Remarks by the Vice President at a Plenary with Central American Leaders

National Palace of Culture
Guatemala City, Guatemala

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  President Molina, thank you for once again hosting us all.  And to all the Presidents -- I’ve never been with so many Presidents at one time -- to all the Presidents, including the president of the Inter American Development Bank, President Moreno.  He and I have been through this once before in Plan Colombia when he was the ambassador of Colombia to the United States. 
 
And I want to also introduce to you -- I have with me a leading member of Congress, Congressman Meeks, who very much wants to see this plan come to fruition. 
 
It’s good to be here again.  It’s good to be here with folks who are becoming old friends.  We’ve kept you waiting.  You probably thought we became too close friends by our discussions in private, but we got a lot done.
 
We’ve had -- we’ve been very hard at work over the last year, and I think it’s fair to say we’ve come a long way.  When I was here last June, we came together to craft a response to the surge of immigration on our southern border of the United States of unaccompanied children.  We met again then in July in Washington with President Obama.  And we reviewed our progress and began to talk about Plan Colombia.  I’m not sure which of you brought it up, but simultaneously all three Presidents talked about why can't we do what you did with Colombia to address Central America’s interlocking challenges of security, governance, economic development. 
 
And you announced that plan, Alliance for Prosperity, last November.  And President Obama and I committed to supporting your efforts.  For those who are here in the press, it is a detailed plan.  It is a detailed plan put together with the help of the Bank and the Presidents that we think meets the requirements of what has to be done.
 
That's why we -- the President and I -- requested $1 billion for the 2016 budget from the United States Congress for Central America.
 
We're here today because our teams, for us to get down to the business of implementing the details of this plan.  As that old expression goes, the devil is in the details.  That's why I brought with me leading members from the State Department, the Commerce Department, the Justice Department, the Agency for International Development.  General Kelly, you're more popular down here than I think anybody is.  I don't know I keep talking to the President of Honduras to make sure he doesn't have you move your headquarters to Honduras.  (Laughter.)  He likes you so much.  But the Commander of the United States Southern Command, as well as senior members of the Foreign Affairs Committees in the House and the Senate and representatives.
 
Look, we're gathered here because we're united in a simple shared belief -- so long as the political will exists, there’s no reason why Central America cannot become the next great success story in the Western Hemisphere.  It’s as simple and basic as that.  You can and you should.
 
Mr. President, you said that we’ve recognized our responsibilities.  We have.  And you're recognizing your responsibilities, as well.  This is a two-way street.  And we, your neighbors, have every reason to help you succeed.  Because what happens in Central America, as my colleagues have pointed out, is a matter of intense interest to the United States of America.  Six million young people will enter the labor force in Central America in the next 10 years -- 6 million young people will enter the labor force in the next 10 years.
 
So it’s in our self-interest, and I would suggest -- respectfully suggest yours -- to help them find jobs and physical security.  Because the people who tend to leave are the people with the most talent.  The people who tend to leave are the people who can be the greatest -- make the greatest contributions to a community. 
 
And if we don't do this, all of us will feel the consequences.  You know better than I could ever how formidable the challenges can be.  But we're here today because this is a moment of genuine opportunity.  I can't think of a time when the opportunity has been so great to ensure that your economies no longer stay bogged down while your neighbors surge ahead; to reinforce the rule of law; to roll back corruption; to attract billions, tens of billions of dollars in investment from around the world -- foreign direct investment.  I come from a state that, in fact, is the corporate capital of America.  More corporations are headquartered there than anyplace else.  They want to come here.  Corporate America wants to come.  The rest of the world wants to come.  There’s great opportunities in human capital here.  But you have to end once and for all the climate of endemic violence and poverty. 
 
That's why I’ve made it clear to the leaders of the region that if they're ready to take ownership of this plan, we, the United States, and I predict the international community will be ready to make significantly greater investments to help you solve each of the problems that you face. 
 
That's why the Alliance for Prosperity you’ve put forward is so very important.  It recognizes the urgency of the moment.  I remember when we talked about Plan Colombia, and the president of the bank will remember, I said, well, what is your plan?  Its recommendations, if implemented, will transform the region -- not from the outside, but from the inside.  That's how regions get transformed. 
 
Let me be frank, some in my own government and in the U.S. Congress have asked me, “How do we know this isn’t just going to be business as usual?  How is this any different than anything that's come before?”
 
Well, the President and I believe that this is the time that it will be different because the effort starts with a demonstration of political will from within the region.
 
Look, we had a basic choice to make, and we all had to make this choice:  Do we continue to just try to mitigate the problems we're talking about?  Or do we attempt to solve them?  Mitigate or solve?  Now is the time to attempt to solve these problems.  No amount of foreign money can succeed without it coming from within.  This time can be different because you're asking to be measured and held accountable for the progress in implementing your own plan.
 
In the last year we’ve been working together, I’ve seen you take steps to implement reforms.  El Salvador passed a law to attract investors by offering more stability and predictability -– through assurances that tax and customs regulations will not change over the time of an investment.  That's standard practice everywhere in the world.  But now it’s standard practice in El Salvador.
 
Guatemala has removed senior officials suspected of corruption and aiding human trafficking.  You’re ending business disputes to clear the way for new investment.  You’re improving Guatemala’s power grid, expanding coverage, reducing prices.
 
The Government of Honduras signed a unique accountability agreement with Transparency International.  You should be complimented on that.  That's a big deal -- featuring a commitment to share more information with the public about government procurement, including for your security forces. 
 
Again, you're moving in the right direction.  That is standard operating procedure for countries that are doing well.  You’ve taken steps to tackle criminal networks responsible for your region’s security challenges, at great personal danger to yourselves.  It takes a lot of courage, Mr. President.
 
After a lifetime in government, I understand the wisdom in the words of a famous Guatemalan poet who said, “Every task, whether literary, political, or scientific, should be backed up by action.”  Every task should be backed up with action.
 
That's what we're here today to talk about, and we’ll talk about it in much more detail tomorrow.
 
These Presidents have committed to reforms and given themselves deadlines to take concrete steps.  We agreed on the actions required of us, the United States -- actions like promoting a better business environment for investors and small business owners; actions in your case like strengthening police and justice reforms; actions to make your government more transparent, increase revenue bases, make your streets safer.
 
For our part, we pledge to find the resources and expertise to help you in support of those efforts.  We focused on areas you've raised in the Alliance for Prosperity -- governance, security.  Together, we’ve reached a window of opportunity that will not stay open for very long.
 
This is the year that we're going to reach a trade deal that links dozens of nations in the Pacific region closer together.  We’re ready to help you fully implement your own trade agreements -- with you to help keep Central America up with the rest of the region.
 
This is time when major private companies will make decisions about where to invest, and so will the United States Congress.  This is the moment when opportunities can be made or lost. 
 
I want to talk about the work ahead and how we make the most of the moment. 
 
First, let me start with security, which makes everything else possible.  We want to help you stabilize your neighborhoods, take on the transnational criminal networks endangering your people and ours.  Some communities in Guatemala and El Salvador are already seeing the benefit of U.S.-funded programs like community policing.  Matter of fact, I’m going to a facility after this today to see that.
 
As I mentioned, and I hope -- I apologize for mentioning it again, I learned in crafting the 1994 crime bill in the United States, when we had -- when violent crime was at an all-time high, that specialized police training and youth centers like Boys Clubs and Girls Clubs can and do reduce crime.  I look forward to discussing tomorrow the prospects for holding a regional dialogue this year to forge joint responses to community challenges.
 
Second, good governance, which is an integral part of security.  You can have all the security in the world.  Without good governance, your folks don't have much of an opportunity.  You know better than I do the work that needs to be done to make the courts, the government, contracting, tax collection come to be perceived as fair and transparent because the truth is they are not perceived that way right now. 
 
Victims of crime need to know that criminals will face justice.  Citizens and businesses need to believe that the legal system works for them, ordinary people, not against them.  We know strong judicial institutions aren’t built overnight.  We face similar challenges back home.  That's why the work of organizations like the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala are so important.  One idea I’d like for us to consider tomorrow is asking the United [Nations] to stand up a regional body. 
 
Right now your countries have among the lowest effective tax rates in the entire Western Hemisphere.  The only way to collect funds necessary to invest in your future is to do others to do the same, is to take action to collect and manage the revenues and make sure they are managed effectively, efficiently, and transparently so people know where the money is going.
 
Government money alone won’t get the job done.  This simply isn’t enough to offer.  You need private investment to create jobs for your people in the formal sector, with good wages, and secure futures.  For that, you need to make a compelling case for companies around the world to invest in Central America and for patriotic Central Americans to invest at home, not abroad.  It’s awful hard, gentlemen, to convince foreign companies to come and invest when your own companies will not invest.  They're investing abroad.  In other words, we need the right business climate.
 
And while there’s no formula for success, there are certain common ingredients that everyone knows.  There’s no mystery in the 21st century what is basically required.  Clear rules and regulations, protection for investors, courts that adjudicate disputes fairly, serious efforts to root out corruption, transparency to ensure the international assistance and your own tax dollars are spent accountably and wisely. 
 
Up and down the hemisphere, countries are succeeding by integrating their economies.  Canada, the United States, and Mexico now have $1 trillion of trade under NAFTA -- $1 trillion.  We're jointly working together.
 
The Trans-Pacific Partnership promises to unite economies representing 40 percent of the global trade in a new economic community defined by rising standards and lowering barriers.  Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru are acting with urgency to build a Pacific Alliance around similar principles.  It remains far too slow and far too costly to move legal goods through Central America.  The Inter American Development Bank estimates that goods move at only 10 miles per hour from one end of this region to the other. 
 
Your place at the geographic crossroads of this hemisphere should be viewed as a remarkable asset and taken advantage of. We want to help you make the most of that.  That means reducing tariffs, investing infrastructure, and borders, streamlining customs, partnering with each other and your neighbors on issues like roads and energy. 
 
And we're ready to work with you to get more out of the free trade agreement you have with us, and integrate your economies with each other. 
 
As you take these steps, we in the United States are ready to do our part.  That's why in addition to the billion dollar request for Central America, we're working with Congress to significantly increase our assistance to you in this region this year because we need to start showing results now.
 
At the same time we're streamlining how we can do assistance so it’s faster, more flexible, expand what works and revise or eliminate what doesn't work in what we're doing.  We don't have it all perfectly down.  We have to get it right, as well.
 
I recently wrote in the pages of The New York Times to make the case to the people of my country for a $1 billion investment in Central America next year.  But nothing makes the case more efficiently and effectively than your own actions.  Nothing better demonstrates your seriousness, because we -- the Obama administration and our Congress -- believe the question is no longer:  What can we do for the hemisphere?  It’s:  What can we do with countries in the hemisphere together?
 
We all have a role to play.  For example, Mexico can help facilitate trade between North and Central America and make the border with Guatemala safer and more efficient.  That benefits everyone.  International financial institutions can help make it easier to start businesses, help businesses and governments partner together to train workers, help the region lower energy costs, and fully integrate Central America’s energy grids eventually to North and South America.  It won’t be easy, but it’s within our wheelhouse, as we say.  We can do it.  We can get this done.  We know because it has been done here in the Americas.
 
In 1999, I spent more time with this man, the president of the bank, and I was the architect of Plan Colombia for the United States’ Senate.  Today Colombia is a nation transformed, just as you hope to be 10 to 15 years from now.  And the key ingredient in that effort was not U.S. money; it was Colombian political will.  It was a series of leaders willing to make significant reforms when it came to security, governance, and human rights.  Colombians paid higher taxes.  The government cleaned up their courts at great cost.  They vetted police forces.  They reformed the rules of Congress. 
 
Yes, the United States invested $9 billion over those years in Plan Colombia, but Colombia invested $36 billion.  That's what it takes.  Think about what it would mean if we get this right.  Central America would become the embodiment of this hemisphere’s remarkable rise -- not the exception to it, the embodiment of it, a place where success is measured by hard work, not by who you know; where criminals don't escape justice; and citizens are treated fairly and with respect; where 43 million men, women, and children can find dignity, safety and the lives they want in the communities where they grow up, not having to leave.
 
As the saying goes, if you will it, it’s not a dream.  This is not a dream.  This is eminently possible.  And so long as you demonstrate the will to move forward, we will try to get better.  We will try to do our job even better.  We will stand by your side, and we will help you realize those dreams.  And we will benefit as much as you as well.  This is in our mutual best interest, and it’s totally within our capacity to get it done.
 
I look forward to tomorrow when we get into more detail, and I thank my colleagues for their indulgence.  (Applause.)

END
 

Remarks As Prepared for Delivery at AIPAC Annual Meeting by National Security Advisor Susan E. Rice

Good evening everyone.  It’s great to be back at AIPAC.  Rosy, thank you so much for your warm introduction.

I want to thank Bob Cohen, Michael Kassen, Lillian Pinkus, my old friend Lee Rosenberg, and all of AIPAC’s board and members for welcoming me tonight.  I want to thank all the Members of Congress who represent America’s strong bipartisan support for the State of Israel; and all the young people here today, some 3,000, who represent the bright future of the U.S.-Israel special relationship.

I brought one of those young people with me, my seventeen year-old son Jake, who insisted he had to come to AIPAC.  But, I want to take a moment before I begin, to remember three young men who aren’t with us today.  I want to call us back to those terrible days last summer, when we were united in grief over the horrifying kidnapping and murder of Naftali Fraenkel, Gilad Shaer, and Eyal Yifrah.  As a mother, my heart breaks for such unspeakable loss.  Those boys were our boys, and we all continue to mourn their tragic loss.

The last time I spoke at AIPAC, it was to the synagogue initiative lunch.  This group tonight is… a little larger.  But, when I finished that speech, more than 400 rabbis sang to me.  In Hebrew.  Now, that is something I will never forget.  And the words of their song reflect the spirit that brings me here tonight.  Hinei ma’tov uma-nayim, shevet achim gam yachad.  “How good it is and how pleasant when we sit together in brotherhood.”  It’s a great psalm—though I will admit that where I first encountered it – in church – it was not in the original Hebrew.  That psalm always reminds me how much we can do together when we unite in common purpose.  And, it goes to the heart of what AIPAC is all about—what the relationship between Israel and the United States is all about.  Brotherhood.  Togetherness.  Unity.

That’s because the U.S.-Israel alliance is not just rooted in our mutual interests, vital as they are. It’s also rooted in the values of freedom and democracy that we share.  It’s in the friendship and fellowship between ordinary Israelis and Americans.  And, for me personally, it’s a warmth that’s rooted in my very first visit to Israel.  I was just 14, traveling with my younger brother and my beloved late father.  My Dad was on the Board of TWA – some of you are old enough to remember that once-great airline.  We arrived on one of the first-ever flights from Egypt to Israel, just after the Camp David Accords were signed.  We had an unforgettable visit, the power of which has stayed with me all my life.  We bowed our heads in sorrow at Yad Vashem.  We walked the lanes of the Old City, climbed Masada, floated in the Dead Sea, and picked fruit at a kibbutz.  I learned by heart the words of the sh’ma.  My first memories of Israel remain etched in my soul.

Put simply, the relationship between the U.S. and Israel is not just one between states.  It is between two peoples and the millions of intimate, personal connections that bind us.  Our relationship has deepened and grown through different presidents and prime ministers for nearly 70 years.

It was President Truman, a Democrat, who—just 11 minutes after David Ben-Gurion declared Israel’s independence—made the United States the first country to recognize the State of Israel.

It was President Nixon, a Republican, who made sure America stood with Israel as it fought for survival one terrible Yom Kippur, so that its people could declare am Yisrael Chai --“the people of Israel live.”

It was President Carter who helped Israel forge an historic peace with Egypt that endures to this day.  And, it was President Clinton and President George W. Bush who backed Israel as it took more brave steps for peace, and as it endured terrorist attacks from Hezbollah and Hamas.

The relationship between the United States and the State of Israel is not a partnership between individual leaders, or political parties.  It’s an alliance between two nations, rooted in the unbreakable friendship between our two peoples.  It is not negotiable.  And it never will be.

Our alliance grows l’dor va’dor, from generation to generation. That’s what counts.  That’s what we have to protect.  As John F. Kennedy said, back in 1960, “friendship for Israel is not a partisan matter.  It is a national commitment.”

No one knows this better than all of you.  For decades, AIPAC has built bipartisan support for America’s special relationship with Israel.  That’s why every President—from Harry Truman to Barack Obama—has begun from a fundamental, unshakable premise: strengthening the security of Israel is in the national interest of the United States of America.

President Obama’s commitment to Israel is deep and personal.  I know, because I see it every day.  I first saw it when I accompanied then-Senator Obama to Israel in 2008.  I saw it when he surveyed with horror the stacks of charred rockets that Hamas had fired on Israel, and when he walked through the hollowed out homes of Sderot. 

That same year, President Obama came to this conference, still a senator, and he made a promise.  He said, “Israel’s security is sacrosanct.”  And, each day, over the past six years, President Obama has kept that promise.  The President is profoundly committed to ensuring that Israel is never alone.  That’s why, today, security cooperation between our countries is not just strong.  It’s stronger than it has ever been.  Both President Obama and Prime Minister Netanyahu have called it “unprecedented.”  And that’s the way it’s going to stay. 

President Obama has met with Prime Minister Netanyahu more times than with almost any other world leader.  As national security advisor, I am in nearly constant communication with Yossi Cohen, my friend and my Israeli counterpart, who I am so pleased is here tonight.  Thank you, Yossi.  Together, we host the U.S.-Israel consultative group to ensure we’re working closely across the highest levels of our governments.  Our armed forces conduct extensive exercises together, and our military and intelligence leaders consult continually.

Under this Administration, in times of tight budgets, our security assistance to Israel has increased.  Since President Obama took office, the United States has provided Israel with more than $20 billion in foreign military financing.  Last year, we provided Israel with the largest package of security assistance ever.  That’s money well spent, because it goes directly to bolstering Israel’s ability to defend itself in a very tough neighborhood, to protecting Israeli citizens, and to strengthening a vital American ally.

We are maintaining Israel’s qualitative military edge with new defense technologies and access to the most advanced military equipment in the world.  President Obama is determined to ensure that Israel can defend itself, by itself.  So, when Israel receives the F-35 joint strike fighter next year, it will be the only nation in the Middle East with a fifth-generation aircraft.  

Since 2009, we’ve invested hundreds of millions of dollars in developing and producing the David’s Sling missile defense program and the Arrow anti-missile system.  We’ve invested more than $1 billion dollars in the Iron Dome system.  When I visited Israel last May, I saw this technology first-hand at Palmachim air force base.  And, last summer, as Hamas’ terrorist rockets rained down on Israeli cities, the world saw how Iron Dome saved lives, literally, every day. 

During the height of that conflict—with sirens wailing and Israeli civilians huddling in bomb shelters—the United States stood up for Israel’s right to defend itself against rocket and tunnel attacks, even as we worked with the Israeli government to find a diplomatic resolution to the conflict.  And, when the Israeli government made an urgent request for an additional $225 million to support Iron Dome’s batteries, President Obama’s response was immediate and clear: “Let’s do it.”  Within days, legislation was drafted, passed through Congress with overwhelming bipartisan support, and President Obama signed it into law.  At that critical moment, we replenished Israel’s arsenal of Iron Dome interceptor missiles.  That’s what it means to be an ally.

Our unwavering commitment to Israel’s lasting security is why we will also never give up on a just and comprehensive peace between Israelis and Palestinians.  It will require hard decisions, but the United States will remain a steadfast partner.  Like past administrations, Republican and Democratic, we believe that a truly lasting peace can only be forged by direct talks between the two parties.  Like past administrations, we are concerned by unilateral actions that erode trust or assault Israel’s legitimacy.  Like every administration, Republican and Democratic, since the Six Day War, we oppose Israeli settlement activity—and we oppose Palestinian steps that throw up further obstacles to peace, including actions against Israel at the International Criminal Court.  The only path to ensure Israel’s long-term security is to bring about a viable, sovereign Palestinian state living side-by-side in peace and security with a democratic, Jewish State of Israel.

Israel’s security—our mutual security—is also at the heart of one of President Obama’s most important foreign policy objectives: ensuring that Iran does not obtain a nuclear weapon.  As President Obama has repeated many times: we are keeping all options on the table to prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapon.  As he said in Jerusalem: “Iran must not get a nuclear weapon. This is not a danger that can be contained.”  And he added, “America will do what we must to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran.”

President Obama said it.  He meant it.  And those are his orders to us all.

That is still the way we see the danger of a nuclear Iran today.  Given Iran’s support for terrorism, the risk of a nuclear-arms race in the region, and the danger to the entire global non-proliferation regime, an Iran with a nuclear weapon would not just be a threat to Israel – it’s an unacceptable threat to the United States of America.

We understand the unique concerns of our Israeli friends and partners.  In Jerusalem, President Obama made plain: “when I consider Israel’s security, I also think about a people who have a living memory of the Holocaust, faced with the prospect of a nuclear-armed Iranian government that has called for Israel’s destruction.  It’s no wonder Israelis view this as an existential threat.  But this is not simply a challenge for Israel; it is a danger for the entire world, including the United States.”

I want to be very clear: a bad deal is worse than no deal.  And, if that is the choice, there will be no deal.

Negotiations continue.  And, nothing is agreed until everything is agreed.  As of today, significant gaps remain between the international community and Iran.  I’m not going to get into details about ongoing negotiations – nor should sensitive details of an ongoing negotiation be discussed in public.  But, I do want to make five key points about our approach to the negotiation.

First, with the Joint Plan of Action, we have already succeeded in halting Iran’s nuclear program and rolling it back in key areas.  Let’s recall what has been achieved over the last year.  Iran is doing away with its existing stockpile of its most highly enriched uranium.  Iran has capped its stockpile of low enriched uranium.  Iran has not constructed additional enrichment facilities.  Iran has not installed or operated new centrifuges, including its next-generation models.  Iran has stopped construction at its potential plutonium reactor at Arak.  In short, Iran is further away from a nuclear weapon than it was a year ago—and that makes the world safer, including Israel.

Moreover, we’re not taking anything on trust.  What matters are Iran’s actions, not its words.  That’s why, as part of the Joint Plan of Action, we’ve insisted upon—and achieved—unprecedented access to Iran’s nuclear program.  Before the Joint Plan, inspections happened only every few weeks, sometimes every few months.  Today, the International Atomic Energy Agency has daily access at Iran’s key nuclear sites at Natanz and Fordow, verifying that Iran is meeting its commitments.  If I can paraphrase, President Reagan, with a twist, our approach is “distrust and verify.”

Second, we’ve kept the pressure on Iran.  I know this firsthand because, when I was U.N. ambassador, President Obama personally directed me to make sure that the Security Council’s sanctions had bite—and they do.  Today, even with limited sanctions relief, Iran’s economy remains isolated from the international finance system and cut off from the vast majority of its foreign currency reserves.  Iran’s oil exports have dropped almost 60 percent since 2012.  The rial has depreciated by more than 50 percent.  And, Iran’s overall GDP has shrunk by almost 10 percent.  All told, sanctions have deprived Iran of more than $200 billion in lost oil revenues.

But sanctions are a tool, not an end in themselves.  The question now, after the pressure that we and our partners have brought to bear, is whether we can verify that Iran cannot pursue a nuclear weapon.  The question now is whether we can achieve a comprehensive deal.  A good deal.

This is my third point—a good deal is one that would verifiably cut off every pathway for Iran to produce enough fissile material for a nuclear weapon.  Every single one.

Any deal must prevent Iran from developing weapons-grade plutonium at Arak, or anywhere else.

Any deal must prevent Iran from enriching uranium at its nuclear facility at Fordow—a site we uncovered buried deep underground and revealed to the world in 2009.

Any deal must increase the time it takes Iran to reach breakout capacity—the time it would take to produce a single bomb’s worth of weapons-grade uranium.  Today, experts suggest Iran’s breakout window is just two to three months.  We seek to extend that to at least one year.

Any deal must ensure frequent and intrusive inspections at Iran’s nuclear sites—including the uranium mills that produce the material fed into Iran’s enrichment and conversion facilities—to create a multi-layered transparency regime that provides the international community with the confidence it demands.  That’s the best way to prevent Iran from pursuing a covert path to a nuclear weapon—to stop Iran from working toward a bomb in secret.

Any deal must address the possible military dimensions of Iran’s nuclear program.  And, going forward, we will not accept a deal that fails to provide the access we need to ensure that Iran’s program is peaceful. 

And, any deal must last more than a decade—with additional provisions ensuring greater transparency into Iran’s program for an even longer period of time.

That’s what we’re working toward—a good, long-term, comprehensive deal that verifiably prevents Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon.

This brings me to my fourth point —we cannot let a totally unachievable ideal stand in the way of a good deal.  I know that some of you will be urging Congress to insist that Iran forego its domestic enrichment capacity entirely.  But, as desirable as that would be, it is neither realistic nor achievable.  Even our closest international partners in the P5+1 do not support denying Iran the ability ever to pursue peaceful nuclear energy.  If that is our goal, our partners will abandon us, undermining the sanctions we have imposed so effectively together.  Simply put, that is not a viable negotiating position.  Nor is it even attainable.  The plain fact is, no one can make Iran unlearn the scientific and nuclear expertise it already possesses.

We must also understand what will happen if these negotiations collapse. I know that some argue we should just impose sanctions and walk away.  But let’s remember that sanctions have never stopped Iran from advancing its program.  So here’s what’s likely to happen without a deal.  Iran will install and operate advanced centrifuges.  Iran will seek to fuel its reactor in Arak.  Iran will rebuild its uranium stockpile.  And, we'll lose the unprecedented inspections and transparency we have today. 

Congress has played a hugely important role in helping to build our sanctions on Iran, but they shouldn’t play the spoiler now.  Additional sanctions or restrictive legislation enacted during the negotiation would blow up the talks, divide the international community, and cause the United States to be blamed for the failure to reach a deal—putting us in a much weaker position and endangering the sanctions regime itself.  Meanwhile, the Iranians are well aware that if they walk away from a deal, Congress will pass new sanctions immediately—and President Obama will support them.

So, if Iran refuses to resolve this matter diplomatically—and is clearly to blame for that failure—its isolation will only increase.  The costs will continue to grow.

Finally, I know that some question a deal of any duration.  But, it has always been clear that the pursuit of an agreement of indefinite duration would result in no agreement at all.  The question is, what is the best way to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon?  A deal that extends for a decade or more would accomplish this goal better than any other course of action – longer, by far, than military strikes, which would only set back Iran’s program for a fraction of the time.  And, at the end of any deal, Iran would still be required to offer comprehensive access to its nuclear facilities and to provide the international community the assurance that it was not pursuing nuclear weapons.  And, if it failed to do so, we would have the ability to make our own decisions about how to move forward, just as we do today.  There’s simply no alternative that prevents Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon better—or longer—than the type of deal we seek.

We can always bring consequences to bear for the sake of our shared security—harsh consequences.  But, precisely because this is such a serious issue, we must weigh the different options before us and choose the best one.  Sound bites won’t stop Iran from getting a nuclear weapon.  Strong diplomacy – backed by pressure – can.  And, if diplomacy fails, let’s make it clear to the world that it is Iran’s responsibility.

One final word on Iran: even if we succeed in neutralizing the nuclear threat from Iran, we will still face other threats—Iran’s sponsorship of terrorism, its gross violations of human rights, its efforts to destabilize neighboring states, its support for Assad and Hamas and Hezbollah, its intolerable threats against Israel.  Our sanctions against Iran on these issues will remain in place.  We will continue to counter Iran and the full range of threats it poses.  Tehran must understand—the United States will never, ever waver in the defense of our security or the security of our allies and partners, including Israel.

The bottom line is simple: we have Israel’s back, come hell or high water—and I’ve been right there with you all through some pretty high waters.  I was proud to fight again and again for Israel’s security and its basic legitimacy at the United Nations – from leading the charge against the deeply flawed Goldstone report to casting this administration’s only veto in the Security Council to block a counter-productive resolution.

As Ambassador Power described to you this morning, when it comes to combating the shameful bias against Israel at the U.N., Israel has no better friend than the United States.  Last March, we were the only ‘no’ vote in the Human Rights Council against anti-Israel measures five separate times.  Earlier today, Secretary Kerry told the Human Rights Council in Geneva, point blank, that its obsession with Israel risks undermining the credibility of the entire organization.  And last month, with Israel and the European Union, the U.S. organized the first U.N. General Assembly meeting to combat anti-Semitism.

No country is immune from criticism—take it from a former U.N. Ambassador.  But when criticism singles out one country unfairly, bitterly, viciously, over and over—that’s just wrong, and we all know it.  When one democracy’s legitimacy is attacked, over and over, uniquely among the U.N.’s member states, that’s ugly, and we all know it.  And, when anti-Semitism rears its head around the world, when Jews at a kosher supermarket in Paris are singled out and murdered by terrorists, when synagogues are attacked and cemeteries defaced, we have to call it by name.  It’s hate.  It’s anti-Semitism.  It reminds us of the most terrible chapters of human history.  It has no place in a civilized world, and we have to fight it.

These are big challenges.  But the United States and Israel have mastered plenty of big challenges before.  Israel and the United States are sister democracies built on the bedrock value that we are all created b’tzelem elokim—in the image of God.  And, like the Psalm says, how good it is when we sit in brotherhood together.  But God calls us to do more than sit.  God calls us to stand up.  To act.

This weekend, President Obama will travel to Selma, Alabama, to mark the 50th anniversary of the historic marches there.  He’ll pay tribute to those brave souls who took enormous risks for civil rights, including Jews and rabbis from across the country—from St. Louis and San Francisco; the Northeast and the Deep South.  They faced tear gas and billy clubs, Torahs in hand.  They were jailed.  They conducted Shabbat services behind bars, and they sang “Adon Olam” to the tune of “We Shall Overcome.”  They broke the fast of Esther in prison.  They even started a trend.  Some black marchers, moved by the solidarity of their Jewish brethren, started wearing yarmulkes—they called them “freedom caps.”

As you recalled last night, one of those on the front lines in Selma was the great teacher, Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel.  After marching across the Edmund Pettus Bridge with Dr. King, he reflected, “our legs uttered songs.  Even without words, our march was worship.”  Our march was our worship.

The Jewish community amplified the rightness and the urgency of the civil rights movement with its own unassailable moral compass—guided by the basic principle that people should be free in their own land.  And, I stand before you knowing that I and many others would not be where we are today without all those who fought for equal rights – African Americans and white Americans, including so many Jewish Americans.  As we mark that Selma anniversary, as we gather here to celebrate an improbable dream that grew into the great State of Israel, we remember what we can accomplish together, when we’re at our best.  

In a spirit of brotherhood, we have overcome so many trials to reach where we are—as nations, as peoples.  In a spirit of brotherhood, inspired by all those who marched and struggled and sacrificed before us, let us continue the work.  Let us never succumb to hopelessness or cynicism, to division or despair.  Let our legs utter songs, and let our hands reach out together. That is how we fulfill our common commitment to mend our imperfect world, to do the holy work of tikkun olam.  And, as we do, at home and around the world, the United States will always stand with our Israeli friends and allies.

That’s our enduring commitment.  That’s our sacred duty.  That’s the hope and the future for our children.  So, let us keep marching arm in arm together.

Thank you.

Weekly Address: Ensuring Hardworking Americans Retire with Dignity

WASHINGTON, DC — In this week’s address, the President reiterated his commitment to middle-class economics, and to ensuring that all hard-working Americans get the secure and dignified retirement they deserve.  While most financial advisers prioritize their clients’ futures, there are some who direct their clients towards bad investments in return for backdoor payments and hidden fees.  That’s why earlier this week the President announced that he is calling on the Department of Labor to update rules to protect families from conflicts of interest by requiring financial advisers to put their clients’ best interest before their own profits.  The President emphasized his promise to keep fighting for this policy and for others that benefit millions of working and middle class Americans.

The audio of the address and video of the address will be available online at www.whitehouse.gov at 6:00 a.m. ET, February 28, 2015.

Remarks of President Barack Obama
Weekly Address
The White House
February 28, 2015

Hi everybody.  In America, we believe that a lifetime of hard work and responsibility should be rewarded with a shot at a secure, dignified retirement.  It’s one of the critical components of middle-class life – and this week, I took new steps to protect it. 

Six years after the crisis that shook a lot of people’s faith in a secure retirement, our economy is steadily growing.  Last year was the best year for job growth since the 1990s.  All told, over the past five years, the private sector has added nearly 12 million new jobs.  And since I took office, the stock market has more than doubled, replenishing the 401(k)s of millions of families.

But while we’ve come a long way, we’ve got more work to do to make sure that our recovery reaches more Americans, not just those at the top.  That’s what middle-class economics is all about—the idea that this country does best when everyone gets their fair shot, everybody does their fair share, and everyone plays by the same set of rules. 

That last part—making sure everyone plays by the same set of rules—is why we passed historic Wall Street Reform and a Credit Card Bill of Rights.   It’s why we created a new consumer watchdog agency.  And it’s why we’re taking new action to protect hardworking families’ retirement security. If you’re working hard and putting away money, you should have the peace of mind that the financial advice you’re getting is sound and that your investments are protected.

But right now, there are no rules of the road.  Many financial advisers put their clients’ interest first – but some financial advisers get backdoor payments and hidden fees in exchange for steering people into bad investments.  All told, bad advice that results from these conflicts of interest costs middle-class and working families about $17 billion every year. 

This week, I called on the Department of Labor to change that – to update the rules and require that retirement advisers put the best interests of their clients above their own financial interests.  Middle-class families cannot afford to lose their hard earned savings after a lifetime of work.  They deserve to be treated with fairness and respect.  And that’s what this rule would do.

While many financial advisers support these basic safeguards to prevent abuse, I know some special interests will fight this with everything they’ve got.  But while we welcome different perspectives and ideas on how to move forward, what I won’t accept is the notion that there’s nothing we can do to make sure that hard-working, responsible Americans who scrimp and save can retire with security and dignity.

We’re going to keep pushing for this rule, because it’s the right thing to do for our workers and for our country.  The strength of our economy rests on whether hard-working families can not only share in America’s success, but can also contribute to America’s success.  And that’s what I will never stop fighting for – an economy where everyone who works hard has the chance to get ahead.

Thanks, and have a great weekend.

Remarks by President Obama and President Sirleaf of Liberia before Bilateral Meeting

Oval Office

11:37 A.M. EST

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  It's a great pleasure to welcome once again the President of Liberia, President Sirleaf.  She has been a great friend and ally of the United States.  And Liberia and the United States obviously have an extraordinary bond and extraordinary history.

President Sirleaf came into office under some of the most challenging of circumstances.  After a brutal civil war, she has worked steadily to solidify democracy, to reduce corruption, to deliver basic services to a very poor country.  And she’s done so with grace and steadiness, and reached out to all the people of Liberia.

Last year proved to be an extraordinarily difficult challenge.  Because of the Ebola crisis, we saw the kind of death and disruption of an entire country and entire region of the sort that we haven't seen very often in modern history.  I want to express my deepest condolences to the thousands who died from this deadly disease.  Their families obviously continue to grieve. 

But what is extraordinary is because of President Sirleaf’s leadership, because of the heroism of so many people in Liberia, and because of the actions of the United States and ultimately the international community, we have made extraordinary strides in driving back Ebola.  Cases are now down 95 percent from the peak.  We just have a handful of cases that come up a week.

Our job is not yet done, and neighboring countries like Guinea and Sierra Leone are still somewhat behind the progress that’s been made in Liberia.  But because of extraordinary courage of health workers and community leaders, and President Sirleaf and her administration, what could have been an even more devastating crisis has been brought under control. 

And I am very proud of the participation of the United States.  Our men and women in uniform who helped to set up the logistical capacity to absorb additional aid and health workers from around the world; our ability to set up labs and provide technical assistance that allowed Liberian health workers and other international partners to go and do the contact tracing, and to establish the safe burial practices, and raise community awareness, and provide more humane treatment -- all those things have contributed to confidence that we're going to be able to stamp out this disease completely.

And in the meantime, normal life is beginning to return to Liberia.  Children are beginning to go back to school.  People are beginning to go back to soccer matches.  Businesses have reopened.  And the flow and rhythm of normal life has begun to return.

So we are very proud of what Liberia has accomplished, and we've been very proud to be partners with Liberia in that process.

The meeting today will obviously discuss how we make sure that we're not complacent so long as there’s even one case of Ebola remaining in West Africa.  But we're now also in a position to look towards the future.  This has had a devastating economic impact, not surprisingly, on Liberia.  And so we're going to have to work with President Sirleaf to find ways to strengthen the economy, to rebuild infrastructure, to make sure that some of the development goals that had been set previously are accelerated to deal with some of the economic contraction that requires us and others in the international community to work with our West Africa partners to ensure that growth returns to Liberia. 

Those are all areas where we're very interested to hear how we can be helpful.  We've got some ideas as well.  In the meantime, on programs -- everything from our Millennial Challenge grants to encouraging international investment, to the return of Peace Corps volunteers, we want to accelerate as much as possible a return to Liberian growth and development, to accelerate some of the efforts that President Sirleaf had already begun to reduce corruption, and to make sure that prosperity and growth is broad-based, not just in Monrovia, but throughout rural areas.  That's the kind of partnership that we’re looking forward to, and we could not have a better partner than President Sirleaf. 

So we thank you so much for your leadership.  We’re very proud of the work that we’ve done with you.  We know that the job is not yet done, but it shows what can be accomplished when you’ve got strong, democratic leaders on the ground and international partners who are ready to join in dealing with some of the toughest challenges that any country has ever faced.

PRESIDENT SIRLEAF:  Mr. President, thank you for your kind words.  I come to express, on behalf of the Liberian people, to you, to the Congress, to all the entities, what we call the front-line responders, to faith-based institutions, to the American people in general, for the support we received as we fought this virus.

We want to really recognize the extraordinary leadership that you performed.  We recall when the U.N. Secretary General, Ban Ki-moon, called a global meeting to discuss this disease, one which we said was the most threatening to global peace, you were there.  And you gave the clarion call to the global community to see the threat this disease represented.  As a result of that, the support that came from U.S. entities was then supplanted by so many others around the world.

We know that there was fear in this country, and we understood that because we were fearful ourselves.  We didn’t know how to confront this unknown enemy.  And we know that there was some pressure here to be able to stop any travel of people from Liberia or from the other affected countries.  But we want to thank you for standing firm and resisting that pressure, and rallying the American people to see this for what it was and to join partnership with Liberia and others to be able to confront it.

We also thank you for the military.  We know that this may not have been welcomed by many, or by some.  But that made a critical difference in sending a strong message to the Liberian people that the United States was with us.  And the military not only raised the confidence and the motivation of the Liberian people to save themselves, but also left behind a very permanent contribution, because they worked with our military, and as a result of that, today our military can go out and they can build those structures, health treatment centers, because of their association, their work with the U.S. military.

As you correctly pointed out, even though 13 of our 15 political subdivisions now have zero -- no new cases, and even though we feel confident that we’re getting to the place where we can really say we can confront and we can beat this disease, but we know we’re not there yet.  We’re not there because we are still in the region where there are a few other affected countries, two others.  They have not reached the level of success and progress that we have.  But we know that we all remain under threat until all of us have reached a place where we get to zero.  And so we have to remain resilient. 

We’d like to see a regional approach for the protection of our borders, to be able to monitor and to manage cross-border travel in our long and porous borders.  We’d like to see the partnership continue as we move toward rebuilding our health infrastructure.

We, today, have had some meetings, and today we remain confident.  And, you know, Mr. President, the one critical element in all of this is our people, particularly our community of people.  They took charge.  They said, we’re not going to die. We’re not going to lose our livelihoods.  We’re not going to reverse the gains that we have made over the past 10 years -- 10 consecutive years of peace.  And so we’re going to -- and so they got the support from you, they got the support from the U.S. entities and they got the support from the international community. But they took responsibility, they took leadership, they took ownership.

And going forward, we want to strengthen that.  We do not want to lose that motivation and capacity.  We want to see them now apply it, post-Ebola, to be able to accelerate our own development agenda.

So, again, Mr. President, our message -- my team is here with me, the Liberian people -- is to come and say to the American people, to the U.S. Congress who supported your program -– in a bipartisan way, I might say –- to say to you that your support, your partnership has worked.  We see it as a success story, even though we’ve got a lot more work to do.  But the basic word is we’re here to thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you, Madam President.  Thank you.

END
11:49 A.M. EST