The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
April 02, 2015

Remarks by the President on TechHire Initiative

InDatus Solutions

Louisville, Kentucky

6:15 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Hello, everybody!  Hello!  (Applause.)  Please, please, have a seat.  Have a seat.  Well, first of all, sorry I'm late.  (Laughter.)  I had a couple things I had to do. (Laughter.)  And obviously, when you're the President, you’ve got -- national security always take top priority.  But I wanted to make sure that I still made it.  And I'm so grateful that all of you were willing to come back and in welcoming me in this way.

It is great to be back in Louisville.  It is great to be here at InDatus.  This is such a spiffy-looking company, I'm thinking about remodeling at the White House.  (Laughter.)  Everything is so hip and cool and guys with, like, cool beards are -- (laughter) -- typing stuff.  And it just looks wonderful.

But the reason I'm here is not just because it looks hip and cool, but because what’s happening here is essential to America, and we want to lift it up and we want people to see what’s possible in developing the kind of innovation and job creation here in the 21st century, knowing that we can succeed.  This company and the network that's been developed here in Louisville are helping to prepare people of all ages for the higher-paying, in-demand jobs of the future.  And we need to get more of that done.   

I want to thank David for the introduction and his graciousness in hosting us.  There are other folks that I want to acknowledge because they have been great friends and are doing a tremendous job on behalf of their constituencies -- your outstanding Governor Steve Beshear is here.  (Applause.)  Congressman John Yarmuth is here.  (Applause.)  Louisville Mayor Greg Fischer, who not only gave me a Slugger, but also a really big suitcase full of bourbon.  (Laughter and applause.)  I mean, it's a really big case.  (Laughter.)  And the man who served as mayor before him who now works with me at the White House, doing outstanding work with mayors and governors and county officials all across the country -- my dear friend, Jerry Abramson.  (Applause.)  Where’s Jerry?  There he is back there.  (Applause.) 

So, over the past five years, our businesses have created 12 million new jobs -- over 12 million new jobs.  Right now, America has more open jobs than at any point since 2001.  And more than half a million openings are in tech -- nearly 2,000 here in Louisville alone.  Tech jobs pay one-and-a-half times the average private sector wage.  So they’re great pathways to the middle class.  And what’s more, a highly trained workforce is vital for America’s long-term global economic leadership.  It attracts more entrepreneurship; it attracts investors from overseas because they’re looking for an outstanding workforce.  

And that’s the idea behind a new initiative of ours that we're calling TechHire.  It's a pretty simple concept.  It brings employers and local governments together to support innovative job training programs -- like online classes, coding boot camps, community college courses designed by local employers.

Eastern Kentucky is a TechHire Community.  So is Louisville. More than 20 employers have joined it so far, including InDatus. You’re mentoring students at Code Louisville and you’ve pledged to hire their graduates.  And that’s what smart training looks like -- faster, cheaper, innovative, providing new pathways -- less conventional pathways, in some cases -- for careers in tech. 

And my administration is proud to be investing in Code Louisville, because we want more places to follow Kentucky’s example.  We should invest in what works -- apprenticeships that give on-the-job training, gives them industry credentials that let anybody who can do the job get the job, whether they’re self-taught or have a degree.  And the budget that I sent to Congress includes these priorities.  Today, we’re going to unveil workforce reforms that do the same. 

And just to give you a specific example -- I hope he doesn’t mind.  Maybe he’s here, or maybe he’s still back somewhere.  The reason I remember this guy is because his name is Ben Cool --which is a really cool name.  (Laughter.)  I mean, I kind of wish my name was Ben Cool.  (Laughter.)  Ben doesn’t have a college degree, but because of the work that's done is open-source, Ben essentially was able to teach himself.  And because InDatus recognizes that not all talent goes through conventional pathways, it was able to set up a structure whereby Ben could show what he knew, how well he could do it, and InDatus was able to hire him and now they’ve got an outstanding coder and somebody who’s providing enormous value to the company -- which might have been missed had it not been for these kinds of different pathways.

And then I just heard a story -- if I'm not mistaken, Ben, you had a friend who came here and started working in -- what -- customer service?

BEN:  Yes.

THE PRESIDENT:  Also didn’t have a degree in computer science or coding, but then he ended up taking an hour class a couple hours a week, teaching himself, getting trained, and now he’s doing coding as well.  So that's the idea here, is that there are a lot of different pathways that we create so that more and more people can get trained in the jobs of the future, and we're not restricting ourselves to one narrow path.

And we're making sure that everybody has opportunity and everybody has a shot.  And we're investing in the job training and apprenticeships and on-the-job training and online training that it's going to take to make sure that anybody can access a good job if they’re willing to work hard and apply themselves and focus. 

Now, this doesn’t cost huge amounts of money, but it does cost some money to do it right and to do it well.  And that's why it's reflected in my budget, for us to put more money into job training, apprenticeships, and these kinds of public-private partnerships that we're talking about.  And there’s going to be a big debate coming up around the budget. 

Republicans in Congress have put forward their budget and it provides tax cuts to folks like me and folks who are doing pretty darn well, but it would cut right now job training for 2.2 million people, including 28,800 right here in Kentucky.  And that's just not the right way for us to plan in terms of long-term growth and stability.

Our economy has been growing.  We've got momentum, but that momentum can stall.  Because the economies in Europe are weak, the economies in Asia are weak, the dollar is becoming stronger because a lot of people want to park their money here.  They think it's safer.  They’re investing here more.  But that makes our exports more expensive.  And so we've got to stay hungry.  We can't just sit back and assume that growth continues at the kind of pace that we need to give opportunity for all the young people of the future.

And that's why this is so important.  So we can't prioritize tax cuts for folks at the very top and sacrifice the kinds of job-training efforts and apprenticeships that our young people are going to need.  (Applause.)

So, in case you think I'm exaggerating, I mean, one of the laws that my friends on the other side of the aisle are trying to pass right now is a new, deficit-busting tax cut for a fraction of the top one-tenth of 1 percent -- that’s fewer than 50 people here in Kentucky who would, on average, get a couple million dollars in tax breaks.  For that amount of money, we can provide thousands of people the kind of training they need.  And that’s just not the way that we're going to build an economy that strengthens our middle class and provides ladders for people getting into the middle class.

Our economy has grown since the crisis, but when you look at what’s happened, middle-class folks, their wages, their incomes just haven't gone up that much.  And a lot of folks are still struggling to get by.  And our economy works best when everybody has a stake and everybody is getting ahead.  (Applause.)  When that happens, we all do well.  And by the way, when that happens, businesses do well, because they have more customers.  And our economy grows best from the bottom up and the middle out, not from the top down.  And we've got to keep that in mind as we go forward.

But let me again just congratulate InDatus for the outstanding work that they’re doing.  I want to congratulate the Mayor and the Governor, and all the folks who are participating in making sure that TechHire gets off the ground, not just here in Louisville but across the state and across the country.  For all the young people who are -- especially the really young ones -- make sure to study math and science, because you guys are going to be our future.  We're very, very proud of you. 

And once again, thanks for being so patient with me, despite the delays.  Thank you very much.  (Applause.)  

END
6:26 P.M. EDT

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
April 02, 2015

Statement by the President on the Framework to Prevent Iran from Obtaining a Nuclear Weapon

Rose Garden

2:25 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Good afternoon, everybody.  Today, the United States -- together with our allies and partners -- has reached a historic understanding with Iran, which, if fully implemented, will prevent it from obtaining a nuclear weapon. 

As President and Commander-in-Chief, I have no greater responsibility than the security of the American people.  And I am convinced that if this framework leads to a final, comprehensive deal, it will make our country, our allies, and our world safer.

This has been a long time coming.  The Islamic Republic of Iran has been advancing its nuclear program for decades.  By the time I took office, Iran was operating thousands of centrifuges, which can produce the materials for a nuclear bomb -- and Iran was concealing a covert nuclear facility.  I made clear that we were prepared to resolve this issue diplomatically, but only if Iran came to the table in a serious way.  When that did not happen, we rallied the world to impose the toughest sanctions in history -- sanctions which had a profound impact on the Iranian economy.

Now, sanctions alone could not stop Iran’s nuclear program. But they did help bring Iran to the negotiating table.  Because of our diplomatic efforts, the world stood with us and we were joined at the negotiating table by the world’s major powers -- the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Russia, and China, as well as the European Union.

Over a year ago, we took the first step towards today’s framework with a deal to stop the progress of Iran’s nuclear program and roll it back in key areas.  And recall that at the time, skeptics argued that Iran would cheat, and that we could not verify their compliance and the interim agreement would fail. Instead, it has succeeded exactly as intended.  Iran has met all of its obligations.  It eliminated its stockpile of dangerous nuclear material.  Inspections of Iran’s program increased.  And we continued negotiations to see if we could achieve a more comprehensive deal.

Today, after many months of tough, principled diplomacy, we have achieved the framework for that deal.  And it is a good deal, a deal that meets our core objectives.  This framework would cut off every pathway that Iran could take to develop a nuclear weapon.  Iran will face strict limitations on its program, and Iran has also agreed to the most robust and intrusive inspections and transparency regime ever negotiated for any nuclear program in history.  So this deal is not based on trust, it’s based on unprecedented verification. 

Many key details will be finalized over the next three months, and nothing is agreed to until everything is agreed.  But here are the basic outlines of the deal that we are working to finalize.

First, Iran will not be able to pursue a bomb using plutonium, because it will not develop weapons-grade plutonium.  The core of its reactor at Arak will be dismantled and replaced. The spent fuel from that facility will be shipped out of Iran for the life of the reactor.  Iran will not build a new heavy-water reactor.  And Iran will not reprocess fuel from its existing reactors -- ever.

Second, this deal shuts down Iran’s path to a bomb using enriched uranium. Iran has agreed that its installed centrifuges will be reduced by two-thirds.  Iran will no longer enrich uranium at its Fordow facility.  Iran will not enrich uranium with its advanced centrifuges for at least the next 10 years.  The vast majority of Iran’s stockpile of enriched uranium will be neutralized.

Today, estimates indicate that Iran is only two or three months away from potentially acquiring the raw materials that could be used for a single nuclear bomb.  Under this deal, Iran has agreed that it will not stockpile the materials needed to build a weapon.  Even if it violated the deal, for the next decade at least, Iran would be a minimum of a year away from acquiring enough material for a bomb.  And the strict limitations on Iran’s stockpile will last for 15 years.

Third, this deal provides the best possible defense against Iran’s ability to pursue a nuclear weapon covertly -- that is, in secret.  International inspectors will have unprecedented access not only to Iranian nuclear facilities, but to the entire supply chain that supports Iran’s nuclear program -- from uranium mills that provide the raw materials, to the centrifuge production and storage facilities that support the program.  If Iran cheats, the world will know it.  If we see something suspicious, we will inspect it.  Iran’s past efforts to weaponize its program will be addressed.  With this deal, Iran will face more inspections than any other country in the world.

So this will be a long-term deal that addresses each path to a potential Iranian nuclear bomb.  There will be strict limits on Iran’s program for a decade.  Additional restrictions on building new facilities or stockpiling materials will last for 15 years.  The unprecedented transparency measures will last for 20 years or more.  Indeed, some will be permanent.  And as a member of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, Iran will never be permitted to develop a nuclear weapon.

In return for Iran’s actions, the international community has agreed to provide Iran with relief from certain sanctions -- our own sanctions, and international sanctions imposed by the United Nations Security Council.  This relief will be phased as Iran takes steps to adhere to the deal.  If Iran violates the deal, sanctions can be snapped back into place.  Meanwhile, other American sanctions on Iran for its support of terrorism, its human rights abuses, its ballistic missile program, will continue to be fully enforced.

Now, let me reemphasize, our work is not yet done.  The deal has not been signed.  Between now and the end of June, the negotiators will continue to work through the details of how this framework will be fully implemented, and those details matter.  If there is backsliding on the part of the Iranians, if the verification and inspection mechanisms don’t meet the specifications of our nuclear and security experts, there will be no deal.  But if we can get this done, and Iran follows through on the framework that our negotiators agreed to, we will be able to resolve one of the greatest threats to our security, and to do so peacefully.

Given the importance of this issue, I have instructed my negotiators to fully brief Congress and the American people on the substance of the deal, and I welcome a robust debate in the weeks and months to come.  I am confident that we can show that this deal is good for the security of the United States, for our allies, and for the world.

For the fact is, we only have three options for addressing Iran’s nuclear program.  First, we can reach a robust and verifiable deal -- like this one -- and peacefully prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon.

The second option is we can bomb Iran’s nuclear facilities, thereby starting another war in the Middle East, and setting back Iran’s program by a few years -- in other words, setting it back by a fraction of the time that this deal will set it back.  Meanwhile we’d ensure that Iran would race ahead to try and build a bomb.

Third, we could pull out of negotiations, try to get other countries to go along and continue sanctions that are currently in place or add additional ones, and hope for the best -- knowing that every time we have done so, Iran has not capitulated but instead has advanced its program, and that in very short order, the breakout timeline would be eliminated and a nuclear arms race in the region could be triggered because of that uncertainty.  In other words, the third option leads us very quickly back to a decision about whether or not to take military action, because we’d have no idea what was going on inside of Iran. 
Iran is not going to simply dismantle its program because we demand it to do so.  That’s not how the world works, and that’s not what history shows us.  Iran has shown no willingness to eliminate those aspects of their program that they maintain are for peaceful purposes, even in the face of unprecedented sanctions.  Should negotiations collapse because we, the United States, rejected what the majority of the world considers a fair deal, what our scientists and nuclear experts suggest would give us confidence that they are not developing a nuclear weapon, it’s doubtful that we can even keep our current international sanctions in place. 

So when you hear the inevitable critics of the deal sound off, ask them a simple question:  Do you really think that this verifiable deal, if fully implemented, backed by the world’s major powers, is a worse option than the risk of another war in the Middle East?  Is it worse than doing what we’ve done for almost two decades, with Iran moving forward with its nuclear program and without robust inspections?  I think the answer will be clear.

Remember, I have always insisted that I will do what is necessary to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon, and I will.  But I also know that a diplomatic solution is the best way to get this done, and offers a more comprehensive -- and lasting -- solution.  It is our best option, by far.  And while it is always a possibility that Iran may try to cheat on the deal in the future, this framework of inspections and transparency makes it far more likely that we’ll know about it if they try to cheat -- and I, or future Presidents, will have preserved all of the options that are currently available to deal with it.

To the Iranian people, I want to reaffirm what I’ve said since the beginning of my presidency.  We are willing to engage you on the basis of mutual interests and mutual respect.  This deal offers the prospect of relief from sanctions that were imposed because of Iran’s violation of international law.  Since Iran’s Supreme Leader has issued a fatwa against the development of nuclear weapons, this framework gives Iran the opportunity to verify that its program is, in fact, peaceful.  It demonstrates that if Iran complies with its international obligations, then it can fully rejoin the community of nations, thereby fulfilling the extraordinary talent and aspirations of the Iranian people.  That would be good for Iran, and it would be good for the world.

Of course, this deal alone -- even if fully implemented -- will not end the deep divisions and mistrust between our two countries.  We have a difficult history between us, and our concerns will remain with respect to Iranian behavior so long as Iran continues its sponsorship of terrorism, its support for proxies who destabilize the Middle East, its threats against America’s friends and allies -- like Israel.  So make no mistake: We will remain vigilant in countering those actions and standing with our allies. 

It’s no secret that the Israeli Prime Minister and I don't agree about whether the United States should move forward with a peaceful resolution to the Iranian issue.  If, in fact, Prime Minister Netanyahu is looking for the most effective way to ensure Iran doesn’t get a nuclear weapon, this is the best option.  And I believe our nuclear experts can confirm that.

More importantly, I will be speaking with the Prime Minister today to make clear that there will be no daylight, there is no daylight, when it comes to our support for Israel’s security and our concerns about Iran’s destabilizing policies and threats toward Israel.  That’s why I've directed my national security team to consult closely with the new Israeli government in the coming weeks and months about how we can further strengthen our long-term security cooperation with Israel, and make clear our unshakeable commitment to Israel’s defense.

Today, I also spoke with the King of Saudi Arabia to reaffirm our commitment to the security of our partners in the Gulf.  And I’m inviting the leaders of the six countries who make up the Gulf Cooperation Council -- Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, and Bahrain -- to meet me at Camp David this spring to discuss how we can further strengthen our security cooperation, while resolving the multiple conflicts that have caused so much hardship and instability throughout the Middle East. 

Finally, it’s worth remembering that Congress has, on a bipartisan basis, played a critical role in our current Iran policy, helping to shape the sanctions regime that applied so much pressure on Iran and ultimately forced them to the table.  In the coming days and weeks, my administration will engage Congress once again about how we can play -- how it can play a constructive oversight role.  I’ll begin that effort by speaking to the leaders of the House and Senate today. 

In those conversations, I will underscore that the issues at stake here are bigger than politics.  These are matters of war and peace, and they should be evaluated based on the facts and what is ultimately best for the American people and for our national security.  For this is not simply a deal between my administration and Iran.  This is a deal between Iran, the United States of America, and the major powers in the world -- including some of our closest allies.  If Congress kills this deal -- not based on expert analysis, and without offering any reasonable alternative -- then it’s the United States that will be blamed for the failure of diplomacy.  International unity will collapse, and the path to conflict will widen.

The American people understand this, which is why solid majorities support a diplomatic resolution to the Iranian nuclear issue.  They understand instinctively the words of President Kennedy, who faced down the far greater threat of communism, and said:  “Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.”  The American people remember that at the height of the Cold War, Presidents like Nixon and Reagan struck historic arms control agreements with the Soviet Union, a far more dangerous adversary -- despite the fact that that adversary not only threatened to destroy our country and our way of life, but had the means to do so.  Those agreements were not perfect.  They did not end all threats.  But they made our world safer.  A good deal with Iran will do the same.

Today, I’d like to express my thanks to our international partners for their steadfastness and their cooperation.  I was able to speak earlier today with our close allies, Prime Minister Cameron and President Hollande and Chancellor Merkel, to reaffirm that we stand shoulder-to-shoulder in this effort. 

And most of all, on behalf of our nation, I want to express my thanks to our tireless -- and I mean tireless -- Secretary of State John Kerry and our entire negotiating team.  They have worked so hard to make this progress.  They represent the best tradition of American diplomacy.  Their work -- our work -- is not yet done and success is not guaranteed.  But we have an historic opportunity to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons in Iran, and to do so peacefully, with the international community firmly behind us.  We should seize that chance.

Thank you.  God bless you.  God bless the United States of America.

END
2:43 P.M. EDT

The White House

Office of the Vice President

For Immediate Release
April 01, 2015

Remarks as Prepared for Delivery by Dr. Jill Biden at Virginia Community College System’s 2015 New Horizons Conference

Good afternoon! Thank you so much, Glenn, for that warm introduction.

I can truly say I feel right at home with all of you.  You are not just an audience of community college educators, faculty members and administrators – you all are my peers! 

Many of my students are just like yours—determined to improve their lives, to provide for their families, and make a difference in their communities.  So, being here today is particularly exciting for me.

Community college teachers are a special breed of cat. We take this responsibility home. It doesn’t end when you walk out of the classroom. We’re invested in our students’ future, like they are our own children. We cajole, we counsel, we mentor. We try to do it all.

Six and a half years ago, as all of you know, my life changed dramatically.  Within the span of a semester, I went from planning my syllabus at Del Tech to planning a move to Washington, D.C..  So many things were bound to change, but I was determined to keep one thing constant: teaching.  I often say teaching is not what I do; it’s who I am.  Whether I was living in Delaware or D.C., I knew I had to teach.  I cannot imagine not teaching.  I have taught for over 30 years and 20 of them have been at a community college. 

What I love most about teaching is the students.  Like many of you have experienced, students arrive in our classrooms, eager to create a brighter future for themselves and their families.  We have taught veterans who return to the classroom to complete their education as they look to transition to civilian careers.  We have seen workers return to school to retool their skills to reach the next level in their fields. 

As we have all seen, more and more people are realizing that a high school degree is just not enough—and they are turning to community colleges to provide them with the opportunity they deserve to reach their full potential.  Currently, nearly half of the 18 million undergraduate students attend one of America’s community colleges.  But, let’s be honest—simply enrolling in a community college isn’t enough.  It is important that we retain students and help them earn their degree, because by the end of this decade two-thirds of all job openings will require some form of higher education.

There’s also a new reality for most returning students—they go back to school, while maintaining a full time job or raising children, and in many cases both.

I remember what it was like to go back to school under the best circumstances—with a supportive husband, coworkers and friends—it wasn’t easy.  So, it should be no surprise then that less than half of the students who attend a community college will either graduate or transfer to a four-year school within six years.

But, we must do more to help our students succeed. I believe the responsibility for educating students is not the student’s alone.  It is a responsibility that belongs to all of us. 

That’s one of the reasons why my dissertation focused on student retention in community colleges and why, when I started teaching at Northern Virginia Community College, I wanted to help women who were returning to school.  And I wasn’t alone. So, we started the Women’s Mentoring Project, which pairs women who are over 30 years-old with a faculty member. As part of the program, I helped one woman who was writing her scholarship essay for admittance to a 4-year college.  Her path had not been easy. She left an abusive relationship and was homeless, living in her car with her two children.  Once she got into a homeless shelter, she was encouraged to attend a community college, where I met her as part of the Women’s Mentoring Project.  She went on to earn her accounting degree at that 4-year college and is creating a better life for herself and her family.

That is what community college is all about.  Community colleges do not pick and choose their students; we work with all students to help them become who they aspire to be. 

As a teacher, I felt that I was in the right place at the right time to be part of an Administration that is committed to strengthening community colleges.  Five years ago, at the President’s request, I hosted the first-ever White House Summit on Community Colleges.  Thought leaders, educators, and policy makers gathered to discuss the increasing role community colleges play in educating America’s workforce.  Tom Sugar from Complete College America summarized it well, and I quote:

“Time, choice and structure are the essential optics through which all higher education reforms must be viewed in order to maximize the likelihood of graduating more of today’s students.” In other words, “…access without success is an empty promise.”

As Second Lady, I have traveled all across the country to see firsthand the transformative change that has occurred on college campuses to improve student success.  In fact, just last month, I visited two community colleges—Santa Fe College in Gainesville, Florida, and Austin Community College in Texas—both of which are using innovative strategies and technology to increase retention, completion and overall student success.

As a result, the completion rate for students at Santa Fe College is twenty percent higher than the national average.  And, students at Austin Community College are twice as likely to complete their developmental math course compared to a student enrolled in a traditional one.

These two schools are meeting students where they are, and guiding them to where they want to go.  They are also good examples of what makes community college so special—they have the flexibility, and innovation, to adapt and meet students’ needs. They truly are the community’s college.

I am proud to be part of an Administration that is committed to investing in our students, and restoring the promise of the American education system.  Earlier this year, the President announced his plan to make the first two years of community college free for all responsible students.  If you work hard, and maintain a good GPA, you should have access to the education you need. 

We believe all students—new and returning—should be able to graduate, ready for the new economy, without the burden of debt.  I’ve said it before, because I truly believe it—this is the moment for community colleges to shine.

The work that you are doing is so important in the lives of so many Americans—the students in your classroom, their children at home, and their community that is being lifted-up by having a well-educated and well-trained workforce.

I look forward to continue working with all of you to ensure education is accessible, affordable, and attainable for all Americans.

Thank you.

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
March 31, 2015

Remarks by the President Before Signing Memorandum of Disapproval Regarding S.J. Res.8

Oval Office

12:08 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Hello, everybody.  Well, I am about to sign a memorandum of disapproval.  A while back, the National Labor Relations Board, the NLRB, put forward some common-sense, modest changes to streamline the voting process for folks who wanted to join a union.  And unfortunately, the Republican Senate and House decided to put forward a proposal to reverse those changes.  I think that’s a bad idea. 

Unions historically have been at the forefront of establishing things like the 40-hour work week, the weekend, elimination of child labor laws, establishing fair benefits and decent wages.  And one of the freedoms of folks here in the United States is, is that if they choose to join a union, they should be able to do so.  And we shouldn’t be making it impossible for that to happen. 

So not only am I going to be signing this memorandum of disapproval; I also want to announce that in the fall we’re going to host a summit on increasing the voice and the rights of workers here in the United States.  We’ve had a terrific economic recovery.  We’re got more work to do.  We’re finally seeing wages being to tick up after many consecutive years of job growth.  Nevertheless, what’s true is, is that we’ve got record corporate profits.  Folks at the very top are doing very well.  Middle-class families and folks trying to work their way into the middle class still have some big difficulties.

And part of what we want to do is to make sure that we give workers the capacity to have their voices heard, to have some influence in the workplace, to make sure that they’re partners in building up the U.S. economy, and that growth is broad-based, and that everybody is benefitting just as everybody is contributing.  So that’s something that I’m very much looking forward to.  We’ll have a wide range of voices from the business community, from small businesses, from the workers in a wide range of fields -- academics, organizers.  Because I think that everybody here in America wants to make sure that even as the economy is growing, everybody is playing a part in that growth and everybody is sharing and contributing to that success.

So with that, let me sign this memorandum of disapproval.  Thank you very much, everybody.

END
12:11 P.M. EDT

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
March 30, 2015

Remarks by the President at Dedication of the Edward M. Kennedy Institute

Edward M. Kennedy Institute
Boston, Massachusetts

12:16 P.M. EDT
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  (Applause.)  Thank you so much.  To Vicki, Ted, Patrick, Curran, Caroline, Ambassador Smith, members of the Kennedy family -- thank you so much for inviting me to speak today.  Your Eminence, Cardinal O’Malley; Vice President Biden; Governor Baker; Mayor Walsh; members of Congress, past and present; and pretty much every elected official in Massachusetts -- (laughter) -- it is an honor to mark this occasion with you.

Boston, know that Michelle and I have joined our prayers with yours these past few days for a hero -- former Army Ranger and Boston Police Officer John Moynihan, who was shot in the line of duty on Friday night.  (Applause.)  I mention him because, last year, at the White House, the Vice President and I had the chance to honor Officer Moynihan as one of America’s “Top Cops” for his bravery in the line of duty, for risking his life to save a fellow officer.  And thanks to the heroes at Boston Medical Center, I’m told Officer Moynihan is awake, and talking, and we wish him a full and speedy recovery.  (Applause.) 
 
I also want to single out someone who very much wanted to be here, just as he was every day for nearly 25 years as he represented this commonwealth alongside Ted in the Senate -- and that's Secretary of State John Kerry.  (Applause.)  As many of you know, John is in Europe with our allies and partners, leading the negotiations with Iran and the world community, and standing up for a principle that Ted and his brother, President Kennedy, believed in so strongly:  “Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.”  (Applause.) 
 
And, finally, in his first years in the Senate, Ted dispatched a young aide to assemble a team of talent without rival.  The sell was simple:  Come and help Ted Kennedy make history.  So I want to give a special shout-out to his extraordinarily loyal staff -- (applause) -- 50 years later a family more than one thousand strong.  This is your day, as well.  We're proud of you.  (Applause.)  Of course, many of you now work with me.  (Laughter.)  So enjoy today, because we got to get back to work.  (Laughter.) 
 
Distinguished guests, fellow citizens -- in 1958, Ted Kennedy was a young man working to reelect his brother, Jack, to the United States Senate.  On election night, the two toasted one another:  “Here’s to 1960, Mr. President,” Ted said, “If you can make it.”  With his quick Irish wit, Jack returned the toast:  “Here’s to 1962, Senator Kennedy, if you can make it.”  (Laughter.)  They both made it.  And today, they’re together again in eternal rest at Arlington. 

But their legacies are as alive as ever together right here in Boston.  The John F. Kennedy Library next door is a symbol of our American idealism; the Edward M. Kennedy Institute for the United States Senate as a living example of the hard, frustrating, never-ending, but critical work required to make that idealism real.
 
What more fitting tribute, what better testament to the life of Ted Kennedy, than this place that he left for a new generation of Americans -- a monument not to himself but to what we, the people, have the power to do together.
 
Any of us who have had the privilege to serve in the Senate know that it’s impossible not to share Ted’s awe for the history swirling around you -- an awe instilled in him by his brother, Jack.  Ted waited more than a year to deliver his first speech on the Senate floor.  That's no longer the custom.  (Laughter.)  It's good to see Trent and Tom Daschle here, because they remember what customs were like back then.  (Laughter.)

And Ted gave a speech only because he felt there was a topic -- the Civil Rights Act -- that demanded it.  Nevertheless, he spoke with humility, aware, as he put it, that “a freshman Senator should be seen, not heard; should learn, and not teach.”
 
Some of us, I admit, have not always heeded that lesson.  (Laughter.)  But fortunately, we had Ted to show us the ropes anyway.  And no one made the Senate come alive like Ted Kennedy.  It was one of the great pleasures of my life to hear Ted Kennedy deliver one of his stem winders on the Floor.  Rarely was he more animated than when he’d lead you through the living museums that were his offices.  He could -- and he would -- tell you everything that there was to know about all of it.  (Laughter.)
 
And then there were more somber moments.  I still remember the first time I pulled open the drawer of my desk.  Each senator is assigned a desk, and there’s a tradition of carving the names of those who had used it before.  And those names in my desk included Taft and Baker, Simon, Wellstone, and Robert F. Kennedy. 

The Senate was a place where you instinctively pulled yourself up a little bit straighter; where you tried to act a little bit better.  “Being a senator changes a person,” Ted wrote in his memoirs.  As Vicki said, it may take a year, or two years, or three years, but it always happens; it fills you with a heightened sense of purpose.
 
That’s the magic of the Senate.  That’s the essence of what it can be.  And who but Ted Kennedy, and his family, would create a full-scale replica of the Senate chamber, and open it to everyone? 

We live in a time of such great cynicism about all our institutions.  And we are cynical about government and about Washington, most of all.  It’s hard for our children to see, in the noisy and too often trivial pursuits of today’s politics, the possibilities of our democracy -- our capacity, together, to do big things.

And this place can help change that.  It can help light the fire of imagination, plant the seed of noble ambition in the minds of future generations.  Imagine a gaggle of school kids clutching tablets, turning classrooms into cloakrooms and hallways into hearing rooms, assigned an issue of the day and the responsibility to solve it.
 
Imagine their moral universe expanding as they hear about the momentous battles waged in that chamber and how they echo throughout today’s society.  Great questions of war and peace, the tangled bargains between North and South, federal and state; the original sins of slavery and prejudice; and the unfinished battles for civil rights and opportunity and equality.
 
Imagine the shift in their sense of what’s possible.  The first time they see a video of senators who look like they do -- men and women, blacks and whites, Latinos, Asian-Americans; those born to great wealth but also those born of incredibly modest means.
 
Imagine what a child feels the first time she steps onto that floor, before she’s old enough to be cynical; before she’s told what she can’t do; before she’s told who she can’t talk to or work with; what she feels when she sits at one of those desks; what happens when it comes her turn to stand and speak on behalf of something she cares about; and cast a vote, and have a sense of purpose.
 
It’s maybe just not for kids.  What if we all carried ourselves that way?  What if our politics, our democracy, were as elevated, as purposeful, as she imagines it to be right here?
 
Towards the end of his life, Ted reflected on how Congress has changed over time.  And those who served earlier I think have those same conversations.  It’s a more diverse, more accurate reflection of America than it used to be, and that is a grand thing, a great achievement.  But Ted grieved the loss of camaraderie and collegiality, the face-to-face interaction.  I think he regretted the arguments now made to cameras instead of colleagues, directed at a narrow base instead of the body politic as a whole; the outsized influence of money and special interests -- and how it all leads more Americans to turn away in disgust and simply choose not to exercise their right to vote.
 
Now, since this is a joyous occasion, this is not the time for me to suggest a slew of new ideas for reform.  Although I do have some.  (Laughter.)  Maybe I’ll just mention one. 

What if we carried ourselves more like Ted Kennedy?  What if we worked to follow his example a little bit harder?  To his harshest critics, who saw him as nothing more than a partisan lightning rod -- that may sound foolish, but there are Republicans here today for a reason.  They know who Ted Kennedy was.  It’s not because they shared Ted’s ideology or his positions, but because they knew Ted as somebody who bridged the partisan divide over and over and over again, with genuine effort and affection, in an era when bipartisanship has become so very rare. 

They knew him as somebody who kept his word.  They knew him as somebody who was willing to take half a loaf and endure the anger of his own supporters to get something done.  They knew him as somebody who was not afraid.  And fear so permeates our politics, instead of hope.  People fight to get in the Senate and then they’re afraid.  We fight to get these positions and then don’t want to do anything with them.  And Ted understood the only point of running for office was to get something done -- not to posture; not to sit there worrying about the next election or the polls -- to take risks.  He understood that differences of party or philosophy could not become barriers to cooperation or respect.
 
He could howl at injustice on the Senate floor like a force of nature, while nervous aides tried to figure out which chart to pull up next.  (Laughter.)  But in his personal dealings, he answered Edmund Randolph’s call to keep the Senate a place to “restrain, if possible, the fury of democracy.”
 
I did not know Ted as long as some of the speakers here today.  But he was my friend.  I owe him a lot.  And as far as I could tell, it was never ideology that compelled him, except insofar as his ideology said, you should help people; that you should have a life of purpose; that you should be empathetic and be able to put yourself in somebody else’s shoes, and see through their eyes.  His tirelessness, his restlessness, they were rooted in his experience.

By the age of 12, he was a member of a Gold Star Family.  By 36, two of his brothers were stolen from him in the most tragic, public of ways.  By 41, he nearly lost a beloved child to cancer.  And that made suffering something he knew.  And it made him more alive to the suffering of others. 
 
While his son was sleeping after treatment, Ted would wander the halls of the hospital and meet other parents keeping vigil over their own children.  They were parents terrified of what would happen when they couldn’t afford the next treatment; parents working out what they could sell or borrow or mortgage just to make it just a few more months -- and then, if they had to, bargain with God for the rest.
 
There, in the quiet night, working people of modest means and one of the most powerful men in the world shared the same intimate, immediate sense of helplessness.  He didn't see them as some abstraction.  He knew them.  He felt them.  Their pain was his as much as they might be separated by wealth and fame.  And those families would be at the heart of Ted’s passions.  Just like the young immigrant, he would see himself in that child.  They were his cause -- the sick child who couldn’t see a doctor; the young soldier sent to battle without armor; the citizen denied her rights because of what she looked like or where she came from or who she loves.

He quietly attended as many military funerals in Massachusetts as he could for those who fell in Iraq and Afghanistan.  He called and wrote each one of the 177 families in this commonwealth who lost a loved one on 9/11, and he took them sailing, and played with their children, not just in the days after, but every year after.
 
His life’s work was not to champion those with wealth or power or connections; they already had enough representation.  It was to give voice to the people who wrote and called him from every state, desperate for somebody who might listen and help.  It was about what he could do for others.
 
It’s why he’d take his hearings to hospitals in rural towns and inner cities, and push people out of their comfort zones, including his colleagues.  Because he had pushed himself out of his comfort zone.  And he tried to instill in his colleagues that same sense of empathy.  Even if they called him, as one did, “wrong at the top of his lungs.”  Even if they might disagree with him 99 percent of the time.  Because who knew what might happen with that other 1 percent?
 
Orrin Hatch was sent to Washington in part because he promised to fight Ted Kennedy.  And they fought a lot.  One was a conservative Mormon from Utah, after all; the other one was, well, Ted Kennedy.  (Laughter.)  But once they got to know one another, they discovered certain things in common -- a devout faith, a soft spot for health care, very fine singing voices.  (Laughter.)
 
In 1986, when Republicans controlled the Senate, Orrin held the first hearing on the AIDS epidemic, even hugging an AIDS patient -- an incredible and very important gesture at the time.  The next year, Ted took over the committee, and continued what Orrin started.  When Orrin’s father passed away, Ted was one of the first to call.  It was over dinner at Ted’s house one night that they decided to try and insure the 10 million children who didn’t have access to health care.
 
As that debate hit roadblocks in Congress, as apparently debates over health care tend to do, Ted would have his Chief of Staff serenade Orrin to court his support.  When hearings didn’t go Ted’s way, he might puff on a cigar to annoy Orrin, who disdained smoking.  (Laughter.)  When they didn’t go Orrin’s way, he might threaten to call Ted’s sister, Eunice.  (Laughter.)  And when it came time to find a way to pay for the Children’s Health Insurance Program that they, together, had devised, Ted pounced, offering a tobacco tax and asking, “Are you for Joe Camel and the Marlboro Man, or millions of children who lack adequate health care?”
 
It was the kind of friendship unique to the Senate, calling to mind what John Calhoun once said of Henry Clay:  “I don’t like Clay.  He is a bad man, an imposter, a creator of wicked schemes.  I wouldn’t speak to him, but, by God, I love him!”  (Laughter.) 
 
So, sure, Orrin Hatch once called Ted “one of the major dangers to the country.”  (Laughter.)  But he also stood up at a gathering in Ted’s last months, and said, “I’m asking you all to pray for Ted Kennedy.”
 
The point is, we can fight on almost everything.  But we can come together on some things.  And those “somethings” can mean everything to a whole lot of people. 

It was common ground that led Ted and Orrin to forge a compromise that covered millions of kids with health care.  It was common ground, rooted in the plight of loved ones, that led Ted and Chuck Grassley to cover kids with disabilities; that led Ted and Pete Domenici to fight for equal rights for Americans with a mental illness.

Common ground, not rooted in abstractions or stubborn, rigid ideologies, but shared experience, that led Ted and John McCain to work on a Patient’s Bill of Rights, and to work to forge a smarter, more just immigration system.
 
A common desire to fix what’s broken.  A willingness to compromise in pursuit of a larger goal.  A personal relationship that lets you fight like heck on one issue, and shake hands on the next -- not through just cajoling or horse-trading or serenades, but through Ted’s brand of friendship and kindness, and humor and grace. 
 
“What binds us together across our differences in religion or politics or economic theory,” Ted wrote in his memoirs, “[is] all we share as human beings -- the wonder that we experience when we look at the night sky; the gratitude that we know when we feel the heat of the sun; the sense of humor in the face of the unbearable; and the persistence of suffering.  And one thing more -- the capacity to reach across our differences to offer a hand of healing.”
 
For all the challenges of a changing world, for all the imperfections of our democracy, the capacity to reach across our differences is something that’s entirely up to us.
 
May we all, in our own lives, set an example for the kids who enter these doors, and exit with higher expectations for their country. 

May we all remember the times this American family has challenged us to ask what we can do; to dream and say why not; to seek a cause that endures; and sail against the wind in its pursuit, and live our lives with that heightened sense of purpose.
 
Thank you.  May God bless you.  May He continue to bless this country we love.  Thank you.  (Applause.) 

END
12:44 P.M. EDT

The White House

Office of the First Lady

For Immediate Release
March 28, 2015

Remarks by the First Lady at BET's "Black Girls Rock!" Event

New Jersey Performing Arts Center
Newark, New Jersey

MRS. OBAMA:  Thank you so much to Beverly; to my dear friend, Debra.  I am so excited to be here -- (applause) -- at Black Girls Rock!  (Applause.) 

To all the young women here tonight and all across the country, let me say those words again -- black girls rock!  (Applause.)  We rock!  (Applause.)  We rock!  (Applause.)  No matter who you are, no matter where you come from, you are beautiful.  You are powerful.  You are brilliant.  You are funny. Let me tell you, I am so proud of you.  My husband, your President, is so proud of you.  (Applause.)  And we have such big hopes and dreams for every single one of you.  

Now, I know that’s not always the message that you get from the world.  I know there are voices that tell you that you’re not good enough, that you have to look a certain way, act a certain way; that if you speak up, you’re too loud; if you step up to lead, you’re being bossy. 

You see, when I was a girl, I had parents who loved me and believed in me, but those doubts still worked their way inside my head and my heart.  And I was always worried about something:  Does my hair look right?  Am I too tall?  Do I raise my hand too much in class?  So when folks said that a girl like me shouldn’t aspire to go to the very best colleges in this country, I thought, maybe they’re right.  But eventually, I learned that each of those doubts was like a little test -- a challenge that either I could shrink away from or rise up to meet.

And I decided to rise.  (Applause.)  Yes, I decided to rewrite those tired old scripts that define too many of us.  I decided that I wasn’t bossy -- I was confident and strong.  (Applause.)  I wasn’t loud -- I was a young woman with something important to say.  (Applause.)  And when I looked into the mirror, I saw a tall and smart and beautiful black girl.  (Applause.)  And that, more than anything else, is what I want all of you to know.  I want that for you.  I want you to live life on your own terms, according to your own script. 

I want you to use those tests in your lives today to make you stronger for the bigger challenges tomorrow.  Because, trust me, those challenges will come.  No one just glides their way from success to success -- not me, not the President, not anyone being honored here tonight.  Anyone who has achieved anything in life knows that challenges and failures are necessary components of success.  (Applause.)  They know that when things get hard, that’s not always a sign that you’re doing something wrong, it’s often a sign that you’re doing something right.  (Applause.)  Because those hard times are what shape you into the person you’re meant to be.

And tonight, we’ve got three young women here who are living, breathing examples of that fundamental truth.  So let’s welcome back to the stage this year’s MAD Girls:  Kaya Thomas, Chental-Song Bembry, and Gabrielle Jordan.  (Applause.)  I am so proud of these young women -- (applause) -- for the lives they are leading, for the lives they are transforming in their communities. 

But let me tell you something.  I am sure that in the process of achieving all that they’ve achieved that they have faced plenty of obstacles.  I am sure that they heard plenty of voices telling them that their dreams were too big, or too hard, or not the right kind of dreams for girls like them.  See, but these girls didn’t listen to those voices.  They listened to their own voices.  They held fast to their own dreams.  And most importantly, they prepared themselves to achieve those dreams by working hard in school and getting their education.  (Applause.) 

So one message that I want to leave you with tonight is this:  The secret to everything in life -- every aspiration, every opportunity -- is education.  (Applause.)  It’s education. There is nothing more important than being serious about your education. 

That’s the reason I am able to stand here tonight -- because look, I worked hard in school.  Education was cool for me. (Applause.)  I did my best on every test, every paper, every test, every homework assignment.  (Applause.) 

And I want every single one of our black girls to do the same -- and our black boys.  (Applause.)  I want them to do that all the way through high school, then college, and then beyond.  I want you to work as hard as you can, learn as much as you can.

That is how you’ll go from being black girls who rock to being black women who rock.  (Applause.)  That is how you will unleash the genius and the power and the passion required to rock your communities, to rock our country, to rock this world.

I love you all.  (Applause.)  I believe in you all.  (Applause.)  And I am confident that you all will shine brightly, lighting the way for generations of girls to come. 

Thank you all.  God bless.  (Applause.) 

END

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
March 28, 2015

Weekly Address: Protecting Working Americans’ Paychecks

WASHINGTON, DC — In this week’s address, the President highlighted the progress made protecting American consumers since he signed Wall Street Reform into law five years ago, including an important new step taken by the independent Consumer Financial Protection Bureau earlier this week toward preventing abuses in payday lending.  The President emphasized his commitment to fighting to advance middle-class economics and ensure everybody who works hard can get ahead, while opposing attempts by Republicans both to weaken the CFPB and give large tax breaks to the wealthiest Americans at the expense of the middle class.

The audio of the address and video of the address will be available online at www.whitehouse.gov at 6:00 a.m. ET, March 28, 2015.

Remarks of President Barack Obama
Weekly Address
The White House
March 28, 2015

Hi, everybody.  Five years ago, after the worst financial crisis in decades, we passed historic Wall Street reform to end the era of bailouts and too big to fail. 

As part that reform, we created an independent Consumer Financial Protection Bureau with one mission: to protect American consumers from some of the worst practices of the financial industry. 

They’ve already put $5 billion back in the pockets of more than 15 million families.  And this week, they took an important first step towards cracking down on some of the most abusive practices involving payday loans. 

Millions of Americans take out these loans every year.  In Alabama, where I visited this week, there are four times as many payday lending stores as there are McDonald’s.  But while payday loans might seem like easy money, folks often end up trapped in a cycle of debt.  If you take out a $500 loan, it’s easy to wind up paying more than $1,000 in interest and fees. 

The step the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau announced this week is designed to change that.  The idea is pretty common sense: if you’re a payday lender preparing to give a loan, you should make sure that the borrower can afford to pay it back first. 

As Americans, we believe there’s nothing wrong with making a profit.  But there is something wrong with making that profit by trapping hard-working men and women in a vicious cycle of debt.  

Protecting working Americans’ paychecks shouldn’t be a partisan issue.  But the budget Republicans unveiled last week would make it harder, not easier, to crack down on financial fraud and abuse.  And this week, when Republicans rolled out their next economic idea, it had nothing to do with the middle class.  It was a new, more-than-$250 billion tax cut for the top one-tenth of the top one percent of Americans.  That would mean handing out an average tax cut of $4 million a year to just 4,000 Americans per year, and leaving the rest of the country to pay for it. 

I don’t think our top economic priority should be helping a tiny number of Americans who are already doing extraordinarily well, and asking everybody else to foot the bill.  I think our top priority should be helping everybody who works hard get ahead.  This country does best when everyone gets their fair shot, everyone does their fair share, and everyone plays by the same set of rules. 

That’s what middle-class economics is all about, and as long as I’m your President, that’s what I’ll keep on fighting to do.

Thanks, and have a great weekend.

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
March 27, 2015

Remarks by the President in Meeting with Members of the President's Council of Advisors on Science and Technology

Roosevelt Room

3:25 P.M. EDT

MR. PRESIDENT:  I’m happy to have an opportunity to meet with my Science and Technology Advisory Group, which has worked on an ongoing basis on a whole range of technology and science and research issues.  And we’re joined by a couple of Cabinet members -- Secretary Burwell and Secretary Vilsack. 

The reason I called you guys in here today before the meeting is I wanted to talk about an issue that is of great importance to America’s public health and the world’s public health, and that is some of the problems that we’re having in antibiotics becoming less effective and the need for us to deal with these drug-resistant bacteria. 

This is a major public health issue.  Some of you may have been reading and hearing recently about the problem.  Drug-resistant bacteria are one of the most serious public health issues that we face today.  They cause tens of thousands of deaths, millions of illnesses, and that’s just in the United States.  And the numbers are sure to climb unless we take some very clear, concrete and coordinated action.

Last year, I issued an executive order directing agencies across the government to create a National Action Plan for Combatting Antibiotic-Resistant Bacteria.  And today we are releasing that plan.  John, give me the plan.  (Laughter.)  Just so we have a little prop.  (Laughter.) 

This is a product of extraordinary work from some of our top scientists and the private sector, research universities, and practitioners, doctors, and health professionals so that we can figure out how do we approach this problem.  It is detailed, it is realistic, it covers the next five years, starting right now. 
We’ve set some aggressive goals.  First, we’re going to slow the emergence of resistant bacteria and prevent the spread of resistant infections.  Second, we’re going to include surveillance; we want to know when it’s happening and why it’s happening.  Third, we’re going to develop better diagnostic tools.  Fourth, we’re going to accelerate research into new drugs.  And, fifth, we’re going to improve global coordination because this is going to end up being a global problem.

Last year, I also called for the creation of an Advisory Council for Combatting Antibiotic-Resistant Bacteria to advise me and future Presidents on how to see this mission through because this is not something that we’ll solve just in the next 20 or 22 months.  Starting today, we’re officially taking nominations for that council. 

The budget that I released earlier this year nearly doubles the investment in fighting antibiotic resistance.  This plan spells out exactly where the money would go.  So I’m going to be urging Congress to pass a budget that will ultimately help save lives.  We can’t do this without Congress.  But in order for us to get it done we’re also going to have to educate the public.  And this is one of those problems that doesn’t always rise to the top of people’s day-to-day concerns until somebody in their family is impacted.  We take antibiotics for granted for a lot of illnesses that can be deadly or debilitating, and we’re extraordinarily fortunate to have been living in a period where antibiotics work. 

If we start seeing those medicines diminish in effectiveness, we’re going to have problems.  And part of the solution here is not just finding replacements or traditional antibiotics; it’s also making sure that we’re using antibiotics properly, because part of the problem is that a lot of times we over-diagnose them; they’re entering into our food chain through livestock; there are a whole range of reasons why bacteria is becoming more and more resistant to our traditional treatments. 

And this is something that we have to take seriously now and invest in now.  If we do, then I’m confident we’re going to be able to deal with this effectively.  If we don’t, if we put this off, this is going to be a major public health problem and it will be a lot harder to solve.

Thank you, everybody.

END   
3:30 P.M. EDT

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
March 26, 2015

Remarks by the President on Middle Class Economics

Lawson State Community College
Birmingham, Alabama
 
3:27 P.M. CDT
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Hello, Alabama!  (Applause.)  Hello, Lawson State Community College!  (Applause.)  Well, it's good to be here.  Thank you so much.  
 
AUDIENCE MEMBER:  We love you!
 
THE PRESIDENT:  I love you back!  I do!  Thank you.  (Applause.)  Everybody, have a seat.  Have a seat.  I'm going to talk for a second.  Everybody please give Ollie a big round of applause, please.  (Applause.)  I felt a little bad because Ollie said “a man who needs no introduction,” so I started walking out. (Laughter.)  Then it turned out she had a little introduction.  (Laughter.)  But it is wonderful to be here.
 
Let me just say, first of all, thank you to Dr. Ward -- (applause) -- who is not only your president; we named him a White House “Champion of Change” for the very work he’s done here at Lawson State.  (Applause.)  We’ve got two outstanding public servants here as well -- Congresswoman Terri Sewell is here.  (Applause.)  Where’s Terri?  I don't even see her.  
 
AUDIENCE MEMBER:  Over here!
 
THE PRESIDENT:  There she is -- she’s way over there.  And your Mayor, William Bell, is in the house.  (Applause.)      
 
So I’m here, Birmingham, to just acknowledge that I didn’t have UAB making it out of the first round.  (Laughter.)  
 
AUDIENCE:  Ooooh --
 
THE PRESIDENT:  My bracket is so busted.  (Laughter.)  But, UAB, that's a great accomplishment.  I want to congratulate them. (Applause.)  It's also great to be with students like those here at Lawson State, at community colleges.  (Applause.)  I'm proud of all of you.  I’m proud of you making this investment in yourselves.  What you’re doing takes effort and persistence.  And it takes faith in the idea that no matter how you started, no matter where you come from, no matter what zip code you were born in, in America if you work hard you can get ahead.  (Applause.)   
I think it was yesterday I saw a story where someone said that a visit from the President is a “potential game-changer” for the neighborhood.  I don't know if just one visit is a game-changer, but it's nice to be with you.  The real game-changers for any neighborhood, for any community, are the people there, the folks who, day in, day out, are doing the work, and raising families and participating in the community, and through their churches and faith institutions are trying to provide that optimism and that lift.  
 
And the young people who are here, you're the game-changers -- (applause) -- because what you're studying and your ability to then apply that learning, that's going to make a difference.  The love we put into our families and our communities every day, and embracing the joys of citizenship and participation -- that’s what is a game-changer.  That's what makes a difference.  
 
Now, I won't deny I can help a little bit.  (Applause.)  I can maybe make a little bit of difference.  And today, I want to talk about what we can do as a country to reward hard work, and keep the economy growing, and make sure that new jobs and opportunities exist. 
 
The good news is, right now, we’re on a 60-month streak of private sector job creation -- (applause.)  Sixty months, that's five years, that's a long time.  We've created 12 million new jobs.  Nationwide, the unemployment rate has fallen -- when I came into office, that first year it was 10 percent; now it's 5.5 percent.  (Applause.)  There are more job openings than at any time since 2001.  
 
Meanwhile, our high school graduation rate is up, at an all-time high.  (Applause.)  More than 16 million Americans have gained the security of health insurance.  (Applause.)  We’re producing more energy than ever before -- oil and gas, but also wind power and solar power.  Meanwhile, lower gas prices should save the typical family this year about $700 at the pump.  (Applause.)  And the good news is wages are even on the rise again, and that's going to help a lot of families.  (Applause.)  
 
So it’s been a long, hard road.  But thanks to the hard work of the American people, America is coming back.  So the question now is, where do we go from here?  Do we accept an economy where just a few people do really, really well?  Or are we going to keep building an economy that generates opportunity for everybody who’s willing to work?  (Applause.)    
 
And what I believe is, is that America does best when the middle class does better, and when ordinary folks who maybe were born into poverty are able to climb their way into the middle class, that’s good for everybody.  The economy grows best not from the top down, but from the bottom up and from the middle out.  (Applause.)  
 
So what we’ve been pushing is what I call middle-class economics -- the idea that the country does best when everybody has got a fair shot, everybody is doing their fair share, everybody is playing by the same rules.  And we want not only everybody to share in America’s success but contribute to it, because we know that if you field the team and only half the folks get to play, that team will be less successful.  If everybody is playing a part, that team is going to be more successful.  
 
So what does middle-class economics mean in this new economy? It means that every American has to have the tools to get ahead in a fast-paced, constantly changing global economy.  That means that we’ve got to make sure that working families feel more secure, that their paychecks can go a little farther, that they’re getting things like paid leave and child care not as luxuries but because they help support families, that we treat those things as priorities for working moms and working dads.  
 
It's time to follow the example of states and cities and companies that are raising America’s minimum wage.  That will make a difference.  (Applause.)  It means preparing Americans to earn good jobs and higher wages, which means every child getting a great education at the earliest age.  (Applause.)  Making college more affordable so young people can afford to go to college without getting burdened with debt.  (Applause.) 
     
It means working with businesses to provide apprenticeships and on-the-job training and other paths into the middle class.  And I want to bring down the cost of community college to zero.  (Applause.)  Two years of community college should be as free and universal as high school is today.  If we’ve got the best-trained workforce in the world, then businesses will come to Alabama. They’ll come to Birmingham.  They’ll come to America.  And we will succeed.  (Applause.)   
  
Middle-class economics means building the most competitive economy anywhere, so we can keep churning out high-wage jobs for the workers to fill.  I want to put more people back to work rebuilding our roads and our bridges, modern ports -- (applause) -- faster trains, faster Internet.  We should invest in those things.  They pay off many times over.
 
I want to invest in basic research so that jobs and industries of the future take root here because we’ve invented new products and new services, and innovated.  And we can pay for these investments without blowing up our deficits.  We just need to reform our tax code so it helps middle-class families get ahead instead of letting folks who already got a lot get ahead.  (Applause.)  
 
And I have to say, these ideas are not about ideology.  The reason I’ve proposed these ideas is because we know they work. 
 
Now, let me talk about Washington for a second.  (Laughter.) Let me just talk about Washington for a second.  The good news is that today the House of Representatives passed a bill.  (Laughter.)  No, no.  You think I'm joking.  I'm not.  (Laughter.)  It was a bipartisan bill designed to make sure that doctors in our Medicare system get paid on time; that the Children’s Health Insurance Program continues to work.  
 
I called the Speaker, John Boehner, and the Democratic Leader, Nancy Pelosi, and I said, congratulations, this is how Congress is supposed to work.  They came together; they compromised.  (Applause.)  They had a good idea.  They didn’t get everything they wanted.   They passed a bill.  Now the Senate hopefully will pass the bill, and I’ll get to sign it, and the American people will be better off for it.  And I thought, this is great.  Let’s do more of this.  (Applause.)  Let’s make it happen.  
 
So I want to give John Boehner and Nancy Pelosi credit.  They did good work today.  And they deserve credit, and the House of Representatives deserves credit for that.  (Applause.)
 
So that was the good news.  (Laughter.)  The bad news is the Republicans in Congress unveiled their budget, and it represents the opposite of middle-class economics, because it would hand out new tax cuts for millionaires and billionaires, let taxes go up for students and working families because it would eliminate their tax credits on a variety of things.  It would cut investments in education to the lowest level since the year 2000.
It would double the number of Americans without health insurance.
 
And so you look at it and you say, what are you trying to solve with this budget?  They say the reason they wanted this budget is because we've got to do this to eliminate deficits and debt.
 
Now, keep in mind, the deficit has come down by two-thirds since I've been President.  (Applause.)  It's come down by two-thirds.  And the budget I put forward would continue to keep deficits low.  
 
But let’s take them at their word.  They said they wanted to reduce the deficit.  Before the ink was even dry on the budget that they put forward that was already full of tax cuts for folks at the top, they rolled out their next big economic plan, which was another huge tax cut for folks at the top.  This one would cost $250 billion.  It would apply only to the top one-tenth of 1 percent of Americans.  
 
In Alabama, this new tax cut they’re proposing -- I’ve got to laugh because it would average $2 million per person in tax cuts, and it would apply to less than 50 people per year here in Alabama.
 
AUDIENCE:  Oooooh --
 
THE PRESIDENT:  So 50 people would get an average tax break of $2 million.  Not 50,000 people -- 50.  
 
AUDIENCE MEMBER:  “Fiddy.”
 
THE PRESIDENT:  “Fiddy.”  (Laughter and applause.)  
 
Now, what would lead you -- when you’re saying you’re concerned about the deficit, what would lead you to put in your budget and then propose right after your budget something like that?  I mean, did they look at the budget -- they already got tax cuts for the wealthy, for millionaires and billionaires, and then they say, you know what we forgot to put in here?  Another deficit-busting tax cut for the top one-tenth of 1 percent of Americans.  That’s what’s really going to move the country forward.  Is that what they were thinking?  I guess.  (Laughter.)   
I don’t think our top economic priority should be helping a tiny number of Americans who are already doing really, really well, and then asking everybody else to foot the bill.  (Applause.)  And keep in mind, one of the things about being President, you meet people from all walks of life.  You meet folks with very modest incomes.  You meet the wealthiest people in the world.  And let me just say, some of these folks at the very top, the top one-tenth of 1 percent, are wonderful people.  Warren Buffet is a great friend of mine.  They’ve done amazing things.  They’ve invested.  They’ve created businesses.  They deserve great success.  But they really don’t need a tax cut.  (Laughter.)  
 
And if you talk to them, they’ll tell you, “I already got a couple planes, I already got a boat -- (laughter) -- I already got five or six houses -- I’m okay.”  (Laughter.)  And the idea that you would do it at the same time as you’re eliminating tax credits for students or working families -- that doesn’t make sense.  
 
Our top priority should be helping everybody who works hard get ahead.  (Applause.)  It doesn’t mean everybody is going to be equal.  It doesn’t mean that we’re going to punish people who started businesses and taking risks.  They should be rewarded.  But we want to make sure everybody has a chance to do okay if they’re working hard.  
 
And that brings me to one of the main reasons that I’m here in Birmingham today.  One of the main ways to make sure paychecks to go farther is to make sure working families don’t get ripped off.  (Applause.)  Right?  And that’s why we’ve taken action to protect Americans from financial advisors who don’t necessarily have the interests of their clients at heart.  That’s why we’ve taken steps to protect student borrowers from unaffordable debt. We want them to know before they owe.  
 
It’s why, five years ago, we passed historic Wall Street reform to end this era of “too big to fail,” where banks on Wall Street, some of them would make reckless bets, and then everybody else would have to clean up after them.  And why we’ve been working to protect people so that they understand mortgages, and they don't buy homes they can't afford and end up in a situation not only hurting themselves, but hurting the financial system. 
 
And that's why, as part of this reform, we created an independent consumer watchdog with just one mission, and that is to look out for all of you.  And it’s called the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau -- or CFPB.  (Applause.)  Now, these folks -- the CFPB, it hasn’t been around a long time, but because of the work they’ve done -- it’s not a big agency, but they’ve already put over $5 billion back into the pockets of more than 15 million families.  (Applause.)  Because they’ve taken on unfair lending practices and unscrupulous mortgage brokers.  And they’ve gotten refunds for folks, and are working with state and local officials to make sure that people are protected when it comes to their finances.  Because if you work hard, you shouldn’t be taken advantage of.  (Applause.)  
 
And today, they’re taking new steps towards cracking down on some of the most abusive practices involving payday loans and title loans.  (Applause.) 
 
Now, Ollie was talking about this in a very personal way.  I want to just break this down for folks.  Every year, millions of Americans take out these payday loans -- here in Alabama, there are four times as many payday lending stores as there are McDonald’s.  Think about that.  Because there are a lot of McDonald’s.  (Laughter.)  There are four times as many payday loan operations here in Alabama as there are McDonald’s.  
 
Now, what they’ll say, the folks who run these things -- in theory, what they’ll say is these loans help you deal with a one-time expense.  So your car breaks down, you got to get to work; you go there, cash a check real quick, or get a quick loan, and then that's the end of it.  In reality, most payday loans aren’t taken out for one-time expenses.  They’re taken out to pay for previous loans.  You borrow money to pay for the money you already borrowed.  
 
As Ollie will tell you, before you know it, you find yourselves trapped in a cycle of debt.  At first it seems like easy money.  But the average borrower ends up spending about 200 days out of the year in debt.  You take out a $500 loan at the rates that they're charging in these payday loans -- some cases 450 percent interest -- you wind up paying more than $1,000 in interest and fees on the $500 that you borrowed. 
 
We were hearing a story from some of the advocates who were working here in Alabama, a story about a family -- the grandmother died, matriarch of the family.  She passed away.  They don't have quite enough to pay for the funeral.  They go to a payday loan, borrow for the funeral; can't pay back the loan in time; the family’s car gets taken away.  And the two folks who are the breadwinners in that family lose their jobs because they can't get to work.  Right?  So what started off as a short-term emergency suddenly becomes a catastrophic financial situation for that family.
 
And you don’t need to be a math genius to know that it’s a pretty bad deal if you're borrowing $500 and you have to pay back $1,000 in interest.  
 
So I just met with faith leaders and consumer advocates and civil rights leaders here in Alabama who are coming together to change that.  And I want to say that this is a bipartisan effort. You've got some very conservative folks here in Alabama who recognize -- they're reading their Bible, they're saying, well, that ain’t right.  (Laughter and applause.)  Right?  I mean, they're saying the Bible is not wild about somebody charging $1,000 worth of interest on a $500 loan.  Because it feels like you're taking advantage of somebody.  If you're lending to somebody, knowing they can't pay you back, and you're going to put them on the hook and just squeeze them harder and harder and harder and take more and more money out of them, you're taking advantage of them.
 
And so I’m very proud of the bipartisan effort here in Alabama to try to change this.  But I want everybody to know they're not going to have to fight alone.  Because at the federal level, the Consumer Finance Protection Bureau, the CFPB, announced today that it’s going to take important steps towards protecting consumers from getting stuck into these cycles of debt.  (Applause.)  
 
And the idea is pretty common sense:  If you lend out money, you have to first make sure that the borrower can afford to pay it back.  Don't lend somebody money if you know they can't pay it back.  
 
As Americans, we don't mind seeing folks make a profit.  And if somebody lends you money, then we expect you to charge interest on that loan.  But if you're making that profit by trapping hardworking Americans into a vicious cycle of debt, you got to find a new business model.  You got to find a new way of doing business.  (Applause.)  
 
So this is just one more way that America’s new consumer watchdog is making sure more of your paycheck stays in your pocket.  And in the meantime, we're also going to be working to educate folks on how to think about their money.  
 
We were talking to Dr. Ward, and through the community college process, through consumer advocates at the local level, in the high schools, we need to be teaching young people the dangers of taking out too much consumer debt.  (Applause.)  
 
And this is one more way that Wall Street reform -- what we passed five years ago -- is protecting working families and taxpayers.  And that strengthens the economy.  
 
And that's one more reason why it makes no sense that the Republican budget would make it harder for the CFPB to do its job, and would allow Wall Street to go back to the kind of recklessness that led to the crisis in the first place, and would allow these kinds of lenders who are not doing the right thing to keep at it.  
 
I have to be clear:  If Republicans in Congress send me a bill that unravels the reforms we’ve put in place, if they send me a bill that unravels Wall Street reform, I will veto it.  (Applause.)  
 
And this is not about politics.  It’s about basic values of honesty and fair play.  It’s about the basic bargain that says, here in America, hard work should pay off, responsibility should be rewarded.  
 
One of the people who I met with was Reverend Shannon Webster of Birmingham’s First Presbyterian Church.  Where’s the pastor?  He’s here somewhere.  There he is, in the back.  Stand up so everybody can see you.  (Applause.)  So Pastor Webster is one of the pastors leading the effort to protect consumers here in Alabama.  And at a public hearing a few years ago, he explained why he decided to work on this issue:  “When our people are trapped in debt,” he said, “they cannot escape, and we’re all hurt.”  We’re all hurt.  And that’s a simple statement, but it captures so much of what it means to be an American.  
 
We are a nation of rugged individuals.  We don’t expect folks to give us a handout.  We expect people to work hard.  We expect that hard work to be rewarded.  If you’re out there and you’re working hard and starting a business, and doing the right thing and looking after your family, and not spending beyond yours means, folks like that shouldn’t be punished or expected to pay for everybody else.  We expect everybody to be responsible.  
 
But we’re also our brother’s keeper.  We’re also our sister’s keeper.  (Applause.)  We’re also a country that was built on the idea that everybody gets a fair shot and that we put laws in place to make sure that folks aren’t taken advantage of. When this country does not live up to its promise of fairness and opportunity for all people, we’re all hurt.  (Applause.)  When we do live up to those promises, all of us are better off.    
 
Back in 2008, I came to Birmingham as a candidate for this office, and I said, “There is nothing we cannot do if the American people decide it’s time.”  Seven years later, I still believe there is nothing we cannot do if we decide it is time.  (Applause.)  We’re all in this thing together, Alabama.  We’ve been through some tough times together, but we’re coming back together.  If we decide this is our time, then together we’re going to write the next great chapter in this country’s history. We’re going to do it not just because I came to town, but because of the wonderful people in this town who are already making it happen.
 
Thank you, Alabama.  (Applause.)  God bless you.  God bless the United States of America.   
 
END                3:44 P.M. EDT
 

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
March 26, 2015

Remarks by the President at Roundtable on the Economy

Lawson State Community College
Birmingham, Alabama

3:14 P.M. CDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Well, it’s wonderful to be here at Lawson State Community College.  I want to thank Dr. Ward for his hospitality.  We're going to end up addressing a much larger crowd, but I wanted to take time while I was here to have a chance to talk to some people who are extraordinarily active here in Alabama around the issue of payday lending, title lending and, frankly, predatory lending.

Here in Alabama, like in many parts of the country, including my home city of Chicago, a lot of folks will come across some difficult times.  Occasionally, something happens -- somebody gets sick in the family -- although now they’ve got the Affordable Care Act.  (Laughter.)  The car may break down at a bad time, a child may need something.  And if things are tight and many of these communities don't have traditional banking services, too often they get steered into payday loans.

And the challenge is that the interest rates that are so often charged on these short-term loans, they can be as high as 400 percent, 450 percent interest.  It means that a $500 loan might require $1,000 in interest on top of the loan.  

And I just was hearing a story from Steven here about a family whose grandmother dies, and they take out a small loan for the funeral, aren’t able to pay it back right away, lose their car, and two members of the family then lose their job, and the entire family’s financial situation collapses.  That's not who we are.  That's not who we should be as a country.

And the good news is that the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau that was set up under Wall Street reform announced today that they're going to be initiating regulations to make sure that we're adhering to a basic principle, which is if we're going to have financial institutions provide loans to families and individuals, they got to make sure that these individuals have the capacity to pay them back; that they're not going to be on the hook and burdened in perpetuity as a consequence of what was a short-term problem.  We don't want that translated then into a long-term financial crisis for these families. 

It’s something that we know states around the country have been able to do, but unfortunately too many states have not yet taken these steps.  By having a federal rule through the Consumer Finance Protection Bureau, we're going to be able to make sure that more and more people get more protection.  And in the meantime, these outstanding folks who are sitting around the table are going to continue to push efforts at the state level to try to make progress.

And it’s important to note that this is not a partisan issue.  There are Republicans, as well as Democrats, who care deeply about this issue.  There are members of the faith community who see a biblical injunction in not engaging in usury and taking advantage of people at moments where they're most vulnerable.  And so we very much appreciate both the Democrats and Republicans here in the state of Alabama who are promoting state-based solutions. 

In the meantime, we're going to make sure that we continue to promote solutions at the federal level, as well.  And I’m very proud of the Consumer Finance Protection Bureau for promulgating these rules.  There’s going to be a comment period.  There’s going to be a lengthy debate.  But I’m going to be on the side of making sure that these rules are as strong as possible.

Okay?  Did I miss any?  Thank you, people.

END
3:19 P.M. CDT