THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secrectary
For Immediate Release
April 21, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT SIGNING OF THE EDWARD M. KENNEDY SERVE AMERICA ACT
The SEED School of Washington, D.C.
Washington, D.C.
3:56 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Please be seated. Thank you. Well, what an extraordinary day. It is good to be here with all of you.
I want to, first of all, thank President Bill Clinton for joining us here today -- where’s President Clinton? -- (applause) -- for his lifetime of service to our country, but also the fact that he created AmeriCorps, and that not only made this day possible, it has directly enlisted more than half a million Americans in service to their country; service that has touched the lives of millions more.
Now, it just so happens that one of those people who have been touched by AmeriCorps was FLOTUS, otherwise known as First Lady of the United States -- (laughter) -- Michelle Obama, who ran a AmeriCorps-sponsored program, Public Allies, in Chicago. (Applause.)
I also want to thank former First Lady Rosalynn Carter for being here -- (applause) -- for her advocacy on behalf of those with mental illness, and for her husband’s continued good works that inspire us all. I am thrilled to have Caroline Kennedy here -- (applause) -- for carrying on her family’s long legacy of service.
To my congressional colleagues who did such a fantastic job on a bipartisan basis ushering this through, starting with the two leaders of the House and the Senate, Nancy Pelosi and Harry Reid, I’m grateful to them, and obviously to Barbara Mikulski and Orrin Hatch, George Miller, the entire delegation who helped to shepherd this through -- please give them a huge round of applause. (Applause.)
To my outstanding Vice President, Joe Biden. (Applause.) To Dr. Jill Biden. (Applause.) A couple of outstanding public servants in their own right, please, a warm welcome for General Colin Powell and his wonderful wife, Alma. (Applause.) For the outstanding Mayor of New York City, Michael Bloomberg. (Applause.) And I’ve got to give some special props to my fellow Illinoisan, a great friend, Dick Durbin. (Applause.)
Finally -- and I know that I’ve got some prepared remarks -- but I just want to go ahead and say it now. There are very few people who have touched the life of this nation in the same breadth and the same order of magnitude than the person who is seated right behind me. And so this is just an extraordinary day for him. And I am truly grateful and honored to call him a friend, a colleague, and one of the finest leaders we’ve ever had -- Ted Kennedy. (Applause.)
All right. I want to thank the students and the faculty of the SEED School -- (applause) -- our hosts for today -- and their headmaster, Charles Adams. Where’s Mr. Adams? Is he here? (Applause.) A shining example of how AmeriCorps alums go on to do great things. This school is a true success story -- a place where for four of the last five years, every graduate from the SEED School was admitted to college -- every graduate. (Applause.)
It’s a place where service is a core component of the curriculum. And just as the SEED School teaches reading and writing, arithmetic and athletics, it also prepares our young Americans to grow into active and engaged citizens. And what these students come to discover through service is that by befriending a senior citizen, or helping the homeless, or easing the suffering of others, they can find a sense of purpose and renew their commitment to this country that we love.
And that is the spirit in which we gather today, as I sign into law a bill that represents the boldest expansion of opportunities to serve our communities and our country since the creation of AmeriCorps -- (applause) -- a piece of legislation named for a man who has not only touched countless lives, but who still sails against the wind, a man who’s never stopped asking what he can do for his country, and that’s Senator Edward M. Kennedy. (Applause.)
In my address to a joint session of Congress in February, I asked for swift passage of this legislation, and these folks on the stage came through. So, again, I want to thank wide bipartisan majorities in the House and the Senate who came together to pass this bill -- especially Barbara Mikulski, Mike Enzi, Chris Dodd, John McCain, who’s not here, Thad Cochran, as well as, on the House side, Representatives Miller and Carolyn McCarthy, Buck McKeon and Howard Berman.
More than anyone else, the new era of service we enter in today has been made possible by the unlikely friendship between these two men, Orrin Hatch and Ted Kennedy. They may be the odd couple of the Senate. (Laughter.) One is a conservative Republican from Utah; the other is, well, Ted Kennedy. (Laughter.) But time and again, they placed partnership over partisanship to advance this nation even in times when we were told that wasn’t possible. (Applause.)
Senator Hatch was shaped by his experience as a young missionary serving others, a period he has called the greatest of his life. And last year he approached Senator Kennedy to share his ideas about service. Out of that conversation came this legislation. And last month, at Senator Hatch’s selfless request, the Senate unanimously chose to name this bill after his dear friend, Ted. (Applause.) That’s the kind of class act that Orrin Hatch is.
Now, Ted’s story and the story of his family is known to all. It’s a story of service. And it’s also the story of America -- of hard work and sacrifice of generation after generation, some called upon to give more than others, but each committed to the idea that we can make tomorrow better than today. I wouldn’t be standing here today if not for the service of others, or for the purpose that service gave my own life.
I’ve told this story before. When I moved to Chicago more than two decades ago to become a community organizer, I wasn’t sure what was waiting for me there, but I had always been inspired by the stories of the civil rights movement, and President Kennedy’s call to service, and I knew I wanted to do my part to advance the cause of justice and equality.
And it wasn’t easy, but eventually, over time, working with leaders from all across these communities, we began to make a difference -- in neighborhoods that had been devastated by steel plants that had closed down and jobs that had dried up. We began to see a real impact in people’s lives. And I came to realize I wasn’t just helping people, I was receiving something in return, because through service I found a community that embraced me, citizenship that was meaningful, the direction that I had been seeking. I discovered how my own improbable story fit into the larger story of America.
It’s the same spirit of service I’ve seen across this country. I’ve met countless people of all ages and walks of life who want nothing more than to do their part. I’ve seen a rising generation of young people work and volunteer and turn out in record numbers. They’re a generation that came of age amidst the horrors of 9/11 and Katrina, the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, an economic crisis without precedent. And yet, despite all this -- or more likely because of it -- they’ve become a generation of activists possessed with that most American of ideas, that people who love their country can change it.
They’re why the Peace Corps had three applications for every position available last year; why 35,000 young people applied for only 4,000 slots in Teach for America; why AmeriCorps has seen a 400-percent increase in applications in just the past four months. And yet, even as so many want to serve, even as so many are struggling, our economic crisis has forced our charities and non-for-profits to cut back.
What this legislation does, then, is to help harness this patriotism and connect deeds to needs. It creates opportunities to serve for students, seniors, and everyone in between. It supports innovation and strengthens the nonprofit sector. And it is just the beginning of a sustained, collaborative and focused effort to involve our greatest resource -- our citizens -- in the work of remaking this nation.
We’re doing this because I’ve always believed that the answers to our challenges cannot come from government alone. Our government can help to rebuild our economy and lift up our schools and reform health care systems and make sure our soldiers and veterans have everything they need -- but we need Americans willing to mentor our eager young children, or care for the sick, or ease the strains of deployment on our military families.
That’s why this bill will expand AmeriCorps from 75,000 slots today to 250,000 in less than a decade. (Applause.) And it’s not just for freshly minted college grads. As I said, my wife Michelle left her job at a law firm to be the founding director of an AmeriCorps program in Chicago that trains young people for careers in public service. And Michelle can tell you the transformation that occurred in her life as a consequence of being able to follow her passions, follow her dreams.
Programs like these are a force multiplier; they leverage small numbers of members into thousands of volunteers. And we will focus their service toward solving today’s most pressing challenges: clean energy, energy efficiency, health care, education, economic opportunity, veterans and military families.
We’ll invest in ideas that help us meet our common challenges, no matter where those ideas come from. All across America, there are ideas that could benefit millions of Americans if only they were given a chance to take root and to grow -- ideas like the one that Eric Adler and Raj Vinnakota had that led to this school and expanded its model to others.
That’s why this bill includes a new Social Innovation Fund that will bring nonprofits and foundations and faith-based organizations and the private sector to the table with government so that we can learn from one another’s success stories. We’ll invest in ideas that work, leverage private-sector dollars to encourage innovation, expand successful programs to scale and make them work in cities across America.
Because we must prepare our young Americans to grow into active citizens, this bill makes new investments in service learning. And we’ve increased the AmeriCorps education award and linked it to Pell Grant award levels, another step toward our goal of ensuring that every American receives an affordable college education. (Applause.)
Because millions of Americans are out of school and out of work, it creates an Energy Corps that will help people find useful work and gain skills in a growing industry of the future.
Because our boomers are the most highly educated generation in history, and our seniors live longer and more active lives than ever before, this bill offers new pathways to harness their talent and experience to serve others.
And because this historic expansion of the Corporation for National and Community Service requires someone with both bold vision and responsible management experience, I have chosen Mary* Eitel -- where’s Mary*? There she is, stand up, Mary -- as its new CEO. (Applause.) The founder and first president of the Nike Foundation, Maria is a smart and innovative thinker, and a leader who shares my belief in the power of service. And I also wanted to thank the acting CEO, Nicky Goren -- where’s Nicky? -- (applause) -- for guiding the corporation through this transition.
A week from tomorrow marks the 100th day of my administration. In those next eight days, I ask every American to make an enduring commitment to serving your community and your country in whatever way you can. Visit whitehouse.gov to share your stories of service and success. And together, we will measure our progress not just in the number of hours served or volunteers mobilized, but in the impact our efforts have on the life of this nation.
We’re getting started right away -- this afternoon, I’ll be joined by President Clinton and Michelle and Joe Biden and Dr. Biden to plant trees in a park not far from here. It’s as simple as that. All that’s required on your part is a willingness to make a difference. And that is, after all, the beauty of service. Anybody can do it. You don’t need to be a community organizer, or a senator, or a Kennedy -- (laughter) -- or even a President to bring change to people’s lives.
When Ted Kennedy makes this point, he also tells a story as elegantly simple as it is profound. An old man walking along a beach at dawn saw a young man pick up a starfish and throwing them out to sea. "Why are you doing that?" the old man inquired.
The young man explained that the starfish had been stranded on the beach by a receding tide, and would soon die in the daytime sun. "But the beach goes on for miles," the old man said. "And there are so many. How can your effort make any difference?" The young man looked at the starfish in his hand, and without hesitating, threw it to safety in the sea. He looked up at the old man, smiled, and said: "It will make a difference to that one." (Laughter.)
To Ted, that’s more than just a story. For even in the midst of his epic fights on the floor of the Senate to enact sweeping change, he’s made a quiet trek to a school not far from the Capitol, week after week, year after year, without cameras or fanfare, to sit down and read with one solitary child.
Ted Kennedy is that young man who will not rest until we’ve made a difference in the life of every American. He walks down that beach and he keeps on picking up starfish, tossing them into the sea. And as I sign this legislation, I want all Americans to take up that spirit of the man for whom this bill is named; of a President who sent us to the moon; of a dreamer who always asked "Why not?" -- of a younger generation that carries the torch of a single family that has made an immeasurable difference in the lives of countless families.
We need your service right now, at this moment in history. I’m not going to tell you what your role should be; that’s for you to discover. But I’m asking you to stand up and play your part. I’m asking you to help change history’s course, put your shoulder up against the wheel. And if I -- if you do, I promise you your life will be richer, our country will be stronger, and someday, years from now, you may remember it as the moment when your own story and the American story converged, when they came together, and we met the challenges of our new century.
Thank you very much, everybody. I’m going to sign this bill. (Applause.)
(The bill is signed.) (Applause.)
END
4:14 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary
___________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                          April 21, 2009

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN THE PRESENTATION OF THE COMMANDER IN CHIEF'S TROPHY
TO THE NAVAL ACADEMY FOOTBALL TEAM

East Room

2:01 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Good afternoon, everybody.  Please have a seat.  Well, welcome to the White House for your sixth straight  -- (laughter) -- Commander-in-Chief Trophy.  By now, you guys know your way around here better than I do.  (Laughter.)

I want to thank everybody who is here.  Obviously we want to thank the Superintendent, Vice Admiral Jeffrey Fowler.  Coach Ken, thank you.  We were just talking -- he's another local boy from Hawaii.  (Laughter.)  He's four years younger than me, but apparently we've got some mutual friends.

Congratulations to the co-captains, Clint and Jarod, for your outstanding season.  A few other acknowledgements here -- we've got Congressman Dutch Ruppersberger -- where's Dutch?  There he is right there.  Good to see you.  Congressman Eric Massa -- good to see you, Eric.  Congressman John Sarbanes, right here.  We have BJ Penn, the Acting Secretary of the Navy.  Good to see you, sir. 

And I want to extend a special welcome to Lieutenant Commander Wesley Brown, class of 1949.  There he is, right here. (Applause.)  Please stand.  Wesley was the Academy's first African American graduate.  He served his country for 25 years.  And the brand new, state-of-the-art Wesley Brown Field House will ensure that class after class of Midshipmen know his legacy for decades to come.  So we are very proud of you, sir.  Thank you so much for your attendance here today.

The Midshipmen, they've got a lot to be proud of, as we know -- six straight bowl games, six consecutive wins over Air Force; most importantly, seven straight wins over Army.  (Laughter.)  What can I -- I'm not saying anything.  (Laughter.) 

You showed incredible perseverance against Temple, when you trailed by 20 with nine minutes to go, tied it, won in overtime. You won an incredible upset over Wake Forest -- even if they got you back at the EagleBank Bowl.  We won't talk about that.  (Laughter.)  Often overshadowed by your fearsome offense is the most improved defense in the nation.

And these seniors who are behind us should especially be proud:  four straight NCAA rushing titles -- team rushing titles, something no team has ever done before.  In four years, 33 wins, and again, no losses to Army or Air Force.

I understand your unofficial motto is "No Excuses, Nobody Cares" -- (laughter.)  That is my wife Michelle's motto for me also.  (Laughter.)  But I know that's what makes Navy football so special -- you suit up and you play each week against some of the top teams in the country, and you refuse to let that excuse you from taking the coursework or your military training seriously.

And that's why I’m so proud of this team for leading the NCAA in graduation rates for four straight years -- the most important statistic of the Midshipmen.  In fact, I want to congratulate the entire Navy athletic department, because, as a whole, Navy athletics has led the nation in graduation rates four years in a row.  And that's an extraordinarily -- extraordinary accomplishment. 

So I want to congratulate Coach Ken -- as I said, from my original home state, also the first Samoan American head coach in the history of Division I-A, just the third Navy coach since World War II to have a winning record in his first season.

Your starting quarterback is also Hawaiian -- where is he?  Kaipo -- where is he?  This guy right here.  (Laughter.)  I hear Kaipo is a pretty easygoing guy.  He doesn't get rattled easily, performs under pressure.  That's the Hawaiian spirit.  That's how we roll.  (Laughter.)

I've been watching Mel Kiper getting ready for this weekend's NFL draft -- where is he?  Mel?  I understand that Eric Kettani -- where is Eric?  Right here?  One of the top-rated fullbacks in the nation.  He's a big guy.  (Laughter.)  Shun White and Tyree Barnes are serious pro prospects, as well.  Where are they?  These guys?  Okay, they look good also.  (Laughter.)

But like all 32 seniors on this team, they're preparing to trade one proud uniform for another, and that's the United States of America's uniform.  And even though all of you have won 13 straight against the guys at West Point and Colorado Springs, you're all joining the same team now.

Football, it's said, makes boys into men.  But the Academy makes men and women into leaders.  And the bonds that you've built and the lessons that you've learned on that field and in your "four years by the Bay" have prepared you to join and lead the finest fighting force in the history of the world.

I want all of you to know that I have no greater honor or greater responsibility than serving as your Commander-in-Chief.  I'm proud of you.  And I promise you this:  From the minute you put on that uniform to the minute you take it off, and for all the days of your life, this country will stand behind you and will be here for you, because we know that you will be there for us. 

So God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.  Let's -- let's give me a helmet.  (Laughter and applause.)

END
2:11 P.M. EDT

 
 
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secrectary
For Immediate Release
April 21, 2009
REMARKS BY PRESIDENT OBAMA
AND KING ABDULLAH OF JORDAN
IN JOINT PRESS AVAILABILITY
Oval Office
11:23 A.M. EDT
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Hello, everybody. Take your time, guys. We're going to answer a few questions.
First of all, I just want to welcome His Majesty King Abdullah to the White House. This is a first visit by a leader of another state; in part, it's reciprocity for the extraordinary hospitality that the King and Queen showed me when I visited Jordan prior to the election -- in which the King had personally drove me to the airport. And I won't tell you how fast he was going. (Laughter.)
But more importantly, it's representative of his excellent leadership internationally, as well as a unmatched friendship with the United States upon a whole range of issues. I think that King Abdullah represents a modern approach to foreign policy-making in the Middle East, a approach that is able to see many different sides of an issue, that is obviously constantly mindful of Jordanian interests, but also seeks to resolve issues and conflicts in a peaceful and respectful fashion.
We are very pleased to have been able to work so closely with his government for many years. It is a great friendship between two great countries and two great peoples. And I am confident that that friendship will only be strengthened.
Very briefly, we spoke obviously about a Middle East peace process, my commitment as well as his to moving that process forward with some sense of urgency. We spoke about the broader hope on a range of issues related to Iran and Afghanistan; the issues of terrorism in the region. We spoke about the impact that the economic crisis may be having on both our countries and the need to promote effective international cooperation around those issues. And I'm confident that in the months and years to come our partnership and our friendship will continue to grow.
So I'm grateful to him for having visited and look forward to seeing him back in his own country sometime soon.
KING ABDULLAH: Thank you. Mr. President, again, thank you very much for this very kind welcome. We had a wonderful meeting just recently and I believe it was a meeting of the minds. We are both committed to bringing peace and stability to our part of the world. The President again reaffirming the need for a two-state solution and to move both parties to good negotiations as quickly as possible. He has the full support of my country and the Arab League on this issue. We believe that it is important for all of us to keep our eyes on the prize, and the prize is peace and stability finally for all the people of our region.
I'd also like to extend a warm thanks on behalf of many Arabs and Muslims who really had an outstanding response to the President's outreach to the Muslim Arab world. It has gone on extremely well and really begins I believe a new page of mutual respect and mutual understanding between cultures. And I will -- I continue to commit Jordan and myself to working with you, Mr. President. You have given us hope for a bright future for all of us. And America can't be left by itself to do all the heavy lifting, so a group of countries, including Jordan, will do all we can to support you, Mr. President, in your endeavors. And hopefully under your tremendous leadership we will find some peace and stability in our region.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you.
Q Mr. President, you've raised a lot of positive signals and interest in your commitment to peace and to a two-state solution. What other actions will you be taking to bring about peace, and when do you expect that action to happen? And how does the Arab Peace Initiative feature in such a plan?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, first of all, we have gone out of our way to complement the efforts of those Arab states that were involved in formulating the Arab Peace Initiative as a very constructive start. And obviously King Abdullah has taken great steps to ensure that that sustains itself, in terms of Arab support, even while we have seen a breakdown in negotiations. And that's a significant achievement for which King Abdullah and others deserve credit. So we want to continue to encourage a commitment on the part of the Arab states to the peace process.
I have assigned a Special Envoy, George Mitchell, who is, you know, I think as good of a negotiator as there is, and somebody who through assiduous work was able to accomplish or help achieve peace in Northern Ireland. We want that same perseverance and sustained effort on this issue, and we're going to be actively engaged.
We have obviously seen the Israeli government just form recently. Prime Minster Netanyahu will be visiting the United States. I expect to have meetings with him. I've had discussions with Palestinian counterparts as well as other Arab states around this issue.
My hope would be that over the next several months, that you start seeing gestures of good faith on all sides. I don't want to get into the details of what those gestures might be, but I think that the parties in the region probably have a pretty good recognition of what intermediate steps could be taken as confidence-building measures. And we will be doing everything we can to encourage those confidence-building measures to take place.
Q Can I follow up on this one, please?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Okay, I actually have a list, guys, I'm sorry. (Laughter.) We've got to be fair. Jennifer, you always get a question, so you're not getting one.
Steve Collinson, AFP. Go ahead, Steve.
Q What are your -- what is your comment on the rhetoric yesterday from the Iranian President directed towards Israel? And given that kind of talk and the recent imprisonment of the U.S.-Iranian journalist, do you think that will make it more difficult for you to push forward your diplomatic outreach to Iran?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, sadly, the rhetoric is not new. This is the kind of rhetoric that we've come to expect from President Ahmadinejad. When I said, during the course of the campaign and repeated after the election, that we were serious about engagement with Iran, it was with no illusions. I was very clear that I found many of the statements that President Ahmadinejad made, particularly those direct with -- directed at Israel, to be appalling and objectionable.
As I've also said before, Iran is a very complicated country with a lot of different power centers. The Supreme Leader Khamenei is the person who exercises the most direct control over the policies of the Islamic Republic, and we will continue to pursue the possibility of improved relations and a resolution to some of the critical issues in which there have been differences, particularly around the nuclear issue.
But there's no doubt that the kind of rhetoric you saw from Ahmadinejad is not helpful; in fact, it is harmful -- but not just with respect to the possibility of U.S.-Iranian relations, but I think it actually undermines Iranians' position in the world as a whole. We weren't at the conference, and what you saw was a whole host of other countries walking out and that language being condoned by people who may be more sympathetic to the long-term aspirations of the Iranian people. So I think it actually hurts Iran's position in the world.
But we are going to continue to take an approach that -- tough, direct diplomacy has to be pursued without taking a whole host of other options off the table.
Q I just want to follow on the previous question. You sent Senator Mitchell to the region to listen. Is he done with the listening now and -- because all the signals we have from the Israeli government basically that they are not in favor of the two-state solution. The opposition is strongly advocating that.
So I wanted to ask also His Majesty, President Obama said that there is positive elements within the Arab Peace Initiative, but he didn't say what he disagree about. Can you tell us if you have noticed any tangible results, what the disagreement with that, and can the Arab Peace Initiative be the base now for a peace process in the Middle East?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, first of all, I think it is very important to recognize that the Israelis now have had a government for a few weeks and it was a very complicated process for them to put a coalition together. So I think more listening needs to be done. They are going to have to formulate and I think solidify their position. So George Mitchell will continue to listen both to Arab partners, to the Palestinians, as well as the Israelis.
But I agree that we can't talk forever; that at some point, steps have to be taken so that people can see progress on the ground. And that will be something that we will expect to take place in the coming months and we will help hopefully to drive a process where each side is willing to build confidence.
I am a strong supporter of a two-state solution. I have articulated that publically and I will articulate that privately. And I think that there are a lot of Israelis who also believe in a two-state solution. Unfortunately, right now what we've seen not just in Israel but within the Palestinian Territories, among the Arab states, worldwide, is a profound cynicism about the possibility of any progress being made whatsoever.
What we want to do is to step back from the abyss; to say, as hard as it is, as difficult as it may be, the prospect of peace still exists -- but it's going to require some hard choices, it's going to require resolution on the part of all the actors involved, and it's going to require that we -- we create some concrete steps that all parties can take that are evidence of that resolution. And the United States is going to deeply engage in this process to see if we can make progress.
Now, ultimately, neither Jordan nor the United States can do this for the Israelis and the Palestinians. What we can do is create the conditions and the atmosphere and provide the help and assistance that facilitates an agreement. Ultimately they've got to make the decision that it is not in the interests of either the Palestinian people or the Israelis to perpetuate the kind of conflict that we've seen for decades now, in which generations of Palestinian and Israeli children are growing up insecure, in an atmosphere of hate.
And my hope is, is that -- that the opportunity will be seized, but it's going to take some more work and we are committed to doing that work.
KING ABDULLAH: I couldn't have said it better myself, Mr. President. I think we're looking now at the -- at the positives and not the negatives and seeing how we can sequence events over the next couple of months that allows Israelis and Palestinians and Israelis and Arabs to sit around the table and move this process forward.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Now, did I already -- are one of you Nadia?
Q That was me.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: That was you. Okay. Nadia, I was going to call on you anyway. The --
Q Mr. President --
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Jake, you always get questions, so I'm going to try some --
Q Mr. President --
PRESIDENT OBAMA: I'd better give an American -- since, you know, so that we're going back and forth. And Sheryl, you always get in, so --
Q I do not always -- (laughter.)
PRESIDENT OBAMA: I'm just trying to see if there's anybody -- all right, you know what, I'll go back to Jennifer, since she had her hand up before Sheryl or Jake.
Q I appreciate it. I want to ask you about the interrogation memos that you released last week; two questions. You were clear about not wanting to prosecute those who carried out the instructions under this legal advice. Can you be that clear about those who devised the policy? And then quickly on a second matter, how do you feel about investigations, whether special -- a special commission or something of that nature on the Hill to go back and really look at the issue?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, the -- look, as I said before, this has been a difficult chapter in our history, and one of the tougher decisions that I've had to make as President. On the one hand, we have very real enemies out there. And we rely on some very courageous people, not just in our military but also in the Central Intelligence Agency, to help protect the American people. And they have to make some very difficult decisions because, as I mentioned yesterday, they are confronted with an enemy that doesn't have scruples, that isn't constrained by constitutions, aren't constrained by legal niceties.
Having said that, the OLC memos that were released reflected, in my view, us losing our moral bearings. That's why I've discontinued those enhanced interrogation programs.
For those who carried out some of these operations within the four corners of legal opinions or guidance that had been provided from the White House, I do not think it's appropriate for them to be prosecuted.
With respect to those who formulated those legal decisions, I would say that that is going to be more of a decision for the Attorney General within the parameters of various laws, and I don't want to prejudge that. I think that there are a host of very complicated issues involved there.
As a general deal, I think that we should be looking forward and not backwards. I do worry about this getting so politicized that we cannot function effectively, and it hampers our ability to carry out critical national security operations.
And so if and when there needs to be a further accounting of what took place during this period, I think for Congress to examine ways that it can be done in a bipartisan fashion, outside of the typical hearing process that can sometimes break down and break it entirely along party lines, to the extent that there are independent participants who are above reproach and have credibility, that would probably be a more sensible approach to take.
I'm not suggesting that that should be done, but I'm saying, if you've got a choice, I think it's very important for the American people to feel as if this is not being dealt with to provide one side or another political advantage but rather is being done in order to learn some lessons so that we move forward in an effective way.
And the last point I just want to emphasize, as I said yesterday at the CIA when I visited, what makes America special in my view is not just our wealth and the dynamism of our economy and our extraordinary history and diversity. It's that we are willing to uphold our ideals even when they're hard. And sometimes we make mistakes because that's the nature of human enterprise. But when we do make mistakes, then we are willing to go back and correct those mistakes and keep our eye on those ideals and values that have been passed on generation to generation.
And that is what has to continue to guide us as we move forward. And I'm confident that we will be able to move forward, protect the American people effectively, and live up to our values and ideals. And that's not a matter of being naive about how dangerous this world is. As I said yesterday to some of the CIA officials that I met with, I wake up every day thinking about how to keep the American people safe. And I go to bed every night worrying about keeping the American people safe.
I've got a lot of other things on my plate. I've got a big banking crisis, and I've got unemployment numbers that are very high, and we've got an auto industry that needs work. There are a whole things -- range of things that during the day occupy me, but the thing that I consider my most profound obligation is keeping the American people safe.
So I do not take these things lightly, and I am not in any way under illusion about how difficult the task is for those people who are on the front lines every day protecting the American people.
So I wanted to communicate a message yesterday to all those who overwhelmingly do so in a lawful, dedicated fashion that I have their back.
All right? Thank you, everybody.
END
11:44 A.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
April 20, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO CIA EMPLOYEES
CIA Headquarters
Langley, Virginia
3:41 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, everybody. (Applause.) Thank you. Thank you. (Applause.) Well, thank you for the extraordinary welcome. And thanks, for those of you who prepared from the CIA gift shop -- (laughter) -- the t-shirts, the caps, the water bottles. (Laughter.) Michelle and the girls will appreciate that very much. (Laughter.)
It is a great honor to be here with the men and women of the CIA. I’ve been eager to come out here to Langley for some time so I can deliver a simple message to you in person on behalf of the American people: Thank you. Thank you for all the work that you do to protect the American people and the freedom that we all cherish.
The CIA is fundamental to America's national security. And I want you to know that that's why I nominated such an outstanding public servant and close friend, Leon Panetta, to lead the agency. He is one of our nation’s finest public servants, he has my complete confidence, and he is a strong voice in my national security team, as well as a strong advocate for the men and women of the CIA.
I also benefit from the counsel of several agency veterans -- chief among them, Steve Kappes, who's stayed on to serve as Leon’s Deputy, and he's done outstanding work. (Applause.) I have to add just as an aside, by the way, I just met with a smaller group of about 50 so we could have a dialogue, and all of you look really young. (Laughter.) And so to have a graybeard literally and figuratively -- (laughter) -- like Steve Kappes here I think is absolutely critical.
I also want you to know that we have one of your own, John Brennan, who is doing a terrific job as my advisor for counterterrorism and homeland security. And we are very grateful for the work that he does and the insights that he brings from his long years of service here at the CIA.
And I’d be remiss if I didn’t mention the extraordinary former CIA officer and Director of Central Intelligence, Bob Gates, who is also part of our Cabinet and every once in a while gives me a few tips. (Applause.)
Let me share with you just a few thoughts about the situation in which we find ourselves. First, I want to underscore the importance of the CIA. When the CIA was founded, you were focused on one overarching threat: the Soviet Union. And for decades, the CIA carried out a critically important mission. With the end of the Cold War, some wondered how important the CIA would be to our future. Now we know.
Here in the 21st century, we've learned that the CIA is more important than ever, for, as Leon mentioned, we face a wide range of unconventional challenges: stateless terrorist networks like al Qaeda, the spread of catastrophic weapons, cyber threats, failed states, rogue regimes, persistent conflict, and now we have to add to our list piracy.
The CIA is unique in the capabilities of collection, analysis and operation that you bring to bear. So you are an indispensable tool, the tip of the spear, in America’s intelligence mission and our national security. It is because of you that I can make good decisions. You prove that the key to good intelligence is not simply technology -- it's the quality of the men and women who have signed up to serve.
You're on the front lines against unconventional challenges. You help us understand the world as it is. You support the work of our troops and our diplomats and law enforcement officers. You disrupt terrorist plots and you're critical to our efforts to destroy terrorist networks. You serve capably, courageously, and from here in Virginia to dangerous outposts around the globe, you make enormous sacrifices on our behalf. So you should be proud of what you do.
Second, you need to know that you've got my full support. For decades, the American people have counted on you to protect them. I know that I've come to personally count on your services; I rely on your reporting and your analysis, which finds its way onto my desk every single day.
And I know you've got a tough job. I know there's no margin for error. And I know there are endless demands for intelligence and there is an urgent necessity to collect and analyze information, and to work seamlessly with other agencies to act on it. And what makes it tougher is when you succeed –- as you so often do -- that success usually has to stay secret. So you don't get credit when things go good, but you sure get some blame when things don't. Now -- (laughter) -- I got a "Amen" corner out here. (Laughter.)
Now, in that context I know that the last few days have been difficult. As I made clear in releasing the OLC memos -- as a consequence of a court case that was pending and to which it was very difficult for us to mount an effective legal defense -- I acted primarily because of the exceptional circumstances that surrounded these memos; particularly the fact that so much of the information was public, had been publicly acknowledged, the covert nature of the information had been compromised.
I have fought to protect the integrity of classified information in the past, and I will do so in the future. And there is nothing more important than protecting the identities of CIA officers. So I need everybody to be clear: We will protect your identities and your security as you vigorously pursue your missions. I will be as vigorous in protecting you as you are vigorous in protecting the American people.
Now, I have put an end to the interrogation techniques described in those OLC memos, and I want to be very clear and very blunt. I've done so for a simple reason: because I believe that our nation is stronger and more secure when we deploy the full measure of both our power and the power of our values –- including the rule of law. I know I can count on you to do exactly that.
There have been some conversations that I've had with senior folks here at Langley in which I think people have expressed understandable anxiety and concern. So I want to make a point that I just made in the smaller group. I understand that it's hard when you are asked to protect the American people against people who have no scruples and would willingly and gladly kill innocents. Al Qaeda is not constrained by a constitution. Many of our adversaries are not constrained by a belief in freedom of speech, or representation in court, or rule of law. I'm sure that sometimes it seems as if that means we're operating with one hand tied behind our back, or that those who would argue for a higher standard are naïve. I understand that. You know, I watch the cable shows once in a while. (Laughter.)
What makes the United States special, and what makes you special, is precisely the fact that we are willing to uphold our values and our ideals even when it's hard, not just when it's easy; even when we are afraid and under threat, not just when it's expedient to do so. That's what makes us different.
So, yes, you've got a harder job. And so do I. And that's okay, because that's why we can take such extraordinary pride in being Americans. And over the long term, that is why I believe we will defeat our enemies, because we're on the better side of history.
So don't be discouraged by what's happened in the last few weeks. Don't be discouraged that we have to acknowledge potentially we've made some mistakes. That's how we learn. But the fact that we are willing to acknowledge them and then move forward, that is precisely why I am proud to be President of the United States, and that's why you should be proud to be members of the CIA. (Applause.)
Third point -- third point: I want you to know how much the American people appreciate your service. Sometimes it's hard to acknowledge sacrifices made by the people whose work or even identity must remain secret. And that's part of the enormous burden that you carry when you sign up. You make extraordinary sacrifices giving up parts of your life in service to your country. Many of you take long deployments overseas. You miss seeing your families. You miss weekend barbecues and the birthday parties, watching your children grow up. You can't even exchange in the simplest pleasure of talking about your job or complaining about your job openly. (Laughter.)
There are few signs of patriotism more powerful than offering to serve out of the limelight. And so many of you have signed up to serve after 9/11 -- that's partly why you're all so young -- fully aware of the dangers before you. You serve courageously, but your courage is only known to a few. You accomplish remarkable things, but the credit you receive is the private knowledge that you've done something to secure this country.
That's a sacrifice that's carved into those marble walls. Those 89 stars stand as a testament to both the men and women of the CIA who gave their lives in service to their country, and to all who dedicate themselves to the mission of this Agency.
Now we must look forward to the future with confidence. All that you've achieved, I believe that the CIA's best days are still yet to come. And you will have my support and appreciation as you carry on this critical work. We live in dangerous times. I am going to need you more than ever, precisely because we're seeing changes in our foreign policy and we want to send a new message to the world. That requires better intelligence, not less of it. That means that we're going to have to operate smarter and more effectively than ever.
So I'm going to be relying on you and the American people are going to rely on you. And I hope that you will continue to take extraordinary pride in the challenges that come with the job.
Thank you very much. God bless you, and God bless the United States of America. (Applause.)
END
3:48 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
 
Office of the Press Secretary
_________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                              April 20, 2009
 
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AFTER MEETING WITH THE CABINET
Cabinet Room
1:18 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:  Hello, guys.  Good to see you.  Well, I just had my first official Cabinet meeting.  We have one future Cabinet member missing, but everybody else is present and accounted for. 
I delivered a few messages.  Number one, I am extraordinarily proud of the talent, the diversity, and the work ethic of this team in an unprecedented situation where we had to hit the ground running and get an enormous amount done in the first three months.  Everybody here has performed I think at the highest levels.  And I'm extraordinarily proud of -- of the quality of this Cabinet.
Number two, I emphasized to this Cabinet that we have had to take some extraordinary steps in order to shore up our financial system and to deal with an unprecedented economic crisis.  And as a consequence, we've had to spend a significant amount of money, both on the Recovery Act to create and save jobs and to lay the foundations for long-term sustainable economic growth; also, in order to make sure that the financial systems are strong enough to start lending to businesses and communities so that we can start creating jobs again.  That was the right thing to do and the necessary thing to do.
However, moving forward, we have an obligation, as I talked about in my weekly radio address, or Internet address, to make sure that this government is as efficient as possible and that every taxpayer dollar that is spent is being spent wisely.  Joe Biden is doing an outstanding job working with all the Cabinet members to make sure that the Recovery Act is moving out in -- with unprecedented transparency and effectiveness, and I'm very grateful to him and his team for the work that's being done there.
Many of the agencies have already taken some extraordinary steps to consolidate, streamline, and improve their practices.  Just a couple of examples:  Veterans Affairs has cancelled or delayed 26 conferences, saving nearly $17.8 million, and they're using less expensive alternatives like videoconferencing.  The USDA, under Secretary Vilsack, is working to combine 1,500 employees from seven office locations into a single facility in 2011, which we estimate will save $62 million over a 15-year lease term.  Janet Napolitano at the Department of Homeland Security estimates that they can save up to $52 million over five years just by purchasing office supplies in bulk.
So there are a host of efficiencies that can be gained without increasing our personnel or our budget, but rather decreasing the amount of money that's spent on unnecessary things in order to fund some of the critical initiatives that we've all talked about.  Obviously, Bob Gates just came out with a historic budget proposal with respect to the Pentagon, and we expect to follow up with significant procurement reform that's going to make an enormous difference.
So none of these savings by themselves are going to solve our long-term fiscal problems, but taken together they can make a difference, and they send a signal that we are serious about changing how government operates.
So one of the things that -- messages that I delivered today to all members of the Cabinet was:  As well as you've already done, you're going to have to do more.  I'm asking for all of them to identify at least $100 million in additional cuts to their administrative budgets, separate and apart from the work that Peter Orszag and the rest of our team are doing to go line by line with the budget and identify programmatic cuts that need to be made. 
And in the next few weeks we expect to cut at least 100 current programs in the federal budget so that we can free up those dollars in order to put them to use for critical areas like health care, education, energy, our foreign policy apparatus, which is so important.
So I'm very pleased about the work that we've done.  But we've got more to do.  And one of the things that everybody here is mindful of is that as we move forward dealing with this extraordinary economic crisis, we also have a deficit, a confidence gap when it comes to the American people.  And we've got to earn their trust.  They've got to feel confident that their dollars are being spent wisely.  And I have every confidence that the team that I've put together is going to be able to deliver on that efficiency and productivity in the weeks, months and years to come.  Okay. 
Q    A hundred million dollars, isn't that a drop in the bucket, sir?
THE PRESIDENT:  It is, and that's what I just said.  None of these things alone are going to make a difference.  But cumulatively they would make an extraordinary difference because they start setting a tone.  And so what we're going to do is line by line, page by page, $100 million there, $100 million here, pretty soon, even in Washington, it adds up to real money.
All right, thank you, guys.
 
END
1:24 P.M. EDT     
                                            
 
THE WHITE HOUSE

 Office of the Press Secretary
(Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago)

_______________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                    April 19, 2009
                   
 
PRESS CONFERENCE
BY THE PRESIDENT

Hilton Hotel
Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago
12:17 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Hey, guys. You guys have a seat -- thanks. This is nice. This is a nice view, huh? Oh, it's beautiful. Did you guys go out last night, by the way? (Laughter.) Chuck Todd, did I see you on the cruise ship? (Laughter.)
MR. TODD: That wasn't me.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, we just concluded a very productive summit. And I want to thank the people of Trinidad and Tobago for their wonderful hospitality and their gracious welcome. I want to thank Prime Minister Manning and First Lady Manning, his government, for the hospitality they've shown me and our entire delegation.
This summit has been held at a time of great challenge and great opportunity for the United States and the Americas. The consequences of a historic economic crisis are being felt across the hemisphere, putting new pressure on peoples and governments that are already strained. Migration to and from each of our nations has serious implications for all nations. The safety and security of our citizens is endangered by drug trafficking, lawlessness and a host of other threats. Our energy challenge offers us a chance to unleash our joint economic potential, enhance our security and protect our planet. And too many citizens are being denied dignity and opportunity and a chance to live out their dreams in Cuba and all across the hemisphere.
These are some of the issues I discussed here in Trinidad and Tobago with leaders like President Garcia of Peru, President Bachelet of Chile, President Uribe of Colombia, President Preval of Haiti, and Prime Minister Harper of Canada. The subject of many of these meetings and conversations has been launching a new era of partnership between our nations. Over the past few days, we've seen potential positive signs in the nature of the relationship between the United States, Cuba and Venezuela. But as I’ve said before, the test for all of us is not simply words, but also deeds. I do believe that the signals sent so far provide at least an opportunity for frank dialogue on a range of issues, including critical areas of democracy and human rights throughout the hemisphere.
I do not see eye to eye with every regional leader on every regional issue. And I do not agree with everything that was said at this summit by leaders from other nations. But what we showed here is that we can make progress when we're willing to break free from some of the stale debates and old ideologies that have dominated and distorted the debate in this hemisphere for far too long. We showed that while we have our differences, we can -- and must -- work together in areas where we have mutual interests, and where we disagree we can disagree respectfully. We showed that there are no senior or junior partners in the Americas; we're simply partners, committed to advancing a common agenda and overcoming common challenges.
And that spirit of shared responsibility was reflected in the achievement of the summit and in the work that the United States has done in concert with nations across Americas. First, we're building on our unprecedented efforts in the United States -- and on the work that we did at the G20 summit in London -- to jumpstart job creation, reform a broken financial regulatory system, and put our economies on the path of sustainable growth and shared prosperity. We're tripling the International Monetary Fund’s lending capacity. We're urging the Inter-American Development Bank to increase its current lending level. And the United States is launching a new Microfinance Growth Fund for the hemisphere that will make meaningful differences for businesses and entrepreneurs across America [sic].
Over the past few days, we also discussed what we can do to ensure that the policies we pursue in our own countries advance and do not undercut our broader regional recovery. Together, these efforts will help drive economic expansion in the United States and across the hemisphere and ensure that we do not see an erosion of the progress that we've made to lift people out of poverty and into the middle class.
Second, we're acting boldly, we are acting swiftly, and we are acting in concert to combat threats that are endangering the safety and security of citizens across the Americas. This week, I traveled to Mexico, where I met with President Calderón to advance our shared commitment to combating the drug cartels, stemming the southbound flow of guns and money, and protecting citizens on both sides of our common border.
We're also taking a number of other key steps in concert with our regional partners. So when I met with the Central American nations and the Caribbean nations, they had similar concerns and we pledged to work together to defend our nations and keep our people safe. The United States is investing $30 million in enhanced security partnerships with Caribbean nations to ensure that they have the resources they need to combat drug traffickers seeking to enter their borders from Mexico and Central America. And I'm also making it a priority to ratify the Illicit Trafficking in Firearms Convention and to enhance cooperation with nations across the region to reduce the threat of existing weapons stockpiles.
Third, we're taking a critical step to drive our economic expansion, enhance our security, and protect the bounty and beauty of the hemisphere with a new Energy-Climate Partnership of the Americas that I proposed. Through this partnership, we will harness the progress being made by nations across the hemisphere -- from Brazil’s work on biofuels, to Chile’s investments in solar power, to Mexico’s efforts to curb greenhouse gas emissions, to El Salvador's work on geothermal energy.
This is a voluntary and flexible partnership that nations across this region are invited to join; a partnership that will enhance energy efficiency, improve our infrastructure, and support investments that can make energy more affordable. In doing so, we can create the jobs of the future, promote renewable sources of energy, and make the Americas a model for cooperation.
Now, meeting these challenges and seizing these opportunities will not be easy. It will not happen overnight. Our efforts to work together may be strained at times by disagreements, and one of the things that I think is going to be critical to do is to make sure that we are working with our respective teams to encourage implementation at a more granular level. Sometimes at these summits we have very lofty statements; there's got to be follow-through across the way.
But I firmly believe that if we're willing to break free from the arguments and ideologies of an earlier era and continue to act, as we have at this summit, with a sense of mutual responsibility and mutual respect and mutual interest, then each of our nations can come out of this challenging period stronger and more prosperous, and we can advance opportunity, equality, and security across the Americas.
So, with that, let me take some questions. I'm going to start with Edna Schmidt at Univision.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. The spotlight on your visit here was on the handshake and smiles with Hugo Chavez, but we didn't see much interaction with some of the other leaders of the region like Daniel Ortega, Rafael Correa, or Evo Morales, who yesterday accused the United States of still interfering in its affairs and, even though it's too soon, he says, of not seeing much of change. Did you have any private meetings with any of these leaders, and if so, can you tell us what was discussed?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I had meetings with all the leaders involved, including Daniel Ortega, who was the chairperson of the Central American meeting. I had very cordial conversations with President Morales and President Correa. And I think it's just that President Chavez is better at positioning the cameras.
And in all these conversations, here's what I emphasized: that we're not going to agree on every issue, but that as long as we are respectful of democratic processes, as long as we're respectful of principles of sovereignty for all nations, that we can find areas where we can work in common. And my sense is, if you talk to any of those leaders, that they would say that they feel encouraged about the possibility of a more constructive relationship.
Now, specifically on the Bolivia issue, I just want to make absolutely clear that I am absolutely opposed and condemn any efforts at violent overthrows of democratically elected governments, wherever it happens in the hemisphere. That is not the policy of our government. That is not how the American people expect their government to conduct themselves. And so I want to be as clear as possible on that.
But one of the things that I mentioned in both public remarks as well as private remarks is that the United States obviously has a history in this region that's not always appreciated from the perspective of some, but that what we need to do is try to move forward, and that I am responsible for how this administration acts and we will be respectful to those democratically elected governments, even when we disagree with them.
Scott Wilson, Washington Post.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. You said during the summit that you were here not to debate the past. You also said we must learn from our history. You just referred to this history. What have you learned over two days of listening to leaders here about how U.S. policy is perceived in the region? And can you name a specific policy that you will change as a result of what you've heard?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I think that what was reemphasized in all the discussions that I had was a sense, on the one hand, that the United States is critical to the economic growth and opportunities in the region. Even the most vociferous critics of the United States also want to make sure that the United States' economy is working and growing again, because there is extraordinary dependence on the United States for exports, for remittances.
And so in that sense people are rooting for America's success. I do think that there is a strain of thought in the region that, in the past, many of the problems surrounding economic growth and opportunity or the lack thereof resulted because of a too rigid application of a free market doctrine imposed by the IMF -- what is termed the "Washington consensus."
I think in some cases, those issues have been addressed. At the G20 summit, for example, we talked about the need to create a reformed international financial -- set of international financial institutions that provide additional flexibility, provide more voice and vote to developing countries. In some cases, it may be just a carryover of knee-jerk anti-American sentiment, or simply differing -- differences in terms of economic theories and how the economies should grow.
One thing that I thought was interesting -- and I knew this in a more abstract way but it was interesting in very specific terms -- hearing from these leaders who when they spoke about Cuba talked very specifically about the thousands of doctors from Cuba that are dispersed all throughout the region, and upon which many of these countries heavily depend. And it's a reminder for us in the United States that if our only interaction with many of these countries is drug interdiction, if our only interaction is military, then we may not be developing the connections that can, over time, increase our influence and have -- have a beneficial effect when we need to try to move policies that are of concern to us forward in the region.
And I think that's why it's so important that in our interactions not just here in the hemisphere but around the world, that we recognize that our military power is just one arm of our power, and that we have to use our diplomatic and development aid in more intelligent ways so that people can see very practical, concrete improvements in the lives of ordinary persons as a consequence of U.S. foreign policy.
Chuck Todd.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. Building a little bit, actually, on the answer that you had there, you've been to three continents now in the last three weeks, 40-odd world leaders that you've been in the same room with --
THE PRESIDENT: Time to get home. (Laughter.)
Q Yes, exactly.
THE PRESIDENT: I'm going to Iowa next week. (Laughter.)
Q Yes, talk about déjà vu.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes.
Q What should -- a lot of people are going to start trying to write about the "Obama doctrine." What should be the -- what are the pillars of that that you think people should be taking away -- after observing you on the world stage the last three weeks, what are the pillars of the Obama doctrine?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, you know, I will leave it up to you, Chuck, to write the definitive statement on Obamaism. But there are a couple of principles that I've tried to apply across the board: Number one, that the United States remains the most powerful, wealthiest nation on Earth, but we're only one nation, and that the problems that we confront, whether it's drug cartels, climate change, terrorism, you name it, can't be solved just by one country. And I think if you start with that approach, then you are inclined to listen and not just talk.
And so in all these meetings what I've said is, we have some very clear ideas in terms of where the international community should be moving; we have some very specific national interests, starting with safety and security that we have to attend to; but we recognize that other countries have good ideas, too, and we want to hear them. And the fact that a good idea comes from a small country like a Costa Rica should not somehow diminish the fact that it's a good idea. I think people appreciate that. So that's number one.
Number two, I think that -- I feel very strongly that when we are at our best, the United States represents a set of universal values and ideals -- the idea of democratic practices, the idea of freedom of speech and religion, the idea of a civil society where people are free to pursue their dreams and not be imposed upon constantly by their government. So we've got a set of ideas that I think have broad applicability. But what I also believe is that other countries have different cultures, different perspectives, and are coming out of different histories, and that we do our best to promote our ideals and our values by our example.
And so if we are practicing what we preach and if we occasionally confess to having strayed from our values and our ideals, that strengthens our hand; that allows us to speak with greater moral force and clarity around these issues.
And again, I think people around the world appreciate that we're not suggesting we are holding ourselves to one set of standards and we're going to hold you to another set of standards; that we're not simply going to lecture you, but we're rather going to show through how we operate the benefits of these values and ideals.
And the -- as a consequence of listening, believing that there aren't junior partners and senior partners in the international stage, I don't think that we suddenly transform every foreign policy item that's on the agenda. I know that in each of these meetings the question has been, well, did you get something specific? What happened here? What happened there?
Countries are going to have interests, and changes in foreign policy approaches by my administration aren't suddenly going to make all those interests that may diverge from ours disappear. What it does mean, though, is, at the margins, they are more likely to want to cooperate than not cooperate. It means that where there is resistance to a particular set of policies that we're pursuing, that resistance may turn out just to be based on old preconceptions or ideological dogmas that, when they're cleared away, it turns out that we can actually solve a problem.
And so we're still going to have very tough negotiations on a whole host of issues. In Europe, people believe in our plan for Afghanistan, but their politics are still such that it's hard for leaders to want to send more troops into Afghanistan. That's not going to change because I'm popular in Europe or leaders think that I've been respectful towards them. On the other hand, by having established those better relations, it means that among the population there's more confidence that working with the United States is beneficial, and they are going to try to do more than they might otherwise have done.
And here in this hemisphere, I think as a consequence of a summit like this, it becomes much easier for our friends -- countries like Mexico or Colombia, that are stalwart partners with us on issues like drug trafficking -- it becomes much easier for them to work with us because their neighbors and their populations see us as a force for good or at least not a force for ill.
Jake.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. You've heard from a lot of Latin America leaders here who want the U.S. to lift the embargo against Cuba. You've said that you think it's an important leverage to not lift it. But in 2004, you did support lifting the embargo. You said, it's failed to provide the source of raising standards of living, it's squeezed the innocent, and it's time for us to acknowledge that this particular policy has failed. I'm wondering, what made you change your mind about the embargo?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, 2004, that seems just eons ago. What was I doing in 2004?
Q Running for Senate.
THE PRESIDENT: Is it while -- I was running for Senate. There you go. Look, what I said and what I think my entire administration has acknowledged is, is that the policy that we've had in place for 50 years hasn’t worked the way we want it to. The Cuban people are not free. And that's our lodestone, our North Star, when it come to our policy in Cuba.
It is my belief that we're not going to change that policy overnight, and the steps that we took I think were constructive in sending a signal that we'd like to see a transformation. But I am persuaded that it is important to send a signal that issues of political prisoners, freedom of speech, freedom of religion, democracy -- that those continue to be important, that they're not simply something to be brushed aside.
What was remarkable about the summit was that every leader who was participating was democratically elected. We might not be happy with the results of some elections; we might be happier with others; we might disagree with some of the leaders, but they all were conferred the legitimacy of a country speaking through democratic channels. And that is not yet there in Cuba.
Now, I think that as a starting point, it's important for us not to think that completely ignoring Cuba is somehow going to change policy, and the fact that you had Raul Castro say he's willing to have his government discuss with ours not just issues of lifting the embargo, but issues of human rights, political prisoners, that's a sign of progress.
And so we're going to explore and see if we can make some further steps. There are some things that the Cuban government could do. They could release political prisoners. They could reduce charges on remittances to match up with the policies that we have put in place to allow Cuban merican families to send remittances. It turns out that Cuba charges an awful lot, they take a lot off the top. That would be an example of cooperation where both governments are working to help Cuban families and raise standards of living in Cuba.
So there are going to be some ways that the Cuban government I think can send some signals that they're serious about pursuing change. And I'm hopeful that over time the overwhelming trend in the hemisphere will occur in Cuba, as well. And I think that all of the governments here were encouraged by the fact that we had taken some first steps. Many of them want us to go further, but they at least see that we are not dug in into policies that were formulated before I was born.
Bill Plante. No? Bill is not here? That's shocking. (Laughter.) Dan from CNN.
Q During the campaign you were criticized by some within your own party for perhaps not being able to be tough on foreign policy matters. Now you've had this friendly interaction with Mr. Chavez. Are you concerned at all about how this might be perceived back in the U.S. as perhaps being soft? Already one senator is calling this friendly interaction irresponsible. And as a quick follow-up, if I may, when you got the book from Mr. Chavez, what did you really think? (Laughter.)
THE PRESIDENT: I think it was a nice gesture to give me a book; I'm a reader. And you're right, we had this debate throughout the campaign, and the whole notion was, is that somehow if we showed courtesy or opened up dialogue with governments that had previously been hostile to us, that that somehow would be a sign of weakness. The American people didn't buy it. And there's a good reason the American people didn't buy it -- because it doesn't make sense.
You take a country like Venezuela -- I have great differences with Hugo Chavez on matters of economic policy and matters of foreign policy. His rhetoric directed at the United States has been inflammatory. There have been instances in which we've seen Venezuela interfere with some of the -- some of the countries that surround Venezuela in ways that I think are a source of concern.
On the other hand, Venezuela is a country whose defense budget is probably 1/600th of the United States'. They own Citgo. It's unlikely that as a consequence of me shaking hands or having a polite conversation with Mr. Chavez that we are endangering the strategic interests of the United States. I don't think anybody can find any evidence that that would do so. Even within this imaginative crowd, I think you would be hard-pressed to paint a scenario in which U.S. interests would be damaged as a consequence of us having a more constructive relationship with Venezuela.
So if the question, Dan, is, how does this play politically, I don't know. One of the benefits of my campaign and how I've been trying to operate as President is I don't worry about the politics -- I try to figure out what's right in terms of American interests, and on this one I think I'm right.
Julia -- who, by the way, I saw getting jostled a lot during the photo sprays. Cameramen, I just want you to know. (Laughter.)
Q Thank you, Mr. President. I'd like to ask a question about an issue back home about the economy and the stress tests and whether or not you expect that along with the stress tests, with the results next month, that one or more executives will be asked to step down as -- as it was with the auto restructuring plan.
THE PRESIDENT: Okay, well, I don't want to speculate ahead of the release of the stress test numbers. I think what you'll see is that, not surprisingly, different banks are in different situations. They're going to need different levels of assistance from taxpayers and, as I've said before, if taxpayer money is involved then I've got a responsibility to ensure some transparency and accountability in the operations of those businesses. We try to use as light a touch as we can, but I'm not going to simply put taxpayer money into a black hole where you're not going to see results or some exit strategy, so that taxpayers ultimately are relieved of these burdens.
We've seen I think some progress in certain parts of the banking sector. As I mentioned before, I'm encouraged by the number of refinancings and mortgages that's already taking place, but I have also said we're not out of the woods. This is still a difficult time for the economy. Credit is still contracted. Banks still are not lending at previous levels. The non-bank sector that accounted for 40 percent of credit prior to this crisis still hasn't recovered the way it should. And we're still having to take a series of extraordinary steps.
So we'll have more information as these stress test numbers are provided. I haven't seen all of them yet. They're being completed I think while we were on this trip. But I'm sure that we'll have more to say about this over the next -- next several days.
Okay? April. Oh, you look surprised. (Laughter.) Come on, April -- I hope you've got a good question.
Q Okay. I have two, actually.
THE PRESIDENT: All right, well, you only get one, though. (Laughter.)
Q I'll take that one. Mr. President, as you're concluding your summit here and the meeting in Mexico, there is a U.S. -- a U.N. conference, the world conference on racism in Geneva tomorrow. The U.S. is boycotting. And what say you about that? And is Zionism a main issue in the reason why the U.S. is boycotting the racism conference?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, let me, first of all, say that I believe in the United Nations. I believe in the possibility of the United Nations serving as an effective forum to deal with a whole host of transnational conflicts.
And so I want to be as encouraging as I can, and I've said that to the General Secretary.
For that reason, we're actually -- have pursued a seat on the Human Rights Commission, the U.N. Human Rights Commission, because even though up until this point we haven't been very pleased with how it's operated, we think that it's worthwhile for us to go in there and try to make it into a constructive organization because of the extraordinary range of human rights violations that exist around the world. And I think America should be a leader; we can't opt out of those discussions.
Now, in that same spirit, I would love to be involved in a useful conference that addressed continuing issues of racism and discrimination around the globe -- which, by the way, are not a particular province of any one country. Obviously we've had our own experiences with racial discrimination, but if you come down to Central and South America and the Caribbean, they have all kinds of stories to tell about racial discrimination.
Somebody mentioned earlier President Morales. Whatever I think about his politics, the fact that he is the first indigenous -- person of indigenous background to be elected in a country that has a enormous indigenous population indicates how much work remains to be done around the world.
So we would love to engage constructively in a discussion like that. Here's the problem: You had a previous conference -- I believe it was in 2001, maybe it was 2002 -- I think it was 2001 -- in which it became a session through which folks expressed antagonism towards Israel in ways that were oftentimes completely hypocritical and counterproductive. And we expressed in the run-up to this conference our concerns that if you incorporated -- if you adopted all the language from 2001, that's just not something we could sign up for.
So if we have a clean start, a fresh start, we're happy to go. If you're incorporating a previous conference that we weren't involved with that raised a whole set of objectionable provisions, then we couldn't participate or it wouldn't be worth it for us to participate because we couldn't get past that particular issue.
And unfortunately, even though I think other countries made great efforts to accommodate some of our concerns and assured us that this conference would be more constructive, our participation would have involved putting our imprimatur on something that we just don't believe.
So what we've said -- and I said this to Secretary General Moon who was here addressing the summit -- we're happy to work with them to see if we can move forward on some of these issues. Hopefully some concrete steps come out of the conference that we can partner with other countries on to actually reduce discrimination around the globe. But this wasn't an opportunity to do it.
So -- okay? I think the -- it's warm and I've got to get home. But I appreciate you guys. Thank you.
By the way, whose wallet is this? Is this one of my staff's here? Did you guys put this on -- is that yours, Marvin? That was to prop up my remarks? Okay, I don't want you to forget it. Thank you, guys.
Q Mr. President, you haven't addressed the Iranian journalist. I think people would like to hear about that.
THE PRESIDENT: I will. Obviously I am gravely concerned with her safety and well-being. We are working to make sure that she is properly treated and to get more information about the disposition of her case.
She is an American citizen, and I have complete confidence that she was not engaging in any sort of espionage. She is an Iranian American who was interested in the country which her family came from. And it is appropriate for her to be treated as such and to be released.
We are going to be in contact with -- through our Swiss intermediaries -- with the Iranian government and want to ensure that we end up seeing a proper disposition of this case.
Okay? Thanks. Thank you, guys.
END
12:53 P.M. EDT
###
 
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Port of Spain, Trinidad)
_____________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                  April 19, 2009                    
 
               
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
BEFORE MEETING WITH THE
CENTRAL AMERICAN INTEGRATION SYSTEM
Hyatt Hotel
Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago
 
8:18 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Well, good morning, everybody. I'm very pleased to have this opportunity to meet with the leaders of Central America. Obviously, we have a long history of relations between the United States and Central America -- that is a critical partner on a whole range of issues. We have the leadership here democratically elected, and provided a lot of important information during the course of this summit.
But obviously when you're in a group of 36 it's more difficult to focus just on the regional issues. So this gives me an opportunity to hear more directly about both challenges and opportunities in the region.
So I'm very grateful that they've taken the time to meet with me and I'm looking forward to hearing more about how the United States can be an effective partner with all the countries represented.
Thank you.
END
8:19 A.M. EDT
###
THE WHITE HOUSE
 
Office of the Press Secretary
(Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago)
 
--------------------------------------------------------------
For Immediate Release                      April 18, 2009   
 
 
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
BEFORE MEETING WITH LEADERS FROM UNASUR COUNTRIES
Hyatt Hotel
Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago
8:25 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:  Good morning, everybody.  I just want to say very quickly I'm very grateful for the opportunity to meet with my colleagues from the south and participate in the meeting. UNASUR is doing some excellent work in their efforts in the region on things like energy and security.  I have a lot to learn and I very much look forward to listening and figuring out how we can work together more effectively.  So hopefully the meeting itself will go more smoothly than getting you guys in to take pictures.  (Laughter.) 
All right?  Thank you, everybody.
END                                               
8:26 A.M. EDT
 
 ###
THE WHITE HOUSE
 
Office of the Press Secretary
(Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago)
________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                             April 17, 2009
 
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT THE SUMMIT OF THE AMERICAS
OPENING CEREMONY
Hyatt Regency
Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago
7:30 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:  Good evening.  I am honored to join you here today, and I want to thank Prime Minister Manning, the people of Trinidad and Tobago for their generosity in hosting the Fifth Summit of the Americas.  And I want to extend my greetings to all the heads of state, many of who I am meeting for the first time.  All of us are extraordinarily excited to have this opportunity to visit this wonderful country -- and as somebody who grew up on an island, I can tell you I feel right at home.  (Applause.)
It's appropriate and important that we hold this summit in the Caribbean.  The energy, the dynamism, the diversity of the Caribbean people inspires us all, and are such an important part of what we share in common as a hemisphere.
I think everybody recognizes that we come together at a critical moment for the people of the Americas.  Our well-being has been set back by a historic economic crisis.  Our safety is endangered by a broad range of threats.  But this peril can be eclipsed by the promise of a new prosperity and personal security and the protection of liberty and justice for all the people of our hemisphere.  That's the future that we can build together, but only if we move forward with a new sense of partnership.
All of us must now renew the common stake that we have in one another.  I know that promises of partnership have gone unfulfilled in the past, and that trust has to be earned over time.  While the United States has done much to promote peace and prosperity in the hemisphere, we have at times been disengaged, and at times we sought to dictate our terms.  But I pledge to you that we seek an equal partnership.  (Applause.)  There is no senior partner and junior partner in our relations; there is simply engagement based on mutual respect and common interests and shared values.  So I'm here to launch a new chapter of engagement that will be sustained throughout my administration.  (Applause.)
To move forward, we cannot let ourselves be prisoners of past disagreements.  I am very grateful that President Ortega -- (applause) -- I'm grateful that President Ortega did not blame me for things that happened when I was three months old.  (Laughter.)  Too often, an opportunity to build a fresh partnership of the Americas has been undermined by stale debates.  And we've heard all these arguments before, these debates that would have us make a false choice between rigid, state-run economies or unbridled and unregulated capitalism; between blame for right-wing paramilitaries or left-wing insurgents; between sticking to inflexible policies with regard to Cuba or denying the full human rights that are owed to the Cuban people.
I didn't come here to debate the past -- I came here to deal with the future.  (Applause.)  I believe, as some of our previous speakers have stated, that we must learn from history, but we can't be trapped by it.  As neighbors, we have a responsibility to each other and to our citizens.  And by working together, we can take important steps forward to advance prosperity and security and liberty.  That is the 21st century agenda that we come together to enact.  That's the new direction that we can pursue.
Before we move forward for our shared discussions over this weekend, I'd like to put forward several areas where the United States is committed already to strengthening collective action on behalf of our shared goals.
First, we must come together on behalf of our common prosperity.  That's what we've already begun to do.  Our unprecedented actions to stimulate growth and restart the flow of credit will help create jobs and prosperity within our borders and within yours.  We joined with our G20 partners to set aside over a trillion dollars for countries going through difficult times, recognizing that we have to provide assistance to those countries that are most vulnerable.  We will work with you to ensure that the Inter-American Development Bank can take the necessary steps to increase its current levels of lending and to carefully study the needs for recapitalization in the future.  And we recognize that we have a special responsibility, as one of the world's financial centers, to work with partners around the globe to reform a failed regulatory system -- so that we can prevent the kinds of financial abuses that led to this current crisis from ever happening again, and achieve an economic expansion not just in the United States but all across the hemisphere that is built not on bubbles, but on sustainable economic growth.
We're also committed to combating inequality and creating prosperity from the bottom up.  This is something that I've spoken about in the United States, and it's something that I believe applies across the region.  I've asked Congress for $448 million in immediate assistance for those who have been hit hardest by the crisis beyond our borders.  And today, I'm pleased to announce a new Microfinance Growth Fund for the hemisphere that can restart the lending that can power businesses and entrepreneurs in each and every country that's represented here.  This is not charity.  (Applause.)  Let me be clear:  This is not charity.  Together, we can create a broader foundation of prosperity that builds new markets and powers new growth for all peoples in the hemisphere, because our economies are intertwined.
Next, we can strengthen the foundation of our prosperity and our security and our environment through a new partnership on energy.  Our hemisphere is blessed with bountiful resources, and we are all endangered by climate change.  Now we must come together to find new ways to produce and use energy so that we can create jobs and protect our planet.
So today, I'm proposing the creation of a new Energy and Climate Partnership of the Americas that can forge progress to a more secure and sustainable future.  It's a partnership that will harness the vision and determination of countries like Mexico and Brazil that have already done outstanding work in this area to promote renewable energy and reduce greenhouse gas emissions.  Each country will bring its own unique resources and needs, so we will ensure that each country can maximize its strengths as we promote efficiency and improve our infrastructure, share technologies, support investments in renewable sources of energy.  And in doing so, we can create the jobs of the future, lower greenhouse gas emissions, and make this hemisphere a model for cooperation.
The dangers of climate change are part of a broad range of threats to our citizens, so the third area where we must work together is to advance our common security.
Today, too many people in the Americas live in fear.  We must not tolerate violence and insecurity, no matter where it comes from.  Children must be safe to play in the street, and families should never face the pain of a kidnapping.  Policemen must be more powerful than kingpins, and judges must advance the rule of law.  Illegal guns must not flow freely into criminal hands, and illegal drugs must not destroy lives and distort our economy.
Yesterday, President Calderón of Mexico and I renewed our commitment to combat the dangers posed by drug cartels.  Today, I want to announce a new initiative to invest $30 million to strengthen cooperation on security in the Caribbean.  And I have directed key members of my Cabinet to build and sustain relations with their counterparts in the hemisphere to constantly adjust our tactics, to build upon best practices, and develop new modes of cooperation -- because the United States is a friend of every nation and person who seeks a future of security and dignity. 
And let me add that I recognize that the problem will not simply be solved by law enforcement if we're not also dealing with our responsibilities in the United States.  And that's why we will take aggressive action to reduce our demand for drugs, and to stop the flow of guns and bulk cash south across our borders.  (Applause.)  And that's why I'm making it a priority to ratify the Illicit Trafficking in Firearms Convention as another tool that we can use to prevent this from happening.  And I also am mindful of the statement that's been made earlier, that unless we provide opportunity for an education and for jobs and a career for the young people in the region, then too many will end up being attracted to the drug trade.  And so we cannot separate out dealing with the drug issue on the interdiction side and the law enforcement side from the need for critical development in our communities.
Finally, we know that true security only comes with liberty and justice.  Those are bedrock values of the Inter-American charter.  Generations of our people have worked and fought and sacrificed for them.  And it is our responsibility to advance them in our time.
So together, we have to stand up against any force that separates any of our people from that story of liberty -- whether it's crushing poverty or corrosive corruption; social exclusion or persistent racism or discrimination.  Here in this room, and on this dais, we see the diversity of the Americas.  Every one of our nations has a right to follow its own path.  But we all have a responsibility to see that the people of the Americans [sic] have the ability to pursue their own dreams in democratic societies.
There's been several remarks directed at the issue of the relationship between the United States and Cuba, so let me address this.  The United States seeks a new beginning with Cuba.  I know that there is a longer -- (applause) -- I know there's a longer journey that must be traveled to overcome decades of mistrust, but there are critical steps we can take toward a new day.  I've already changed a Cuba policy that I believe has failed to advance liberty or opportunity for the Cuban people.  We will now allow Cuban Americans to visit the islands whenever they choose and provide resources to their families -- the same way that so many people in my country send money back to their families in your countries to pay for everyday needs.
Over the past two years, I've indicated, and I repeat today, that I'm prepared to have my administration engage with the Cuban government on a wide range of issues -- from drugs, migration, and economic issues, to human rights, free speech, and democratic reform.  Now, let me be clear, I'm not interested in talking just for the sake of talking. But I do believe that we can move U.S.-Cuban relations in a new direction.
As has already been noted, and I think my presence here indicates, the United States has changed over time.  (Applause.)  It has not always been easy, but it has changed.  And so I think it's important to remind my fellow leaders that it's not just the United States that has to change.  All of us have responsibilities to look towards the future.  (Applause.) 
I think it's important to recognize, given historic suspicions, that the United States' policy should not be interference in other countries, but that also means that we can't blame the United States for every problem that arises in the hemisphere.  That's part of the bargain.  (Applause.)  That's part of the change that has to take place.  That's the old way, and we need a new way.
The United States will be willing to acknowledge past errors where those errors have been made.  We will be partners in helping to alleviate poverty.  But the American people have to get some positive reinforcement if they are to be engaged in the efforts to lift other countries out of the poverty that they're experiencing.
Every nation has been on its own journey.  Here in Trinidad and Tobago, we must respect those differences while celebrating those things that we share in common.  Our nations were all colonized by empires and achieved our own liberation.  Our people reflect the extraordinary diversity of human beings, and our shared values reflect a common humanity -- the universal desire to leave our children a world that is more prosperous and peaceful than the one that we inherited.
So as we gather here, let us remember that our success must be measured by the ability of people to live their dreams.  That's a goal that cannot be encompassed with any one policy or communiqué.  It's not a matter of abstractions or ideological debates.  It's a question of whether or not we are in a concrete way making the lives of our citizens better.  It's reflected in the hopes of our children, in the strength of our democratic institutions, and our faith in the future. 
It will take time.  Nothing is going to happen overnight.  But I pledge to you that the United States will be there as a friend and a partner, because our futures are inextricably bound to the future of the people of the entire hemisphere.  And we are committed to shaping that future through engagement that is strong and sustained, that is meaningful, that is successful, and that is based on mutual respect and equality.
Thank you very much.  (Applause.)
END               
7:46 P.M. EDT
 
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Mexico City, Mexico)
--------------------------------------------------
For Immediate Release                       April 16, 2009
                                                                                                  
REMARKS BY PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA
AT DINNER
Museo Nacional de Antropologia
Mexico City, Mexico
 
8:17 P.M. CDT
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Good evening.  Thank you very much.  Let me begin by expressing my deepest thanks to President Calderón and Mrs. Zavala for their gracious welcome.  And thank you for the spectacular setting.  I can't imagine a more magnificent evening.  This is my first trip as President to Mexico, and it's one that I will always remember fondly for the hospitality and the warmth that has been provided to me during my brief visit.
Now, earlier today, we conducted a series of productive meetings on a whole host of challenges and opportunities that we face jointly.  We spoke about our deep economic ties, reflecting the $1 billion of trade that crosses our borders every day.  And we discussed steps that we can take together, both bilaterally and in a global setting, to advance opportunity and prosperity in our two countries and across the Americas.
We spoke about the deep ties between our peoples, and what steps can be made to meet our immigration challenge.  That involves passing comprehensive immigration reform in the United States, which I am committed to doing, and it involves making certain that we are promoting increased opportunity here in Mexico.
We spoke about our obligation to take steps to build clean energy together that can power our economies and beat back climate change in future centuries.  And of course, we spoke about the grave dangers that the drug cartels are presenting to both our nations, that are threatening innocent men and women and children on both sides of our borders, and our shared determination to put an end to these drug wars.
These are some of the critical challenges that we face as a result of a border we share.  But what makes us good neighbors is not that our interests are always aligned, that we will agree on everything -- in our long and interwoven history, we haven't always been on the same side of every issue, and there is no doubt that in the future there will be differences once again -- what makes us good neighbors is a simple truth -- that our people share so much more than common challenges and common interests.  We also share values and ideals.  We are both a people who know the meaning of hard work; a people who know what it means to struggle and to sacrifice on behalf of our children and our grandchildren; people who know that strength comes from faith and from family; people who have known hardship and trial and persevered in the face of great odds.
That's the story of the separate struggles for independence that have made our nations who we are -- struggles that are forged on this continent, two adjoining nations founded on a set of shared values; that our democracy is not simply a gift from a previous generation, but a responsibility for each generation to protect and to pass on to the next.  We both understand that no one, whether through influence of politics, the power of money, or the fear of force, is above the law; and that we are, every one of us, equal, endowed with the basic human rights that spring not from our laws, but from our Maker.
Each of our nations was formed out of this sense that a state has no greater responsibility than to uphold the essential dignity of its citizens.  That was the promise of my country's struggle for independence.  That was the promise of Mexico's struggle for independence.  That was the promise of American independence.  It's a promise advanced by Hildago, as well as Washington; by Lincoln, but also by Juarez -- and a promise that now falls on all of us to advance in our own time.
More than 60 years ago, at a moment when our world was consumed with war, one of my predecessors came here to Mexico to reaffirm the relationship between our two nations.  In a speech to the people of Mexico, Franklin Delano Roosevelt said, "[Our] peoples are finding that they have common aspirations.  They can work together for a common objective.  Let us never lose hold of that truth."
That was President Roosevelt's message then.  That is my message now.  And I'm confident that if we continue to draw strength from our common aspirations and purpose from our common objectives, if we continue to act, as we have during this visit, in a spirit of mutual responsibility, mutual respect, and mutual interest, then that is a truth that we will uphold together in the months and years to come.
And I am so pleased that I have such an outstanding partner as President Calderón, somebody who has shown his courage and his bravery, and somebody who's shown that he combines a sense of principle with a sense of practicality; somebody who I know wants to be a partner with me as we strengthen our partnership and we make certain that the children of Mexico and the children of the United States are both seeing a future that's more prosperous and more hopeful than the ones that have come before.
So, thank you very much, everybody.  And let me please make a toast to my host.  (Applause.)
(A toast is offered.)
END      
8:22 P.M. CDT
###