actions that we've taken individually and collectively so far not succeed in boosting global demand and growth, should you continue to see a freezing of credit or a hemorrhaging of jobs around the world, I think we've created a good foundation for this leadership to come back together again and take additional steps until we get it right.

     Okay, Michael Shear.  Where's Michael?

     Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  I wonder if you view this trip that you're on and the actions that you've taken here at the G20 and with the bilateral meetings that you've had as representing a break from the foreign policy of your predecessor. And if so, could you describe where you see and how you see the principles that guide a different view of the world?

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, you know, I didn't accompany President Bush on his various summits, so I don't know how he was operating.  And I won't -- I won't warrant a guess on that.

     I can tell you that what I've tried to do since I started running for President and since I was sworn in as President, is to communicate the notion that America is a critical actor and leader on the world stage, and that we shouldn't be embarrassed about that, but that we exercise our leadership best when we are listening; when we recognize that the world is a complicated place and that we are going to have to act in partnership with other countries; when we lead by example; when we show some element of humility and recognize that we may not always have the best answer, but we can always encourage the best answer and support the best answer.

     So I think that's the -- that's the approach that we've tried to take in our foreign policy since my administration came in.  Now, we come in at extraordinarily challenging times, and yet I actually think that that calls for this type of leadership even more.  But, ultimately, we won't know how effective we are until we look back a year from now, or two years from now, or three years from now and see if it worked. 

And what the American people care about I suspect are the same thing that the British people care about, and that is, are you putting people back to work?  Are businesses growing again?  Is business -- is credit flowing again?  And, you know -- and that's just true with respect to this summit.  But when it comes to our Afghanistan policy, the question is going to be, have we made ourselves safer; have we reduced the risks and incidents of terrorism?

     And so the proof of the pudding is in the eating.  But hopefully, I think at least we've set a tone internationally where people don't -- where they give us the benefit of the doubt.  They're still going to have their interests, and we're going to have ours.  There are going to be tough negotiations, and sometimes we're going to have to walk away from those negotiations if we can't arrive at a common accord.  There are going to be real dangers that can't always be talked through and have to be addressed.  But at least we can start with the notion that we're prepared to listen and to work cooperatively with countries around the world.

     All right, let me sprinkle in another -- it's got to be an international person.  All right, this young lady right there. 

     Q    Mr. President, Emma Alberici from the Australian Broadcasting Corporation.  At the moment, in the U.S., the U.K., and in Australia, executive salaries and bonuses are decided in the boardrooms of major publicly listed companies.  Who will be making those decisions on salaries and bonuses as a result of the agreement you've made here today?  And if it is still the boards, will they be guided by principles or legislation?

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  The principles that we outlined I think put in place or move us in the direction of what I consider to be best practices, which is that there is some accountability with respect to executive compensation.

     Now, theoretically, that should be the shareholders.  But the way that too many corporations have operated for too long is that you have a CEO who basically selects his board; the board, in a fairly cozy relationship oftentimes with the executive, hires a executive compensation firm, which, surprisingly, tends to think that it's necessary to retain the best talent to pay people $20 or $30 million a year; and we get into the kinds of habits and practices that I think have not been -- have not served shareholders well, I think ultimately distort the decision-making of many CEOs.

     When I was in the United States Senate, I actually worked on a piece of legislation that would -- made the simple proposition that executive compensation should be subject to a shareholder vote, even if it was nonbinding, so that there was transparency and accountability and perhaps a shame function that would take place.  And that principle, I think, is reflected in these guidelines.

     What it says is, is that if you get shareholders involved and those shareholders are given a set of principles and best practices by which they can judge executive compensation, then you can still have outsized rewards and success for successful business people, but it will be based on not short-term performance, not three-month performance, not your ability to flip quick profits off products like derivatives that don't turn out to be particularly productive to the company, but based on sustained, effective growth.  And that's what's embodied in these documents, and I think that you're going to see a lot of countries try to encourage that kind of transparency and accountability.

     It doesn't mean the state micromanaging -- ( sneezes) -- excuse me -- I've been fighting this all week -- it doesn't mean that we want the state dictating salaries; we don't.  We -- I strongly believe in a free-market system, and as I -- as I think people understand in America, at least, people don't resent the rich; they want to be rich.  And that's good.  But we want to make sure that there's mechanisms in place that holds people accountable and produces results.  Okay?

     Got to go back to my crew.  Jake Tapper.

     Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  Two questions.  One, can you say with confidence that the steps the G20 nations are taking today -- committing to today will help the world, or will prevent the world to avoid a depression or a deeper recession?

     And two, your friend and ally, Prime Minister Brown, said that "The old Washington consensus is over; today we have reached a new consensus."  Is he right?  And what do you think he meant by that?

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  In life there are no guarantees; in economics there are no guarantees.  The people who thought they could provide guarantees, many of them worked at AIG and it didn't work out so well.  So there are always risks involved. 

     I have no doubt, though, that the steps that have been taken are critical to preventing us sliding into a depression.  They are bolder and more rapid than any international response that we've seen to a financial crisis in memory.  And I think that they will have a concrete effect in our ability, individually, in each nation, to create jobs, save jobs that exist, grow the economy, loosen up credit, restore trust and confidence in the financial markets.

     So these steps -- another way of putting it is I think the steps in the communiqué were necessary.  Whether they're sufficient, we've got to -- we've got to wait and see.  I'm actually confident, though, that given the common commitment in the United States and in the other G20 countries to act rapidly and boldly, that if we see other inklings of panic in the marketplace, or things unwinding, that this group, once again, will respond as needed.

     So I guess maybe just to use an analogy that was used several times in this meeting, an analogy that I've used in the past:  You got a sick patient; I think we applied the right medicine; I think the patient is stabilized; there's still wounds that have to heal and there's still emergencies that could arise, but I think that you've got some pretty good care being applied.

     You had a second, follow-up question?

     Q    Prime Minister Brown saying --

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Oh, the Washington consensus.  Well, the Washington consensus, as I'm sure you're aware, Jake, is sort of a term of art about a certain set of policies surrounding globalization and the application of a cookie-cutter model to economic growth, trade liberalization, deregulation that was popular and did help globalize and grow the economy, and was led by some of our leading economists and policymakers in Washington. 

     I think that there's always been a spectrum of opinion about how unfettered the free market is.  And along that spectrum, I think there have been some who believe in very fierce regulation and are very suspicious of globalization, and there are others who think that it's always -- that the market is always king.  And I think what we've learned here, but if anybody had been studying history they would have understood earlier, is that the market is the most effective mechanism for creating wealth and distributing resources to produce goods and services that history has ever known, but that it goes off the rail sometimes; that if it's completely unregulated, that if there are no thoughtful frameworks to channel the creative energy of the market, that it can end up in a very bad place.

     And so, in that sense, I think that we just went through a couple of decades where there was an artificial complacency about the dangers of markets going off the rails.  And a crisis like this reminds us that we just have to put in some common-sense rules of the road, without throwing out the enormous benefits that globalization have brought in terms of improving living standards, reducing the cost of goods, and bringing the world closer together.

     All right, I've got time for just a couple more questions.  I'm going to find a journalist here --

     Q    -- (inaudible) -- (Laughter.)

     Q    How about me?

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  All right, I'm going to call on this gentleman right here.  He's been very persistent.

     Q    Excuse me.  China Central Television.  Since the world leaders have been talking about increasing the voice and voting rights of developing countries, I would like to ask two questions instead of just one.  First of all, on behalf of China --

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I may choose which one I want to answer.  (Laughter.)

     Q    Of course. 

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  That's always the danger of asking two questions.  (Laughter.)

     Q    First of all, you've had a very fruitful meeting with our President.  And during the Clinton administration, U.S.-China relationship were characterized, in Clinton's words, "strategic, constructive partnership."  During the Bush era, it was -- the catchphrase was "stakeholder."  The Bush administration expects China to become a responsible stakeholder in international affairs.  Have you come up with a catchphrase of your own?  And certainly it is not the G2, is it?

     My second question is, on behalf of the world, politics is very local, even though we've been talking about global solution, as indicated by your recent preference over American journalists and British -- which is okay.  (Laughter.)  How can you make sure that you will do whatever you can so that -- that local politics will not trump or negatively affect good international economics? Thank you, Mr. President.

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, those are excellent questions.  On the first question, your American counterparts will tell you I'm terrible with those little catchphrases and sound bites.  So I haven't come up with anything catchy yet, but if you have any suggestions, let me know.  (Laughter.)  I'll be happy to use them.

     In terms of local politics, look, I'm the President of the United States.  I'm not the President of China, I'm not the President of Japan, I'm not the President of the other participants here.  And so I have a direct responsibility to my constituents to make their lives better.  That's why they put me in there.  That accounts for some of the questions here, about how concretely does me being here help them find a job, pay for their home, send their kids to college, live what we call the American Dream.  And I will be judged by my effectiveness in meeting their needs and concerns.  

But in an era of integration and interdependence, it is also my responsibility to lead America into recognizing that its interests, its fate is tied up with the larger world; that if we neglect or abandon those who are suffering in poverty, that not only are we depriving ourselves of potential opportunities for markets and economic growth, but ultimately that despair may turn to violence that turns on us; that unless we are concerned about the education of all children and not just our children, not only may we be depriving ourselves of the next great scientist who's going to find the next new energy source that saves the planet, but we also may make people around the world much more vulnerable to anti-American propaganda.

     So if I'm effective as America's President right now, part of that effectiveness involves holding a -- providing Americans insight into how their self-interest is tied up with yours.  And that's an ongoing project because it's not always obvious. 

And there are going to be times where short-term interests are going to differ; there's no doubt about it.  And protectionism is the classic example.  You can make arguments that if you can get away with protecting your markets, as long as the other folks don't protect theirs, then in the short term you may benefit.  And it then becomes important not only for me to try to give people a sense of why, over the long term, that's counterproductive, but also it becomes important for me to put policies in place in the United States that provide a cushion, provide support for those people who may suffer local dislocations because of globalization.  And that's something that I think every government has to think about.           

There are individuals who will be harmed by a trade deal.  There are businesses who will go out of business because of free trade.  And to the extent that a government is not there to help them reshape their company or retrain for the new jobs that are being created, over time you're going to get people who see -- who rightly see their personal self-interest in very narrow terms.  Okay?

Two more questions.  Jonathan Weisman.

Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  During the campaign you often spoke of a diminished power and authority of the United States over the last decade.  This is your first time in an international summit like this, and I'm wondering what evidence you saw of what you spoke of during the campaign.  And specifically, is the declaration of the end of the Washington consensus evidence of the diminished authority that you feared was out there?

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, first of all, during the campaign I did not say that some of that loss of authority was inevitable.  I said it was traced to very specific decisions that the previous administration had made that I believed had lowered our standing in the world.  And that wasn't simply my opinion; that was, it turns out, the opinion of many people around the world. 

I would like to think that with my election and the early decisions that we've made, that you're starting to see some restoration of America's standing in the world.  And although, as you know, I always mistrust polls, international polls seem to indicate that you're seeing people more hopeful about America's leadership.

Now, we remain the largest economy in the world by a pretty significant margin.  We remain the most powerful military on Earth.  Our production of culture, our politics, our media still have -- I didn't mean to say that with such scorn, guys -- (laughter) -- you know I'm teasing -- still has enormous influence.  And so I do not buy into the notion that America can't lead in the world.  I wouldn't be here if I didn't think that we had important things to contribute. 

     I just think in a world that is as complex as it is, that it is very important for us to be able to forge partnerships as opposed to simply dictating solutions.  Just a -- just to try to crystallize the example, there's been a lot of comparison here about Bretton Woods.  "Oh, well, last time you saw the entire international architecture being remade."  Well, if there's just Roosevelt and Churchill sitting in a room with a brandy, that's a -- that's an easier negotiation.  (Laughter.)  But that's not the world we live in, and it shouldn't be the world that we live in.

     And so that's not a loss for America; it's an appreciation that Europe is now rebuilt and a powerhouse.  Japan is rebuilt, is a powerhouse.  China, India -- these are all countries on the move.  And that's good.  That means there are millions of people -- billions of people -- who are working their way out of poverty.  And over time, that potentially makes this a much more peaceful world. 
 
And that's the kind of leadership we need to show -- one that helps guide that process of orderly integration without taking our eyes off the fact that it's only as good as the benefits of individual families, individual children:  Is it giving them more opportunity; is it giving them a better life?  If we judge ourselves by those standards, then I think America can continue to show leadership for a very long time.

     I'm going to call one foreigner -- (laughter) -- actually, I'm the foreigner.  That's why I smiled.  One correspondent not from America.  And then I will -- (loud commotion) -- we're not doing bidding here.  (Laughter.)  But I also want to make sure that I'm not showing gender bias.  So this young lady right here -- not you, sir, I'm sorry.
 
     Q    Hi, Mr. President.

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  How are you?

     Q    Thank you for choosing me.  I'm very well.  I'm from the Times of India.

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Wonderful.

     Q    You met with our Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh.  What did you -- what is America doing to help India tackle terrorism emanating from Pakistan?

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, first of all, your Prime Minister is a wonderful man.

     Q    Thank you.  I agree.  (Laughter.)

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well --

Q    I agree. 

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Did you have something to do with that, or -- (laughter.)  You seem to kind of take -- take credit for it a little bit there.  (Laughter.)
 
     Q    Really proud of him, sir.

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Of course.  You should be proud of him.  I'm teasing you.

     I think he's a very wise and decent man, and has done a wonderful job in guiding India, even prior to being Prime Minister, along a path of extraordinary economic growth that is a marvel, I think, for all the world.

     We did discuss the issue of terrorism.  And we discussed it not simply in terms of terrorism emanating from Pakistan, although obviously we are very concerned about extremists and terrorists who have made camp in the border regions of Pakistan as well as in Afghanistan.  But we spoke about it more broadly in terms of how we can coordinate effectively on issues of counterterrorism. 

We also spoke about the fact that in a nuclear age, at a time when perhaps the greatest enemy of both India and Pakistan should be poverty, that it may make sense to create a more effective dialogue between India and Pakistan.  But obviously we didn't go in depth into those issues. 

We talked about a whole range of other issues related to, for example, energy, and how important it is for the United States to lead by example in reducing our carbon footprint so that we can help to forge agreements with countries like China and India that, on a per-capita basis, have a much smaller footprint and so justifiably chafe at the idea that they should have to sacrifice their development for our efforts to control climate change; but also acknowledging that if China and India, with their populations, had the same energy usage as the average American, then we would have all melted by now.

And so that was a very interesting conversation that I will be pursuing not just with India, but hopefully with China and with other countries around the world.  In some ways our European counterparts have moved more quickly than we have on this issue. But I think even the Europeans have recognized that it's not easy.  It's even harder during times of economic downturn.

And so we're going to have to combine the low-hanging fruit of energy efficiency with rapid technological advances.  And to the extent that in some cases we can get international cooperation and pool our scientific and technical knowledge around things like developing coal sequestration, for example, that can be extremely helpful.  Okay?

I'm going to call on my last American correspondent, Chip.  And, Chip, my heart goes out to you.

Q    Thank you.  Thank you very much, Mr. President.  I appreciate that.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I just heard about that.

Q    Certainly there is a lot of sentiment in G20 countries that the United States was a major cause of the global economic meltdown.  To what degree did that topic come up in your discussions?  Did it make it difficult for some countries to accept advice from the United States when they blame the United States and its economic system for causing this in the first place?  And how do you respond to people who do blame America?

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, you know, I don't think that -- I think my colleagues in the G20 were extraordinarily gracious about my participation.  I think that they continue to express the desire to work with America, admiration about many things American.  There were occasional comments, usually wedged into some other topic, that indicated from their perspective that this started in America, or this started on Wall Street, or this started with particular banks or companies.

     Perhaps what helped was my willingness to acknowledge that  -- and it's hard to deny -- that some of this contagion did start on Wall Street.  And as I've said back home, as I've said in public and as I would say in private, we had a number of firms that took wild and unjustified risks, we had regulators that were asleep at the switch, and it has taken an enormous toll on the U.S. economy and has spread to the world economy.

     Now, I think that part of the reason people didn't give me too hard a time is because if you look at European banks or Asian banks, that they've had their own issues both in the past and in the future.  And I think there was a very constructive discussion about the fact that, given global financial flows, that unless we've got much more effective coordinated regulatory strategies, supervision, standards, that these problems will appear again.

     Money is -- can move around the globe in a second.  And it will seek out the highest returns, and if those highest returns end up being built on a house of cards, then we're going to be seeing another threat to the world financial system wherever that house of cards might be.

     And so, overall, I think there was an extraordinarily constructive approach among all the leaders.  I was very impressed with them.  I'm very grateful to them.  And I'm excited about the ability not just to help heal this economy but also to make progress on a sustainable model of economic growth that relies less on a cycle of bubble and bust -- something that I've spoken about back home.

     All right?  Thank you, everybody.  Appreciate it.  (Applause.) 

                        END           7:36 P.M. (Local)

Additional Materials from the News Conference:
G20 fact sheet 1 Doubling Financial Resources or Agricultural Development
FACT SHEET 2 G20 summit financial crisis

THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secrectary
(London, United Kingdom)
-------------------------------------------------
For Immediate Release                                         April 2, 2009
REMARKS BY PRESIDENT OBAMA BEFORE MEETING WITH PRESIDENT LEE MYUNG-BAK OF THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA
ExCel Center
London, United Kingdom
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Hold on a second. Let's make a brief statement. I just want to thank President Lee and his entire delegation. Korea is one of America's closest allies and greatest friends. And under President Lee's leadership, that friendship has only grown stronger. So we are very interested in discussing the economic crisis, which is the topic of the G20 meeting. But obviously we also have a great range of issues to discuss -- on defense, on peace and stability in the Korean Peninsula, on the outstanding contributions that Korea has made with respect to the Afghanistan situation, and their global role and global leadership on issues like climate change.
So I just want to publicly say thank you to the Republic of Korea for their outstanding friendship and the close ties between our two countries.
Thank you.
END
THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Vice President
__________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                      April 1, 2009

REMARKS BY THE VICE PRESIDENT
ON HOW THE RECOVERY ACT IS HELPING RURAL AMERICA

 

Pikeville Fire Department Main Station
Pikeville, North Carolina
2:16 P.M. EDT

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Ladies and gentlemen, let me -- first, Chief, let me start with you.  And thank you for letting me in your house.

CHIEF WOOTEN:  You're welcome.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  I was telling the Chief, back in the other room, that this is a place, literally, a fire station like this I got -- my career got started.  Every aspect of my life has been touched by the fire service, and quite frankly, by the volunteer fire service -- all professionals.

As we say -- used to say when I was a senator, could you excuse a point of personal privilege, Chief, and to all your members -- I, literally, not only owe my career, I owe my life.  I owe my physical life.  I owe the life of my two sons.  And I owe you a lot.  When I was -- first got elected, there was an accident affecting -- killing my wife and daughter, and my two sons were badly injured.  It was my volunteer fire department -- the Jaws of Life saved my two sons.  When I was diagnosed as having a couple cranial aneurysms where they didn't give me a real great chance of living, and they wanted to get me to a hospital in the snow storm at Walter Reed, from Delaware.  They asked how I wanted to get there.  And I said, literally, "Call my volunteer fire department."  And they got me there.

When, a couple of years ago, lightning struck my home in the morning when I was down doing "Meet The Press" in Wilmington, Delaware, and the seven local departments -- not only one, seven of my buddies showed up.  And extensive damage.  They got my wife out of the house and everything worked fine.  So I really owe you guys, I genuinely do.  It's heart-felt, it's real.  And I don't think most people understand just how much you do, how much you contribute.

You're the same guys and women who jump off the back of this apparatus after a fire in time to make sure to get to the Little League field so you can line the Little League field for the game.  You're the same folks that, you know -- so I know you know it, but this is community.  For me, the definition of community -- and my state is a rural state; little ol' Delaware, everybody thinks, is a northeastern state.  It's rural.  Our largest town is about 150,000 people, and the next largest town is around 30,000 people.  And we only have two paid fire services in our entire state.

And so this is the place, at least where I come from, where you get married, you get buried.  This is the place, the physical spot in which all this stuff happens.  This is kind of -- in Georgetown, Delaware -- which is not my home, and places like -- that, this is the country club.  This serves as the social center, as well as protecting the safety and property of everyone.

So I just want you to know that when I had a chance, when I asked Tom -- Governor Vilsack, now our Secretary of Agriculture has been a friend for a long time.  He actually, quite frankly, knows more about what we're able to do in this Recovery Act, particularly in concert with the Department of Agriculture and other agencies you work with, and anybody in our government.  And so I went to Tom, what, two weeks ago?  I said, "Tom, look, I think it's important we go out and we let people know how this money is being put to work for them, what we're actually doing.  Where should I go?  Where should I go?"

And we were about 25 -- 45 minutes from here.  We went to a community health center first.  And then we said, I want to go to a fire station, because that's the best emblem of what it is we're doing to try to help communities fight through this recession, and at the same time, rebuild something, Governor, that's here to last.

And Mr. Mayor, I'd be remiss if I didn't say thank you for the passport to get into town, we appreciate it very, very much.  I told the Governor -- I told the Mayor as I got of the car, a lovely lady next door to the fire station here waved a pamphlet to me and said she had to talk to me.  So I walked over and took out a pen -- I thought she wanted an autograph.  She said, "No, no, honey, I've signed it for you."  (Laughter.)  She did, swear to God.  She signed it for me because -- it's a long story, but it was about her husband.

Anyway, so this is like home, man, this is coming home.  So I want to thank you and all the good citizens of Pikeville.  And Chief, you and your men and women here who, you know, as the Governor was pointing out back stage, you know, when you build this new fire station it all says the effect of, you know, people rate -- insurance companies rate how much they're going to charge for your insurance on your home.  Insurance goes down when you do good things like this.  People's payments to their -- on their mortgage to insure their home, goes down.

I don't think people know, so -- but I'm not going to get into -- if I get off on volunteer fire service I'll spend the whole day here.  But, look, that old expression, "All men are created equal" -- and then a few became firemen.  You know, so you're not all created equal, you all are the best.

Look, I don't have to tell folks in North Carolina, in this section of North Carolina about community.  I don't have to look any further than down the road at Carthage, where they just went through a tragedy -- all the families and the victims in the nursing home shooting.  But the damage could have been a whole lot worse but not for a local guy named Justin Garner -- a 25 year old policeman -- 25 year old policeman who displayed courage and character that we all need to get through these tough times.  And he showed us how important it is that the men and women who make up small towns serve their communities with dignity and valor, as well as help define our national identity.

And so Tom wasn't exaggerating when he was saying that the President and I think this is more than just doing something about helping this recession.  It's about going to the places where the roots of where our values come from.  And it's -- folks, this is community.  And as I said, there's no better place to demonstrate it than right here in a fire hall in a small town.

And so folks, we understand that the health of small towns like Pikeville is as essential to the nation's well-being as the health of big towns, like Charlotte.  We understand that as we write a new chapter in our history, the small towns of America and the fire fighters and teachers and farmers and police officers will have to be some of the most prominent of its authors as we rewrite this new contract we're trying to work out.

And we understand that this administration -- you should understand we believe will not have done our job if after the recovery occurs -- and it will occur, we will recover; we will recover -- but that's not sufficient for us to recover in terms of our GDP and the growth of our economy.  We'll only be successful is when we recover if, in fact, the living standards of middle-class Americans have raised as we've moved out of this.  It's not sufficient just to recover.  We had a recovery in the housing bubble -- but guess what?  Middle class folks got left behind.  Productivity increased 20 percent, yet the average middle class family lost $2,000 over that eight year period -- instead of being part of it.

So this is about more than just recovery.  It's about making sure that we build a firm foundation for the 21st century where the middle class is raised up and those aspiring to the middle class.  And, you know, I don't think we have to look any further than this fire house to understand what we mean by serving families and creating opportunities.  With $100,000 in recovery funds, this department is going to be able to build a new four-bay fire house, which may be able to house as many as eight vehicles, I'm told.

And we know that the fire house serves an important purpose, but we also know that it's more than that.  It's an emblem of what, in fact, a community is about.  You all are committed to giving your community everything that they need -- those folks in this fire service.  And the communities appreciate it.  You keep our families safe and you display proudly the sacrifices and selflessness that make this community and thousands like it across the country strong.

We don't view the money for the fire house as just spending to help us get out of the troubles we're in now -- oh, it will create jobs, it will put people to work, it will stimulate the economy in this small community, it will inject funds into the community.  We think that it is also an investment in the future.  And this is only one example how we're investing in all of you.  It's investing in Pikeville.

We're doing much more, as the Governor indicated.  We're investing in places like this all across the country to demonstrate the vital role these towns of your size play in this recovery.  All told, we're going to deliver more than $20 billion -- $20 billion -- even in Washington, that's a lot of money -- $20 billion in loans and grants to improve economic opportunity and the quality of life in rural America; $20 billion set aside for rural America.  And the money is going to go to improving things which are not high on a lot of people's lists, but will make a big difference -- like improving broadband access so the farmer can sit there and get online and know exactly what his product is being sold for not just the next county over, but across the country.  And so your kids can be brought into the same kind of opportunity that kids all over the world are being brought into.

We're also going to upgrade, as the Governor pointed out, rural water and waste disposal systems.  We know, Mr. Mayor, that's a big-ticket item for most small towns.  It's a gigantic item in terms of cost in dollars to get it done.  I don't need to tell you about it, Governor, because I'm sure you're implored with help in the state capitol for this all the time.

And we're also seeding new rural business ventures.  I was, as I said, just down the road in Faison, discussing how we're investing in community health centers.  And, by the way, you got one of the best people in the country managing that operation down there.  And so we can continue to provide vital services so many vulnerable families need right now.

I'm also happy to announce today the United States Department of Agriculture -- really Tom should be doing this announcement -- are going to be giving $10.4 billion in recovery funds for singe-family housing, $1.76 billion being released today.  Now, in the midst of this housing crisis, some of the people getting hit the hardest and the worst are people in rural America.  And we're doing this because we realize credit is so tight -- there are few options that exist for low-interest loans in rural America -- even creditworthy people are having trouble going to the bank and deciding they want to borrow the money to buy a home, or to refinance their home.  And today that changes.

Of the $10.4 billion, $322 million, Governor, is headed to your state -- $322 million to invest in 875 loans, four of which are just right here in Wayne County.  And families, as of today, America workers are going to -- 95 percent of them, of all of those of you who have withholding held from your paycheck, everyone who is in that position is going to get -- it's not a lot of money, but it makes a difference in a lot of lives -- $65 a month more on average in your paycheck through the tax cut we put in -- not for the wealthy, but for working people -- $65 a month more in the paycheck.  In these hard times, $65 can make a difference to a lot of families that I know.

And because of that credit, I think we're going to also have the effect of stimulating the economy.  All that money is going to go back in.  People are going to go to the drugstore.  They're going to go to the corner sandwich shop, the grocery store.  People are going to get the car repaired that they've been holding off on repairing for a long time.  That's the stuff that when the money goes into the economy and creates demand and people get hired; jobs are created as a consequence of that.

All in all, we recognize how important America's workers are to our recovery, and we're acting boldly as we can to make towns like Pikeville as strong as possible.

Look, folks, a lot of you know me, and I have a reputation -- and as the Governor knows -- for being pretty blunt and straightforward.  Well, I'm going to level with you.  To state the obvious, everybody knows these are really tough times.  They're tough times in North Carolina, they're tough times in Delaware, Iowa, California -- California has one of the highest unemployment rates in the nation right now.  We all get that.

But every single day that I get out of Washington and am able to -- which I strive to do as often as I can -- every single day I get out in communities, it seems to me that you not only witness this enduring struggle, people asking questions about themselves, as well as they are about their country, and can we get through this -- but every single day, every single day I see something new that provides hope -- that provides hope -- hope that we're not only going to survive this recession, but that the American people -- and I mean working families like all of yours -- will come out of this better off than they did before.  I see it all around me, every place I go.  I see it here at the Pikeville Fire -- Volunteer Fire Department.  But I also see it in communities, including urban communities all across the country.

The President and I really do feel the sense of urgency.  It's one thing to say, well, "tomorrow."  "Tomorrow" doesn't work for somebody who can't put food on the table.  "Tomorrow" doesn't work for somebody who in fact just lost their job.  "Tomorrow" doesn=t work for that mother or father who has to make that longest walk up the short flight of stairs to tell his son or daughter that, "Honey, I'm sorry, we just lost the house.  You can't stay here.  We're not going to be able to play in the same baseball team this spring.  You're not going to be able to do it."  I mean, "tomorrow" -- "tomorrow" is a hundred years away for people.

And so that's why although we've been criticized, we felt so strongly that we had to be as robust as we possibly could in trying to keep unemployment from plummeting so that we create 3.5 to 4 million jobs, or save them, at the same time we begin to invest in communities to give people a little hope.

Well, guess what?  I've observed that whether the people understand the detail of the Recovery Act or the detail of the budget, what they do have is they do have hope.  They do have hope.  And the funny thing is my job is supposed to come out and make people in our communities feel this sense of hope and optimism -- I'm the one that goes back -- I'm the one that goes back more filled with hope and optimism when I see all of you, how you face what's facing you right now and how you're ready to embrace change as long as you think there's a square deal; just let me in on the deal.  Just let me in on the deal.

And so, folks, it's a real honor to be here with you.  It's an honor to be here.  Many of you in recent past have been dealt out of that American Dream a little bit.  Everybody, think about this.  You folks who are old enough to have children and young enough to maybe have your parents around.  Remember the days when your mother and father would tell you when you were a kid, you can be anything you want to be, you can do anything at all in this country as long as you work hard, believe in your country, and you're honest?  Well, there's not as many people today of the generation that our parents were, not raising kids, who look at their kids and say the same thing with the same conviction.

Our parents said it and meant it.  My dad said it even after he lost his job.  My dad really believed it.  One is we got to do -- and this is part of this whole recovery -- is we build this up from the bottom up, not from the top down, is we got to make sure that there are tens of millions of parents all across the country, like our parents used to be, be able to look at their kid with confidence and just say, "Honey, it's going to be okay.  It's going to be okay."  That's what it's all about.  Because if you can't say that, mom, we let down a generation.

And so I think we're ready.  I think this is the beginning of a new deal in terms of how people are dealt into the process.  I hope that's what it is.  And, you know, I was saying -- I said just a few hours ago that there was a great description of a North Carolinian written by a writer who was touring North Carolina towns during the Great Depression.  And he said of a typical North Carolinian facing uncertain times in the '30s, here's what he wrote, he said:  "He is now less proud of the distance he has gone than aware of the distance he has to go.  He knows that he's in the greatest state on Earth, and that he's as good as anybody in it.  But he is by no means sure this is good enough" to get him going.

The difference between now and then -- I look in your eyes and I look in everybody else's eyes across this country -- and I do understand that in fact the pride of how far you've come is somewhat overshadowed by the distance you have to go right now.  But what I don't see -- what I don't see is what this writer saw in the eyes of a "North Carolinian" he was writing about.  I see the pride in your state.  But I also see the absolute certitude in your mind that if given a shot there is no reason why -- no reason why -- we can't come back stronger.

And so folks, what we're all about today -- not only in building this -- priming the pump to be able to build this fire house -- and that's what it is, it's priming the pump, you all are doing a lot locally -- not only in this housing money and all the things -- some of the things I mentioned.  What it really is, is about getting a new start.  And so I -- this is kind of backwards, I know, but I want to thank you for giving me renewed confidence.  We're going to get this done.  We're going to get this done.  And with the grace of God, as my grandfather used to say, and the good will of the neighbors, and the crick not rising -- (laughter) -- we got a real shot, a real shot, and it starts right here, right here in this fire hall.  Right here in this fire hall.

So, folks, keep the faith, and go Tar Heels -- unless they're playing Villanova.  (Laughter.) I got to tell you, I know it's politically incorrect to come to North Carolina and say you're for another team.  (Laughter.)  If Villanova is out of it this round, no problem, I'm for North Carolina.  If I had to bet, North Carolina wins, yes.  But I can't bet against Villanova for a simple reason:  I'll be sleeping alone.  (Laughter.)  My wife graduated from Villanova.  So you all are important, but I like sleeping with my wife.  (Laughter.)  And if she found out I showed up in North Carolina and said, "Go Heels," at the expense of her Villanova Wildcats, I'd be in real trouble.  (Laughter.)  So good luck, unless it is Villanova.  (Laughter.)

Thank you all very, very much.  (Applause.)

END
2:37 P.M. EDT
 

THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Vice President

____________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                    April 1, 2009

REMARKS BY THE VICE PRESIDENT
ON HOW THE RECOVERY ACT IS HELPING RURAL AMERICA
Goshen Medical Center
Faison, North Carolina
12:35 P.M. EDT
THE VICE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much. The Secretary of Agriculture and I have been friends, as you could probably tell, since the '80s. Tom was one of the finest governors in the United States of America. He, literally, has probably forgotten more about rural America than most people know. As the governor of Iowa -- and the commitment he made to economic development to these clinics in his own state -- all that he did before he was willing to come on and be the Secretary of Agriculture.
So I am not being solicitous when I say the President and I are incredibly fortunate to have someone who, quite frankly, knows even more about this than both the President and I know. And that's what you try to do, hire on people who really know what they're talking about.
I come from a state that is a rural state. Most people think Delaware and out west -- they think Delaware is the northeast. Well, it's part of the Delmarva Peninsula -- Delaware, Maryland, Virginia. Our largest industry, by far, is agriculture. It's not banking. It's not chemicals. It's not what people think. It's agriculture.
And what Tom said about the values is absolutely -- absolutely clear. And so when I -- when we -- I asked Tom, I went to the Secretary, and I said: "Give me a place; what's one of the best examples that you can show, we could show, the world, the nation, as to why what we're doing in the stimulus package is worthwhile and that people are getting their bang for the buck, that it really makes a difference?"
And he said -- he turned around and, Doc, he said, we should come and see you. (Laughter.) No, I'm serious, because you are helping create -- all of you are helping create a better reality for people in the eastern Carolinas here. You're creating a better reality for the people in this neighborhood. And I mean that in a broad sense.
And it's great to see, firsthand, how together you all work. The fact that I think -- the press who has followed me may not fully appreciate what Dr. Bound said, that the money that is available from the federal government -- what we're going to talk about today -- he has gone out and leveraged, roughly 4 to 1, to do a whole lot of things that increase the well-being in this community. And everybody here -- as I've gone around to clinics -- seems to be acting with that sense of community.
And speaking of sense of community, you don't have to look much further than down the road at Carthage. First, our deep condolences go out to the families of the victims of that nursing home shooting. But the damage could have been far worse for the entire town if it hadn't been for a young officer, a 25 year old policeman named Justin Garner, who displayed the courage and character that I think is reflective of the kind of courage and character so many people in rural America -- where people don't pay attention to -- actually display every single day for their communities.
He showed how important it is that the men and women who make up the small towns in America are really part of the -- maybe the -- our national identity, they most reflect how we identify ourselves around the world.
And really, first and foremost, we're here today for the purpose of trying to help everyone in this clinic, and everyone in this community, reclaim your vital role in our society. We're here to try to make rural America stronger, and this is just one of many examples across this great nation.
We understand that the health of small towns like yours is essential for our nation's well-being, as well as it is to help big cities like Charlotte and other cities. It's essential -- it's essential -- that small towns, rural towns be healthy, and are growing, and have access to everything that is needed for the well-being of their citizens.
And we understand that as we write a new chapter in our history as a nation, small town America will have to be one of its most prominent authors. Because what was said a little bit earlier -- I'm not sure who said it actually, but that this is a -- this health clinic, we think, and health clinics across America, these are the future. This is the model that I think you're going to see much more replicated than anything else.
So it's not merely that, in my view, we're able to at a federal level help rural America and help rural health clinics, or health clinics generally, but it also, I think, is likely to serve as sort of a laboratory for how things can get done more efficiently, and how health care can be delivered more accurately, rapidly, without mistake, and with quality.
And so we're not here just to see that rural America survives through this difficult recession we're in, but that it thrives as we come out of this recession. And I'm standing in a textbook example of just how to make that happen; how the America Recovery and Reinvestment Act is already serving families and creating more jobs is evidence -- is going to be evidenced right here in this clinic. You don't have to look any further than this clinic to see the recovery in action.
With more than $635,000 in recovery funds -- and you can thank my colleagues behind me for that -- the center will be able to increase its staff, including two more doctors, and two more nurses who will now be able to serve nearly 5,000 additional patients, new patients beyond roughly the 41,000 -- is that right, 41,000 -- 45,000 that was served this past year; 1,500 of whom -- of these new patients will have no health insurance, and some 20 percent of them will be children.
We know that health centers are the heart of these communities. They serve, as was mentioned by my colleague, 16 million patients across the country every year. And more than half of them -- more than half of them are in rural America, towns like Faison. And we know that health centers are, as I said, in the front lines of rebuilding a health care system most of us think is broken and needs some really serious repair. That's something the President and I are absolutely committed to, is reforming the health care system -- make it affordable and available to all Americans.
And we know that these clinics' ability to serve American families will, in many ways, determine the ultimate success of the initiatives we're going to be pushing out the next four years. And we're committed to giving them what they need now to begin to turn communities around.
In North Carolina alone, 27 community health care centers will receive more than $8.6 million in funds -- and they've either already received it, or are receiving it very shortly. In all, we have $2 billion targeted for health centers around the country helping serve some 17 million additional -- 17 million more patients, more than a third of whom are children.
And we don't view that money as just spending to get us out of our troubles, but as a deep investment in strengthening the communities of the future. And these are, have to be, the communities of the future.
The Goshen Medical Center is but one example of where we're investing. And investing in places like this all around the country, that demonstrate the vital role rural towns play in American life, is part of our objective here. All told, we'll deliver $20 billion in loans and grants to improve economic opportunity and quality of life in rural America this year, an additional $20 billion beyond the normal budget process.
The money will go to improving broadband access, upgrading rural water and waste disposal systems, financing homes and rural families -- which Tom and I are going to be talking about a little later today a couple towns from here, and seeding new -- seeding new rural business ventures. And finally, as of today, American workers, some 95 percent of them this April 1st -- I know it's April Fool's Day, and I have nothing to fool you about -- (laughter) -- that will see an increase in their paychecks starting today -- 95 percent of Americans who collect a paycheck where they have withholding tax withheld from. Because the credit that is going to be made available, the typical American family will see $65 per month more in their paycheck. Now that's not the end of the world, but $65 makes a lot of difference in a lot of families. And it makes a difference. And it starts today.
We recognize how important American workers are to our recovery, and we're acting boldly to make towns like Faison as strong as they possibly can be.
Look, this -- folks -- and most of you know of my reputation for being fairly blunt -- but I'm going to level with you, that it's not secret that these times are tough. Throughout North Carolina, throughout my home state of Delaware -- Iowa, North Dakota was referenced earlier -- all across the country, times are really tough right now. And I get that. And every day I see communities like yours enduring the same struggles, asking the same questions of themselves and questions of their country.
But every single day, every day as I travel across the country -- which I've tried to be out at least a couple days a week going around the country; I just got back from South America and Latin America -- but I try to be out as much as I can. Every single day I see something that proves and provides hope, hope that not only we're going to survive this current recession, but that the American people -- I mean real hardworking folks, families like yours -- will come out of this better off than they went into it.
We will recover, folks. There's no question we'll recover. But it's not sufficient the economy just recovers. Barack and I said during our respective campaigns, and our joint campaign, that the measure of whether or not our administration is a success is not merely whether the economy is growing again, but whether the living standard of the middle class rises, and those aspiring to the middle-class have access. That will be the measure. The American people, working-class families, have to share in the increased productivity that's going to take us out of this recession. That's the measure.
And so it seems to me -- as I said, I see all around everywhere I go, I see it here, that you all are in fact ready to join ranks and do everything that's needed to be done to see that that's happened. Because I tell you what, we feed -- when we come out -- we talk about it when we get back in the plane -- we feed off of your hope. We feed off of your optimism. The feedback we get from all of you is the thing that keeps this cycle going. Because ladies and gentlemen, without question, the American Dream needs to be brought back within reach of an awful lot of people whose grasp it has slipped from over the last eight, 10, 12 years.
Every single American, whether in a big-city skyscraper or a small-town farmhouse: everyone is entitled to be able to pursue that dream. And we are committed -- we're committed to making that a reality again.
This country's character, our backbone is defined by people in this community, and in my towns of Delaware -- like Dagsboro and Gumboro, and places like Maquoketa and other places in Iowa. I mean, this is -- this is how we're defined as a nation. And it's also primarily how we define ourselves. Even people in the cities define themselves in terms of rural America. It sounds a strange thing to say when we talk about these basic values.
And so community centers like this, or cucumber fields and farms in the area -- I mean, this is who we are. And I -- many of you have been dealt out of that aspirational dream for too long. So, folks, our plan is to deal you back in. America needs its small towns to flourish as much as it needs its big cities to survive and flourish. So we're here today to begin the process of helping make that happen.
Look, let me conclude by saying to I remember reading a great description of a North Carolinian from a writer who was touring North Carolina towns in the midst of the Great Depression. And he wrote a description of a typical North Carolinian facing uncertain times in the '30s. And here's what he wrote, and I quote: "He is now less proud of the distance he has gone than aware of the distance he must go. He knows that he has the greatest state on Earth and that he is as good as anybody in it. But he is by no means sure this is good enough."
Well, folks, let me say to you we got a long distance to go. But I can assure you, unlike that observer in the 1930s, it is absolutely -- we are good enough. We are good enough, you and us, to make sure that the future is a lot better than the recent past. And in just the brief time I've been here, I can say with confidence that you have all around you, as a community, everyone here thinks we're plenty good enough to get ourselves out of this. And we're going to be able to do this in relatively short order, because you're more than good enough.
So I can say that together with people like you, and with the help of the leadership of President Obama, in my view, and the Congress' support, we're going to turn this around. And I can say together I think we're going to begin to reshape the world.
I apologize for being a little late getting out of the car -- as I was getting out of the car, the President called me from Europe, from the G20 meeting to discuss another matter. He said, "Joe, where are you?" (Laughter.) He wanted to know whether I was working, you know? (Laughter.) He said, "Joe, where are you? Where did I get you?" "Well," I said, "I'm in eastern North Carolina." He said, "We won there, didn't we?" (Laughter.) No, actually, that's not what he said. He said, "Tell everybody I said hello." And then he asked me in detail what I was doing. I said, "Mr. President, is that why you called?" He said, "No, no, no, no, I want to talk to you about something else. I want to talk to you about something else."
So ladies and gentlemen, I think there's only one other subject I could talk to you about that may be of more interest to you, and that's the Tar Heels. (Laughter.) But I'm not going to do that, except to say I wish you all luck. And just if you get to Villanova, my wife's alma mater, just be easy, okay? (Laughter.)
Anyway, thank you all so much. Doc, thank you. And by the way, speaking of Docs, come here Doc. (Laughter.)
DR. BOUNDS: -- to look up to. (Laughter.)
THE VICE PRESIDENT: This man has been practicing medicine for at least two or three years. (Laughter.) And I walked into one of the examining rooms, and he was there -- yes, and you've been here 17 years, right? I apologize, your first name?
MS. AIDES: Lauren Aides (phonetic).
THE VICE PRESIDENT: Lauren was in there with him. And there was a patient there. And I started to ask the Doc about what he needed here. And he said, what we need is we need some more personnel. We need a little -- it's kind of strapped now. We need a little more help, more docs, et cetera, more nurses -- which you're going to get with this.
And I turned -- and I turned to the patient and I said, "Well, you know, Doc, she said 17 years." And I said, "He's been treating you right here in this place?" She said, "No, but other places." And she said, "And where he goes, I go." (Laughter.)
Well, let me just say one thing to you all, because I think it's interesting. National studies show that people treated at health clinics, 85 percent of them have a personal relationship with someone they believe to be their family doctor. They know that person by name, and they have a relationship. When you ask that question generally, nationwide, only 35 percent of the American people can identify their doctor, and that they have a relationship with the doctor.
So, Doc, as my mother would say, you're doing God's work, man. Thanks for everything. (Applause.)
DR. BOUNDS: Thank you. for everything. (Applause.)
END
12:52 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secrectary
________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                 April 1, 2009
REMARKS BY PRESIDENT OBAMA
AND
PRESIDENT HU JINTAU OF CHINA
BEFORE MEETING
Winfield House
London, United Kingdom
2:24 P.M. (Local)
PRESIDENT OBAMA: I just want to welcome President Hu and thank him for extending himself to come to visit and allowing us to have our first face to face conversation.
Obviously China is a great power. It has a long and extraordinary history. The relationship between the United States and China has become extremely constructive. Our economic relationships are very strong. And I've said publicly, and I continue to believe, that the relationship between China and the United States is not only important for the citizens of both our countries, but will help to set the stage for how the world deals with a whole host of challenges in the years to come.
So I'm looking forward to a very productive and open conversation about not only the state of the world economy during this time of crisis, but also know we can work cooperatively together to improve peace and security for both nations and the world at large.
I believe that as strong as our relationship already is, I am confident that we can make it even stronger in the years to come.
PRESIDENT HU: (As translated.) I'm very happy to have this opportunity to meet with President Obama. It’s our first face to face meeting.
Since President Obama took office we have secured a good beginning in the growth of this relationship. President Obama and I stayed in close touch, and foreign ministers of our two countries have exchanged visits in a short span of time.
In addition, the two sides both have reached agreement on the characterization of the China-U.S. relationship in this new era and on the mechanism of the strategic economic dialogues. These results have not come easily, which deserve our both sides’ efforts to cherish.
And as President Obama rightly said just now, sound China-U.S. relationship is not only in the fundamental interest of our two peoples and our two countries, but also contributes to peace, stability and prosperity in the Asian Pacific region and in the world at large.
The Chinese side is willing to work together with the U.S. side to secure even greater progress in the development of the China-U.S. relationship, and I'm willing to establish a good working relationship and personal friendship with President Obama.
I’m sure my meeting with President Obama today will be positive and productive.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: If I'm not mistaken we’re going to have our respective representatives on the strategic and economic dialogue appear with us, so that everybody knows who’s going to be talking.
So these high-level ministers will be charged with working in a very detailed and constructive way on issues of mutual interest to our two countries. And we are very grateful to President Hu for designating such distinguished ministers who are going to be working very constructively with Tim Geithner, my Secretary of Treasury, as well as Hillary Clinton, the Secretary of State.
Thank you very much.
END
2:33 P.M. (Local)
THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary
___________________________________________________________________________________
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE                                         April 1, 2009

 
REMARKS BY PRESIDENT OBAMA
AND RUSSIAN PRESIDENT MEDVEDEV
AFTER MEETING

 
Winfield House
London, United Kingdom
1:01 P.M. (Local)
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Let me just make a brief comment. I am very grateful to President Medvedev for taking the time to visit with me today. I'm particularly gratified because prior to the meeting our respective teams had worked together and had developed a series of approaches to areas of common interest that I think present great promise.
As I've said in the past, I think that over the last several years the relationship between our two countries has been allowed to drift. And what I believe we've begun today is a very constructive dialogue that will allow us to work on issues of mutual interest, like the reduction of nuclear weapons and the strengthening of our nonproliferation treaties; our mutual interest in dealing with terrorism and extremism that threatens both countries; our mutual interest in economic stability and restoring growth around the world; our mutual interest in promoting peace and stability in areas like the Middle East.
So I am very encouraged by the leadership of the President. I'm very grateful that he has taken the time to visit. I am especially excited about the fact that the President extended an invitation for me to visit Moscow to build on some of the areas that we discussed on today. And I have agreed to visit Moscow in July, which we both agreed was a better time than January to visit.
And my hope is that given the constructive conversations that we've had today, the joint statements that we will be issuing both on reductions of nuclear arsenals, as well as a range of other areas of interest, that what we're seeing today is the beginning of new progress in the U.S.-Russian relations. And I think that President Medvedev's leadership is -- has been critical in allowing that progress to take place.
So thank you very much.
PRESIDENT MEDVEDEV: (As translated.) I would like to sincerely thank President Obama for this opportunity to meet him and to meet this time in person. And, indeed, we had an opportunity to compare our views on the current relations and current situation in the world. And we had an opportunity to agree upon certain common values that we need to foster in our relations, and provide for further areas for cooperation in progression of our relations.
I can only agree that the relations between our countries have been adrift over the past years. As President Obama has said, they were drifting, and drifting in some wrong directions. They were degrading, to some extent.
That is why we believe that since such a situation was not to the benefit of the United States or Russia Federation, to say nothing about the global situation, we believe that the time has come to reset our relations, as it was said, and to open a new page in progression in the development of our common situation.
Indeed, it was said that we are prepared to cooperate further in such areas as the nonproliferation of WMDs limitation of strategic weapons, countering terrorism, and improving economic and financial situation and the overall economic situation in the world.
It is important to note that there are many points on which we can work. And indeed there are far more points in which we can -- where we can come closer, where we can work, rather than those points on which we have differences. Thus, by bringing our positions closer we can attain significant progress and, much more importantly, further our achievements.
I share the view of President Obama who said that our teams have worked really well in preparation of this meeting, and the declarations, the two declarations, which we are adopting are just another proof of that. And those are a declaration on the strategic weapons, and the declaration on the general framework of relations between Russia and the United States, which set good grounds for our further interaction.
We will be very glad to host President Obama, to greet him in Moscow in July. Indeed, July is the warmest time in Russia and in Moscow, and I believe that will be exactly the feature of the talks and relations we are going to enjoy during that period in Moscow. And of course we have set out certain objectives and certain goals and tasks we need to work through in order to get better prepared for this meeting. And indeed I am convinced that is a good opportunity for this interaction.
Well, indeed, so we are convinced that we'll continue successfully our contacts, in particular today, where we were not only discussing international issues or bilateral items of interaction; we were also discussing education, which probably not everybody -- where we have come to an understanding that we're reading the same textbooks while in these subjects. And this will set us further for interaction.
After this meeting, I am far more optimistic about the successful development of our relations, and would like to thank President Obama for this opportunity.

END
1:14 P.M. (Local)
 
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secrectary

_______________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                          April 1, 2009

JOINT PRESS AVAILABILITY
WITH PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA
AND PRIME MINISTER GORDON BROWN
Foreign and Commonwealth Building
London, United Kingdom
10:15 A.M. (Local)
PRIME MINISTER BROWN: The whole of the United Kingdom welcomes President Obama and the First Lady on your first official visit to our country. President Obama, you have given renewed hope not only to the citizens of the United States of America, but to all citizens in all part of the world. And I want to thank you for your leadership, your vision and your courage, which you've already shown in your presidency, and congratulate you on the dynamism, the energy and, indeed, the achievements that you have been responsible for.
Your first 70 days in office have changed America, and you've changed America's relationship with the world. So I thank you for coming to our country and I hope you will enjoy your visit with us.
Today we are renewing our special relationship for new times. Ours is not an alliance of convenience; it is a partnership of purpose. It's a partnership that at times of challenge is resilient and at times of change is constant.
President Obama and I are agreed about the significance of this week's G20 meeting, that the world is coming together to act in the face of unprecedented global financial times. Our first duty is to those who are suffering most -- the people anxious about their mortgages, their jobs and their family's future. For them, the pain of recession is all too real. But let us not forget that in 1929, when the Wall Street crash happened and led to recession, it was not until 1945 that the world came together to reshape the world economy. Then it took more than 15 years.
Today, within months of this financial crisis, we are coming together to solve the common problems we face, we are cooperating to shorten the recession, and we are working together to protect and save jobs. The truth is that today's global problems require global solutions. And at this week's summit, where leaders representing 85 percent of the world's economy are gathering together, this summit cannot simply agree to the lowest common denominator. We must stand united in our determination to do whatever is necessary.
This is an unprecedented financial crisis. People have lost their homes, their jobs, and in some cases, their hope. And President Obama and I are agreed today that the actions we take are global solutions required for global problems.
There are really five tests for the G20 summit, five tests for the world -- tests that if met, will create a new consensus for the world. The speed and scale of global economic change has overwhelmed the national system of rules and regulations. So our first test is to agree tougher and more transparent supervision of banks, hedge funds, and what is known as the global shadow banking system. We are both agreed there will be no sustainable recovery until the banks are cleaned up and a new regulatory system is put in place.
The second test is to commit to taking the action necessary to bring about a resumption of growth, push back against the global recession, and support families and businesses.
The third test is to ensure, by international economic cooperation and by strengthening our international economic institutions, we support growth in emerging markets and developing countries.
The fourth test is to reject protectionism and kick-start global trade, and I suggest that an absolute minimum of $100 billion of trade finance that is so desperately needed.
Fifth, we have an obligation to help the poorest, those most vulnerable, but least able to respond to the crisis, by meeting our Millennium Development goals and keeping our pledges on aid.
Both the United Kingdom and the United States are also embarked on a transition to becoming low-carbon economies, because the President and I share the conviction that green energy technologies will be the major driver of our future economic growth and we can create millions of green-collar jobs in the world for the future.
Now, we have some tough negotiations ahead. It will not be easy. But I know from my talks this week, and from my discussions with President Obama today, that the world does want to come together; that Britain and America working together can help make this consensus not just something that is agreed on paper, but which truly delivers for people everywhere who are worried about their jobs and their hopes and their family budgets.
Today, we, the G20 leaders, will begin our discussions. Tomorrow, we must make decisions. And that is what we will do.
We've also discussed how we rebuild Afghanistan by complementing our military action with defense, diplomacy, and development -- putting new resources into civilian support for the Afghan reconstruction.
The President and I also discussed our hopes that Iran will make the right choice and take advantage of the international community's willingness to negotiate, and how we will renew our efforts to deliver security and peace for both the Palestinians and Israel.
Mr. President, I'm honored to be working with you so closely. We share a personal friendship. I believe we can continue to work together for the common good. I repeat: The whole of the United Kingdom is delighted and privileged that you're with us today. Thank you.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you so much, Gordon.
Good morning. I am very pleased to be in London, especially with weather of the sort we're seeing today. And I want to thank Prime Minister Brown for hosting us, for his wife taking Michelle on a tour of some wonderful projects around the city, for his leadership throughout this challenge. I have to say it's not just Gordon and Sarah that have been very hospitable -- I had a chance to see their two sons and we talked about dinosaurs a little bit -- (laughter) -- in between discussions of Afghanistan and Iran. So we've had a wonderful time.
And you're to be congratulated because you have shown extraordinary energy and leadership and initiative in laying the groundwork for this summit. All of us owe Prime Minister Brown an extraordinary debt of gratitude for his preparations in what I believe will be a historic and essential meeting of the G20 nations.
Prime Minister Brown and I had a productive discussion this morning. Both of us greatly value the special relationship between our nations. The United States and the United Kingdom have stood together through thick and thin, through war and peace, through hard times and prosperity -- and we've always emerged stronger by standing together. So I'm pleased that my first meeting overseas as President is with Gordon Brown, just as I was pleased to host him in Washington shortly after taking office. And I know that we both believe that the relationship between our two countries is more than just an alliance of interests; it's a kinship of ideals and it must be constantly renewed.
In our meeting this morning we covered a complex and wide-ranging agenda. It begins, of course, with the global economy. All of us here in London have the responsibility to act with a sense of urgency, and I think that what Prime Minister Brown spoke about, the human dimensions of this crisis -- people losing their homes, losing their businesses that they've worked so hard for, losing their health care in the United States; people around the world who were already desperate before the crisis and they find themselves even more desperate afterwards -- that's what our agenda has to begin with, and that's where it will end.
All of us here in London have the responsibility to act with a sense of urgency, and every nation that will be participating has been affected by a crisis that has cost us so much in terms of jobs, savings and the economic security of our citizens. So make no mistake, we are facing the most severe economic crisis since World War II. And the global economy is now so fundamentally interconnected that we can only meet this challenge together. We can't create jobs at home if we're not doing our part to support strong and stable markets around the world.
The United States is committed, working alongside the United Kingdom, to doing whatever it takes to stimulate growth and demand, and to ensure that a crisis like this never happens again. At home, we're moving forward aggressively on both recovery and reform. We've taken unprecedented action to create jobs and restore the flow of credit. And we've proposed a clear set of tough, new 21st-century rules of the road for all of our financial institutions. We are lifting ourselves out of this crisis and putting an end to the abuses that got us here.
I know that the G20 nations are appropriately pursuing their own approaches, and as Gordon indicated, we're not going to agree on every point. I came here to put forward our ideas, but I also came here to listen, and not to lecture. Having said that, we must not miss an opportunity to lead. To confront a crisis that knows no borders, we have a responsibility to coordinate our actions and to focus on common ground, not on our occasional differences. If we do, I believe we can make enormous progress.
And that's why, in preparation for these meetings, I've reached out and consulted with many of the leaders who are here or will be arriving shortly.
History shows us that when nations fail to cooperate, when they turn away from one another, when they turn inward, the price for our people only grows. That's how the Great Depression deepened. That's a mistake that we cannot afford to repeat.
So in the days ahead I believe we will move forward with a sense of common purpose. We have to do what's necessary to restore growth and to pursue the reforms that can stabilize our financial system well into the future. We have to reject protectionism and accelerate our efforts to support emerging markets. And we have to put in place a structure that can sustain our cooperation in the months and years ahead.
The Prime Minister and I also covered several other areas of challenge that are fundamental to our common security and prosperity. As he mentioned, we discussed my administration's review of strategy in Afghanistan and Pakistan, a review that benefitted greatly from the consultations with our allies.
The city of London, like the United States, was attacked by the al Qaeda terrorists who are still plotting in Pakistan, and we are committed to a focused effort to defeat them. And I want to repeat something that I said during our last visit together -- I want to honor the British troops and their families who are serving alongside our own on behalf of our common security.
We also discussed the progress that was made yesterday at The Hague, where more than 70 nations gathered to discuss our mutual responsibilities to partner with the Afghan people so that we can deny al Qaeda a safe haven. And in the days ahead we'll consult further with our NATO allies about training Afghan security forces, increasing our civilian support, and a regional approach that recognizes the connection between the future of Afghanistan and Pakistan.
And just a few other points. The Prime Minister and I share a common commitment to sustain diplomacy on behalf of a secure and lasting peace between Israel and the Palestinians, and Israel and the Arab world. And we're working together to responsibly end the war in Iraq by transitioning to Iraqi responsibility. We're both committed to diplomacy with Iran that offers the Islamic republic the opportunity of a better future if it abandons its nuclear weapons ambitions.
And finally, we discussed two of the other long-term challenges that will define our times, which I will be focused on throughout my trip in Europe -- the need for global action to confront climate change and a renewed effort on behalf of nuclear nonproliferation, which I will be discussing later today with President Medvedev.
Our immediate task, however, is the critical work of confronting the economic crisis. As I've said, we've passed through an era of profound irresponsibility; now we cannot afford half-measures, and we cannot go back to the kind of risk-taking that leads to bubbles that inevitably bust.
So we have a choice: We can shape our future, or let events shape it for us. And if we want to succeed, we can't fall back on the stale debates and old divides that won't move us forward. Every single nation who's here has a stake in the other. We won't solve all our problems in the next few days, but we can make real and unprecedented progress. We have an obligation to keep it -- keep working at it until the burden on ordinary people is lifted, until we've achieved the kind of steady growth that creates jobs and advances prosperity for people everywhere.
That's the responsibility we bear; that must be the legacy of our cooperation. And I'm extraordinarily grateful to Gordon for his friendship and his leadership in mobilizing at a time of such significant moment.
PRIME MINISTER BROWN: Thank you very much. I said to Barack I was going to introduce him to my friends in the British media.
Nick.
Q Prime Minister, thank you very much, indeed. Nick Robinson, BBC News. A question for you both, if I may. The Prime Minister has repeatedly blamed the United States of America for causing this crisis. France and Germany blame both Britain and America for causing this crisis. Who is right? And isn't the debate about that at the heart of the debate about what to do now?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: I would say that if you look at the sources of this crisis, the United States certainly has some accounting to do with respect to a regulatory system that was inadequate to the massive changes that had taken place in the global financial system.
I think what is also true is that here in Great Britain, in continental Europe, around the world, we were seeing the same mismatch between the regulatory regimes that were in place and the highly integrated global capital markets that had emerged.
So at this point, I'm less interested in identifying blame than fixing the problem. And I think we've taken some very aggressive steps in the United States to do so -- not just responding to the immediate crisis, ensuring that banks are adequately capitalized, dealing with the enormous drop-off in demand and the contraction that's been taking place, but more importantly for the long term, making sure that we've got a set of regulations that are up to the task.
And that includes a number that will be discussed at this summit. I think there's a lot of convergence between all the parties involved about the need, for example, to focus not on the legal form that a particular financial product takes or the institution that it emerges from, but rather what's the risk involved; what's the function of this product and how do we regulate that adequately; much more effective coordination between countries so that we can anticipate some of the risks that are involved; dealing with the problem of derivatives markets and making sure that we've set up systems that can reduce some of the risk there.
So I actually think that there's enormous consensus that has emerged in terms of what we need to do now, and I'm a big believer in looking forward rather than backwards.
PRIME MINISTER BROWN: You know, I was in Brazil last week, and I think President Lula will forgive me for saying this -- he said to me, when I was leader of the trade unions, I blamed the government; when I became leader of the opposition, I blamed the government; when I became the government, I blamed Europe and America. (Laughter.)
And he recognizes, as we do, that this is a global problem. It's a global problem that requires a global solution. What essentially happened is that the speed and the pace and the scope of global financial changes -- the mobility of capital around the world -- overwhelmed system of national regulation. And if we don't accept that as the problem that we've got to solve, then we will not solve the problems this week.
This is a problem to build cross-border supervision, to actually deal with the rules globally that can govern the financial supervision of banks and markets, and to root out the bad practices that have partly existed because of the scope by which -- because of the speed by which financial markets moved and the scope that they had to cross national boundaries.
So we need global solutions to what is a global problem and I think we will agree a number of measures, as President Obama said, that will clean up the global financial system.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: And just one last point I want to make, because it's relevant to this issue of responsibility versus blame. I had a professor when I was in law school who said some are to blame but all are responsible. And I think that's the best way for us to approach the problem that we have right now.
I do think that, across borders, there has been a tendency to believe that whatever the global capital markets were doing was ultimately beneficial. I am a big believer in global capital markets and their potential to provide capital to countries that might not otherwise be able to grow, the possibilities of increasing living standards in ways that we have not seen previously in world history. But what we have to understand is, is that that's going to require some sort of regulatory framework to make sure that it doesn't jump the rails. And that I think is something that we're going to be able to put together.
Jennifer Loven of AP. Where's Jennifer -- there you are.
Q Thank you, Mr. President, Mr. Prime Minister. Mr. President, you come here with several signs of fairly broad challenges to American economic leadership. There's the resistance to big, new stimulus spending; there's talk of a global -- new global currency; talk of even stricter regulations than are on the table now. How do you answer that? And what do you say to the talk that there's a decline in the American model, American prominence?
And then to the Prime Minister, if I could. French President Sarkozy said he might walk out of the summit if the regulations that are on the table do not get more strict, say, on offshore tax havens and on risky financial products. Can you answer that?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, I think if you pulled quotes from 10 years ago, 20 years ago, 30 years ago, from previous news reports, you might find similar contentions that America was on decline. And somehow it hasn't worked out that way, because I think that there is a vibrancy to our economic model, a durability to our political model, and a set of ideals that has sustained us through even the most difficult times.
Now, with respect to the current crisis, I think that there is no doubt that at a time when the world is fearful, that there is a strong tendency to look for somebody to blame. And I think that given our prominence in the world financial system, it's natural that questions are asked -- some of them very legitimate -- about how we have participated in global financial markets.
Having said that, I am absolutely confident that this meeting will reflect enormous consensus about the need to work in concert to deal with these problems. I think that the separation between the various parties involved has been vastly overstated. If you look at where there has been the biggest debate, and I think that the press has fastened on this as a ongoing narrative -- this whole issue of fiscal stimulus. And the fact of the matter is, is that almost every country that's participating in this summit has engaged in fiscal stimulus. The ones that are perceived as being resistant to fiscal stimulus have done significant fiscal stimulus. There has not been a dispute about the need for government to act in the face of a rapidly contracting set of markets and very high unemployment.
Now, there have been differences in terms of how should that stimulus be shaped. There have been arguments, for example, among some European countries that because they have more of a social safety net, that some of the countercyclical measures that we took -- for example, unemployment insurance -- were less necessary for them to take. But the truth is, is that that's -- that's just arguing at the margins. The core notion that government has to take some steps to deal with a contracting global marketplace and that we should be promoting growth, that's not in dispute.
On the regulatory side, this notion that somehow there are those who are pushing for regulation and those who are resisting regulation is belied by the facts. Tim Geithner, who's sitting here today, went before Congress and proposed as aggressive a set of regulatory measures as any that have emerged among G20 members. That was before we showed up.
And in conversations that Gordon and I had with our teams, I think there's great symmetry in our belief that even as we deal with the current crisis, we've got to make sure that we're preventing future crises like this from happening again.
On the topic of emerging markets and making sure that they have the finances that they need to weather the storm, poor countries are getting help and they're not being lost in the shuffle, there is complete concurrence.
So I know that when you've got a bunch of heads of state talking, it's not visually that interesting -- (laughter) -- and it -- you know, the communiqués are written in sort of dry language, and so there's a great desire to inject some conflict and some drama into the occasion. But the truth of the matter is, is that I think there has been an extraordinary convergence and I'm absolutely confident that the United States, as -- as a peer of these other countries, will help to lead us through this very difficult time.
PRIME MINISTER BROWN: Let me also add that I'm confident that President Sarkozy will not only be here for the first course of our dinner, but will still be sitting as we complete our dinner this evening.
And I think, as President Obama has said, look, never before has the world come together in this way to deal with an economic crisis. Any of the crises that we've seen since the second world war, you have not had this level of international cooperation. And never before have the world come together with so many countries represented from so many different continents to address this crisis. So we have China, we have India, we have Argentina, Brazil, we have South Africa, we have Russia, as well as Europe and America and Japan.
And we are within a few hours I think of agreeing a global plan for economic recovery and reform. And I think the significance of this is that we're looking at every aspect. It is American leadership on reshaping the financial system, on recapitalizing the banks, on restructuring the banking system that will inform our discussions on the future of the financial system. So I praise President Obama for the work that has been done within only a few days of coming into office.
But we will also be discussing how we can help the emerging markets and the industrializing countries, how they can be protected against the financial storm that is facing them. We will not forget that we have obligations to the poorest countries in the world, as well.
And so the significance of this is not just that everybody is coming together, but in all those different dimensions of the economic activity of the world, how we can restructure the financial system, how we can get growth back and create jobs in the world, how we can rebuild our financial institutions for the future, how we can help the poorest countries of the world, how we can move forward on low-carbon recovery -- you're going to see action.
And of course it's difficult, of course it's complex -- you have a large number of countries. But I'm very confident that people not only want to work together, but we agree a common global plan for recovery and reform.
Tom.
Q Tom Bradby, ITV News. Mr. President, I hear what you say, but you've committed a vast sum of your country's money to a huge fiscal stimulus and we had the clear impression that you wanted other countries to come in behind you a bit more strongly. It appears that -- we've been told by the Governor of the Bank of England we can't do more for the moment, and the French and the Germans won't. Are you disappointed by that? And are you actually still calling on other countries to go further?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, as I said before, I think that there is broad recognition that in the midst of the worst crisis we've seen since the '30s, that governments are going to have to act. And certainly the United States does not intend to act alone -- and we're not. Great Britain has taken serious steps. The European Union has taken serious steps. Australia, Canada, Japan, China have all initiated significant stimulus packages.
And I think that our goal is simply to make certain that each country, taking into account its differences in economic circumstances, as well as political culture, is doing what is necessary to promote economic growth.
The United States will do its share, but I think that one of the things that Gordon and I spoke about is the fact that in some ways the world has become accustomed to the United States being a voracious consumer market and the engine that drives a lot of economic growth worldwide. And I think that in the wake of this crisis, even as we're doing stimulus we have to take into account our own deficits. We're going to have to take into account a whole host of factors that can increase our savings rate and start dealing with our long-term fiscal position, as well as our current account deficits.
Those are all issues that we have to deal with internally, which means that if there's going to be renewed growth, it can't just be the United States as the engine. Everybody is going to have to pick up the pace. And I think that there's a recognition, based on the conversations that I've had with leaders around the world, that that is important.
I should add, by the way, that to the extent that all countries are participating in promoting growth, that also strengthens the arguments that we can make in our respective countries about the importance of world trade -- the sense that this isn't a situation where each country is only exporting and never importing, but rather that there's a balance in how we approach these issues. And, again, I've actually been pleased with the degree to which there's common agreement on that front.
PRIME MINISTER BROWN: Tom, if you were asking this question in a situation where America had done a fiscal stimulus and no one other country except Britain had followed it, then your question would have some legitimacy. But, look, what has happened around the world in the last few months is country after country have contributed to the biggest fiscal stimulus, the biggest injection of resources, the biggest amount of new investment provided by governments into the world economy in the history of the world. And we are in the midst of the biggest fiscal boost that the world economy has ever had.
And so Germany has invested $80 billion; France invested $25 billion; we've invested; other countries in the European have invested. Different countries have their different times for announcing their decisions. Some will do it in their budget, some will do it be financial statement. The combination of all of this, as you will see when you get our communiqué tomorrow, is the most substantial fiscal stimulus, something on the order of $2 trillion -- indeed, more than that. And that is the world coming together to cut interest rates, the world coming together to give a boost to the economy, and of course, the world coming together to deal with the other problem, which is restructuring our financial systems for the future.
And I think it is remarkable that things that people could not have thought possible 10 years ago, even 5 years ago, that you have this coordinated action from all the countries. It is remarkable this is happening. Of course, we want to push it forward tomorrow, and I believe we will.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Where's Caren? There you are. Hi, Caren.
Q Thank you, Mr. President, Prime Minister. You mentioned that you will be meeting later with Russian President Medvedev. What are your aims for that meeting? And could you elaborate on this idea of resetting U.S.-Russian relations? And also, does that mean, as Russia hopes, that you're willing to give ground on issues like missile defense and NATO expansion?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, this will be the first time that I'm meeting with President Medvedev. I'm very much looking forward to the meeting. We've had a series of conversations on the telephone and exchanged letters.
As I spoke about during the campaign, as Secretary of State Clinton has amplified in some of her remarks and her meetings with top Russian officials, what we've seen over the last several years is drift in the U.S.-Russian relationship. There are very real differences between the United States and Russia, and I have no interest in papering those over. But there are also a broad set of common interests that we can pursue. Both countries, I believe, have an interest in reducing nuclear stockpiles and promoting nuclear nonproliferation. Both countries have an interest in reducing the threat of terrorism. Both countries have an interest in stabilizing the world economy. Both countries have an interest in finding a sustainable path for energy and dealing with some of the threats of climate change that we've discussed.
So, on a whole range of issues, from Afghanistan to Iran to the topics that will be consuming most of our time here at the G20, I think there's great potential for concerted action. And that's what we will be pursuing.
Now, as has I think been noted in the press, a good place to start is the issue of nuclear proliferation. And one of the things that I've always believed strongly is that both the United States and Russia and other nuclear powers will be in a much stronger position to strengthen what has become a somewhat fragile, threadbare nonproliferation treaty if we are leading by example and if we can take serious steps to reduce the nuclear arsenal.
I think people on both sides of the Atlantic understand that as much as the constant cloud, the threat of nuclear warfare has receded since the Cold War, that the presence of these deadly weapons, their proliferation, the possibility of them finding their way into the hands of terrorists, continues to be the gravest threat to humanity. What better project to start off than seeing if we can make progress on that front. I think we can.
PRIME MINISTER BROWN: Adam.
Q Both of you today have conjured the alarming specter of the Great Depression, but let's take your most optimistic hopes for this summit. Assuming you're successful, I suspect what millions of people around the world want to know is how much worse is this going to get and how long is it going to last and when is it going to end and growth return.
PRIME MINISTER BROWN: It will get worse if people do not act. The option of doing nothing is not available to us. And I think we've seen from past crises, both internationally and in regions of the world, that if people fail to take the decisive action at the beginning, then you risk a longer recession; you risk more businesses being lost, you risk more jobs lost.
So, of course, these are difficult decisions because governments are moving in where markets have failed and banks have collapsed. But to take these decisions is the right course for the world economy.
Now, I believe that the degree of international cooperation that we can get will determine how quickly all our economies can recover. If there is stimulus in one country and it's repeated in another country, and repeated in other countries, then you can magnify the effect of that stimulus round the world, both for the benefit of the individual country that's making it and for the rest of the world. And if you can see the coordinated cuts in interest rates coming together, then you've got to push for recovery and for new economic activity. And if you can see the banks, which operate internationally, being cleaned up in every country, then you have a situation where the world will feel confident and there will be trust in the banking system for people to resume saving, investing, and preparing for the future.
So I believe the level of international cooperation will be one of the major factors that will determine how quickly we can recover. But what we are determined to do is, in this difficult time, protect people in their jobs, make sure that we can get money to mortgage holders and to businesses, and of course make sure that countries that are in peril at the moment, who don't have their own resources and aren't able to restructure their banking systems, are given resources from the world to enable them to do so.
So the way forward is not to do nothing. The way forward is to take the action that's necessary.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: I agree with everything that Gordon said. It's been said repeatedly that every financial crisis comes to an end. So it will come to an end at some point. The question is, what have been the costs and how long the downturn.
I think people should take heart from the fact that governments have learned lessons from the '30s, central banks have learned lessons from the '30s. There has been much swifter action, much bolder action, much more coordinated action even prior to this summit than we have seen in previous financial crises. And that means that the prospect of restoring world growth and trade are that much greater.
I do think that Gordon is absolutely right -- how well we execute it in the months to come, how well we button down these regulations, how well we each in our own respective countries help banks to deal with the impaired assets that they have on their books so that they can start lending again to businesses and consumers, how effective we are in managing the huge outflows of capital from emerging markets and provide a buffer for very poor and developing countries that are seeing huge contractions in their trade and just don't have a lot of margin for error, how well we reform our international financial institutions so that they can be a more effective player in this whole process -- all those things will help determine whether this ends up being a slow-rolling crisis that takes a lot more time to cure, or whether we start seeing significant recovery.
I don't think there's any doubt that 2009 is going to be difficult, and, again, when you put a human face on this crisis, the way people experience it most immediately is losing their job, losing their home, losing their savings, losing their pensions. And what I think each of us is committed to doing is to make sure that people are getting immediate help, even as we're solving these broader structural problems, because we don't want that kind of suffering, but it's also not good for the overall health of the economic system.
And that's part of where stimulus has been very helpful. I mean, in our country, the unemployment insurance, the food stamps, the other mechanisms that have put money directly into people's pockets, that's not just good for those individual families; it's also helped to lift consumer spending, or at least stabilize consumer spending in a way that will promise better growth in the future.
Hans Nichols.
Q Thank you, Mr. President, Mr. Prime Minister. Mr. President, you just spoke about looking forward and not backward, and you also referenced the voracious appetite of the American consumer. What role should the European and American consumer then play in the quarter that starts today? Should they be spending or saving to alter the velocity of what you just called a slow-rolling crisis?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, I think that each family has got to look at its circumstances and make those determinations. Obviously, there are a lot of people who are concerned about their job security, or they're concerned about seeing their savings having diminished if they were in the stock market, and I think it's an understandable response to be somewhat cautious in the midst of this kind of uncertainty.
I think the best advice I would have would be to say that despite the current hardships, we are going to get through this, and so you should plan sensibly, in anticipation that this economy is going to recover and new -- young families are going to want to buy new homes, and sooner or later that clunker of a car is going to wear out and people are going to want to buy a new car. And so that basing decisions around fear is -- is not the right way to go.
We are going to get through this difficult time. And I think it is sometimes important to step back and just have some perspective about the differences between now and the Great Depression, when there were no social safety nets in place; when unemployment was 25 or 30 percent. This is a difficult time, but it's not what happened to our grandparents' generation.
And so I would ask people to be confident about their own futures. And that may mean, in some cases, spending now as investments for the future. There's been a debate back home about our budget: In the midst of this crisis, should we deal with health care? Should we deal with energy? Should we deal with education? And one of the analogies I've used is a family who is having a difficult time -- and I actually get letters like this occasionally from voters -- one of our parents has lost their job, savings have declined, and so I'm wrestling with whether or not I should go to college because that will require me taking out a lot of debt, and maybe it would be more responsible for me to go find any job that I can to help the family.
And, you know, when I write back to those families or those individuals I say, well, you've obviously got to make these decisions yourself, but don't shortchange the future because of fear in the present. That I think is the most important message that we can send not just in the United States but around the world.
PRIME MINISTER BROWN: Barack is absolutely right. Surely the most important thing is that people, by the decisions that are made, can have confidence in the future -- confidence to be able to make decisions about whether to save or to spend. And all the measures that we are taking -- restructuring the banks, putting money into the economy, the public works, and of course the low-carbon activities that we're encouraging as well -- are designed to give people the confidence that their savings are safe, that we've sorted out the problems and are sorting out the problems in the banking system, that we have put resources into economic activity in the economy so that jobs can be solved and jobs can be created. And then people, as consumers, can make their own decisions about what they want to do.
And I think that's the key to the future, that people can see that the problems are being addressed and they, themselves, can have the confidence either to save or to spend or to invest -- have confidence in the future. And I believe that we can make a big step towards creating that confidence by some of the decisions that we can make together.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: All right?
PRIME MINISTER BROWN: George. Fine.
Q Thank you. George Pascoe-Watson from The Sun. Mr. President, as President you won with a landslide. Have you got any advice for Gordon Brown, the Prime Minister? (Laughter.) Secondly, what are your things you like most about Great Britain and London? And lastly, England are playing in a World Cup qualifying match in soccer, a game you love. Have you got any good -- good luck message for the England team tonight?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well -- (laughter) -- let me take all these in turn. I have had enough trouble back home picking my brackets for the college basketball tournament that's taking place there -- called March Madness -- stirred up all kinds of controversy. The last thing I'm going to do is wade into European football. (Laughter.) That would be a mistake. I didn't get a briefing on that, but I sense that would be a mistake. (Laughter.)
PRIME MINISTER BROWN: England will win I can tell you.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: So that would be point number one.
The thing I love about Great Britain is its people, and there is just a extraordinary affinity and kinship that we have. We owe so much to England; that when you come here there's that sense of familiarity, as well as difference, that makes it just a special place.
I have -- the only advice I would give Gordon Brown is the same advice that I gave myself during the campaign and that I've been giving myself over the last three months, which is over time good policy is good politics. And if every day you are waking up and you are making the very best decisions that you can, despite the fact that sometimes the cards in your hand aren't very good and the options are narrow and the choices are tough, and you are assured to be second-guessed constantly, and that occasionally you're going to make mistakes -- but if every day you're waking up saying, how can I make the best possible decisions to create jobs, help young people imagine a better future, provide care to the sick or the elderly or the vulnerable, sustain the planet -- if those are the questions that you're asking yourself, then I think you end up doing pretty good.
And the best part is you can wake up and look at yourself in the mirror. And that I think is the kind of integrity that Gordon Brown has shown in the past and will continue to show in the future.
PRIME MINISTER BROWN: It's been an extraordinary visit already and I've benefitted from Barack's advice not just about elections, but about fitness -- we've been talking about not the -- (laughter) -- not the treadmill of politics, but the treadmill that we're both on every day, the running machines, and how you can manage to do that when you're traveling around the world and going to different countries, and we've been exchanging ideas.
Can I also say it's an extraordinary privilege to have Secretary of State Clinton here and Secretary of State Geithner [sic] and we wish them well in everything that they do as well.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: And we thank the entire team. As I said, everybody has worked extraordinarily hard to make this successful. We are very grateful for the hospitality. There's one last thing that I should mention that I love about Great Britain, and that is the Queen. And so I'm very much looking forward to -- (laughter) -- I'm very much looking forward to meeting her for the first time later this evening. And as you might imagine, Michelle has been really thinking that through -- (laughter) -- because I think in the imagination of people throughout America, I think what the Queen stands for and her decency and her civility, what she represents, that's very important.
PRIME MINISTER BROWN: Well, I know the Queen is looking forward to welcoming you and she's very much looking forward to her discussion with you.
So, thank you very much.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you.
END
11:05 A.M. (Local)