The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by the President on America's Leadership in the Ebola Fight

South Court Auditorium

1:46 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  (Applause.)  Please, everybody, have a seat.  Thank you.  Thank you, everybody.  Well, thank you, Rear Admiral Giberson, not only for the introduction, but for your leadership and your service.

Last summer, as Ebola spread in West Africa, overwhelming public health systems and threatening to cross more borders, I said that fighting this disease had to be more than a national security priority, but an example of American leadership.  After all, whenever and wherever a disaster or a disease strikes, the world looks to us to lead.  And because of extraordinary people like the ones standing behind me, and many who are in the audience, we have risen to the challenge.

Now, remember, there was no small amount of skepticism about our chances.  People were understandably afraid, and, if we’re honest, some stoked those fears.  But we believed that if we made policy based not on fear, but on sound science and good judgment, America could lead an effective global response while keeping the American people safe, and we could turn the tide of the epidemic.

We believed this because of people like Rear Admiral Giberson.  We believed this because of outstanding leaders like Dr. Raj Shah at USAID and Dr. Tom Frieden at the CDC.  (Applause.)  We believed it because of the men and women behind me and the many others here at home and who are still overseas who respond to challenges like this one not only with skill and professionalism, but with courage and with dedication.  And because of your extraordinary work, we have made enormous progress in just a few months. 

So the main reason we’re actually here today is for me to say thank you.  Thank you to the troops and public health workers who left their loved ones to head into the heart of the Ebola epidemic in West Africa -- and many of them did so over the holidays.  Thank you to the health care professionals here at home who treated our returning heroes like Dr. Kent Brantly and Dr. Craig Spencer.  Thank you to Dr. Tony Fauci and Nancy Sullivan, and the incredible scientists at NIH, who worked long days and late nights to develop a vaccine.  All of you represent what is best about America and what’s possible when we lead.

And we’re also here to mark a transition in our fight against this disease -- not to declare mission accomplished, but to mark a transition.  Thanks to the hard work of our nearly 3,000 troops who deployed to West Africa, logistics have been set up, Ebola treatment units have been built, over 1,500 African health workers have been trained, and volunteers around the world gained the confidence to join the fight.  We were a force multiplier.  It wasn’t just what we put in; it’s the fact that when we put it in, people looked around and said, all right, America has got our back, so we’ll come too.  And as a result, more than 1,500 of our troops have been able to return. 

Today, I’m announcing that by April 30th, all but 100 who will remain to help support the ongoing response, all but those hundred will also be able to come home -- not because the job is done, but because they were so effective in setting up the infrastructure, that we are now equipped to deal with the job that needs to be done in West Africa, not only with a broader, international coalition, but also with folks who have been trained who are from the countries that were most at risk.

So I want to be very clear here:  While our troops are coming home, America’s work is not done.  Our mission is not complete.  Today, we move into the next phase of the fight, winding down our military response while expanding our civilian response.  That starts here at home, where we’re more prepared to protect Americans from infectious disease, but still have more work to do.  For as long as Ebola simmers anywhere in the world, we will have some Ebola fighting heroes who are coming back home with the disease from time to time.  And that’s why we’re screening and monitoring all arrivals from affected countries.  We’ve equipped more hospitals with new protective gear and protocols.  We’ve developed partnerships with states and cities, thanks to public servants like Mayor Mike Rawlings and Judge Clay Jenkins of Dallas, Texas, who were on the front lines when the first case appeared here on our shores. 

A few months ago, only 13 states had the capability to even test for Ebola.  Today, we have more than 54 labs in 44 states.  Only three facilities in the country were qualified to treat an Ebola patient.  Today, we have 51 Ebola treatment centers.  We have successfully treated eight Ebola patients here in the United States.  And we are grateful to be joined by six of these brave survivors today, including Dr. Richard Sacra, who received world-class care at Nebraska Medical Center -- and a plasma donation from Dr. Kent Brantly.  Then he returned to Liberia to treat non-Ebola patients who still need doctors.  That’s the kind of commitment and the kind of people we’re dealing with here.  (Applause.)

Meanwhile, in West Africa, it’s true that we have led a massive global effort to combat this epidemic.  We mobilized other countries to join us in making concrete, significant commitments to fight this disease, and to strengthen global health systems for the long term.  In addition to the work of our troops, our USAID DART teams have directed the response.  Our CDC disease detectives have traced contacts.  Our health care workers and scientists helped contain the outbreak.  Our team is providing support for 10,000 civilian responders on the ground. 

That’s what Brett Sedgewick did.  Where’s Brett?  There here is.  (Laughter.)  So Brett went to Liberia with Global Communities, which is an NGO that partnered with us to respond to Ebola.  Brett supported safe-burial teams that traveled to far-flung corners of Liberia to ensure that those who lost their lives to Ebola were carefully, safely, and respectfully buried so that they could not transmit the disease to anyone else.  And Brett reflects the spirit of so many volunteers when he said, “If you need me, just say the word.”  That’s a simple but profound statement. 

That’s who we are -- big-hearted and optimistic, reflecting the can-do spirit of the American people.  That’s our willingness to help those in need.  They’re the values of Navy Lieutenant Andrea McCoy and her team.  Andrea, raise your hand so that I don’t look -- (laughter).  Andrea and her team deployed some seven tons of equipment, processed over 1,800 blood samples.  They’re the values that drive Commander Billy Pimentel.  Where’s Billy?  Raise your hand.

COMMANDER PIMENTEL:  Here, sir.

THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you, sir.  (Laughter.)  Like that Navy can-do attitude. 

He led a team of Naval microbiologists to set up mobile laboratories that can diagnose Ebola within four hours.  And he said, “It has been an honor for us to use our skills to make a difference.” 

These values -- American values -- matter to the world.  At the Monrovia Medical Unit in Liberia -- built by American troops; staffed by Rear Admiral Giberson and his team from the U.S. Public Health Service Corps -- a nurse’s aide named Rachael Walker went in for treatment, and left Ebola-free.  And I want you to listen to what Rachael’s sister said about all of you.  “We were worried at first,” she said, “but when we found out [Rachael] was being transferred to the American Ebola treatment unit, we thanked God first and then we thanked America second for caring about us.” 

And the Americans who she was speaking of aren’t just doctors or nurses, or soldiers or scientists.  You’re what one lieutenant commander from the U.S. Public Health Service Corps called the “hope multipliers.”  And you’ve multiplied a lot of hope.  Last fall, we saw between 800 and 1,000 new cases a week. Today, we’re seeing between 100 and 150 cases a week -- a drop of more than 80 percent.  Liberia has seen the best progress, Sierra Leone is moving in the right direction, Guinea has the longest way left to go.

Our focus now is getting to zero.  Because as long as there is even one case of Ebola that’s active out there, risks still exist.  Every case is an ember that, if not contained, can light a new fire.  So we’re shifting our focus from fighting the epidemic to now extinguishing it. 

The reason we can do that is because of a bipartisan majority in Congress, including some of the members who are here today, who approved funding to power this next phase in our response.  And I want to thank those members of Congress who are here for the outstanding work that they did.  (Applause.)  One of them, Chris Coons, recently traveled to the region and saw firsthand that we have to continue this fight in Africa. 

So while our troops are coming home, plenty of American heroes remain on the ground, with even more on the way.  Doctors and nurses are still treating patients, CDC experts are tracking cases, NIH teams are testing vaccines, USAID workers are in the field, and countless American volunteers are on the front lines.  And while I take great pride in the fact that our government organized this effort -- and I particularly want to thank Secretary Burwell and her team at Health and Human Services for the outstanding work that they did -- we weren’t working alone.  I just had a chance to meet with some leading philanthropists who did so much, and are now committed to continuing the work and finding new ways in which we can build platforms not only to finish the job with respect to Ebola, but also to be able to do more effective surveillance, prevention, and quick response to diseases in the future.   

Other nations have joined the fight, and we’re going to keep working together -- because our common security depends on all of us.  That’s why we launched the Global Health Security Agenda last year to bring more nations together to better prevent and detect and respond to future outbreaks before they become epidemics.  This was a wakeup call, and why it’s going to be so important for us to learn lessons from what we’ve done and sustain it into the future. 

And in the 21st century, we cannot built moats around our countries.  There are no drawbridges to be pulled up.  We shouldn’t try.  What we should do is instead make sure everybody has basic health systems -- from hospitals to disease detectives to better laboratory networks -- (applause) -- all of which allows us to get early warnings against outbreaks of diseases.  This is not charity.  The investments we make overseas are in our self-interest -- this is not charity; we do this because the world is interconnected -- in the same way that the investments we make in NIH are not a nice-to-do, they are a must-do.  We don’t appreciate basic science and all these folks in lab coats until there’s a real problem and we say, well, do we have a cure for that, or can we fix it?  And if we haven't made those investments, if we’ve neglected them, then they won’t be there when we need them.

So as we transition into a new phase in this fight, make no mistake -- America is as committed as ever, I am as committed as ever to getting to zero.  And I know we can.  And I know this because of the people who stand behind me and the people out in the audience.  I know this because of people like Dr. William Walters.  William, you here?

DR. WALTERS:  Sir.

THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  (Laughter.) 

Dr. Walters is the Director of Operational Medicine at the State Department.  Last summer, he was called to help move Dr. Kent Brantly -- who’s here -- back to the United States for treatment.  And Dr. Walters says the first thing he did was to Google Dr. Brantly.  (Laughter.)  A little plug for Google there.  I know we got some -- (laughter.)  And the first picture he saw was of Kent and his family. 

Now, remember, the decision to move Kent back to the United States was controversial.  Some worried about bringing the disease to our shores.  But what folks like William knew was that we had to make the decisions based not on fear, but on science.  And he knew that we needed to take care of our heroes who had sacrificed so much to save the lives of others in order for us to continue to get people to make that kind of commitment.  They had to know we had their backs in order for us to effectively respond.  And so, as William said, “We do the work we do to impact something bigger than ourselves.”  We do the work we do to impact something bigger than ourselves. 

That’s the test of American leadership.  We have this extraordinary military.  We have an extraordinary economy.  We have unbelievable businesses.  But what makes us exceptional is when there’s a big challenge and we hear somebody saying it’s too hard to tackle, and we come together as a nation and prove you wrong.  That’s true whether it’s recession, or war, or terrorism.  There are those who like to fan fears.  But over the long haul, America does not succumb to fear.  We master the moment with bravery and courage, and selflessness and sacrifice, and relentless, unbending hope.  That’s what these people represent.  That’s what’s best in us.  And we have to remember that, because there will be other circumstances like this in the future. 

We had three weeks in which all too often we heard science being ignored, and sensationalism, but you had folks like this who were steady and focused, and got the job done.  And we’re lucky to have them, and we have to invest in them.

So I want to thank all of you for proving again what America can accomplish.  God bless you.  God bless the United States of America.  Thank you.  (Applause.)
   
END
2:03 P.M. EST

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks as Prepared for Delivery by Assistant to the President for Homeland Security and Counterterrorism Lisa O. Monaco Strengthening our Nation’s Cyber Defenses

**Remarks as Prepared for Delivery**

Assistant to the President for Homeland Security and Counterterrorism Lisa O. Monaco
Strengthening our Nation’s Cyber Defenses
The Wilson Center
Washington, D.C.
Tuesday, February 10, 2015

Good afternoon, everyone.  Thank you, Jane, for your kind words, for your leadership on national security, and to everyone here at the Wilson Center for hosting me today.  Some of you may not know this, but my very first job in Washington, I’m afraid to admit nearly 25 years ago, was working as a research assistant at the Wilson Quarterly—back when it was a quarterly, paper journal.  Now, like everything else in our world, the Wilson Quarterly is online and much more up-to-the-minute.  So today feels a bit like coming home.  

Before I get to my main subject today, I’d like to say a few words about the terrible news of this morning.  With deep sadness, we have confirmed the death of Kayla Mueller, who had been held hostage by ISIL for more than a year.  Today, our hearts go out to her family, and my thoughts in particular are with her parents, Carl and Marsha Mueller, who have shown strength and dignity over many difficult months.  Kayla represented the best of us—she was a testament to the boundless human spirit, and her legacy of compassion will serve as an inspiration to all those who seek to make our world a more just place.  Her life reaffirms a clear truth:  that a hateful and barbarous terrorist group like ISIL will never overcome the basic decency and hope that dwells in the human heart.  And, as the President made clear, we will find and bring to justice the terrorists who are responsible for Kayla’s captivity and death—no matter how long it takes.   

As President Obama’s Homeland Security and Counterterrorism Advisor, I brief him every morning on the most significant, destructive, and horrific threats facing the American people.  I am oftentimes, as the President reminds me, the “bearer of bad news.”  Since I began this job two years ago, I can tell you that an increasing share of the bad news I deliver is unfortunately on cyber threats.  In just the last nine months,  we’ve seen a growing list of high profile targets – Home Depot, JP Morgan Chase, Target, Sony Pictures, CENTCOM, and the U.S. Postal Service, to name a few.

We are at a transformational moment in the evolution of the cyber threat.  The actions we take today – and those we fail to take – will determine whether cyberspace remains a great national asset or increasingly becomes a strategic liability.  An economic and national security strength, or a source of vulnerability. 

So today, I want to talk about the threat we face and the Administration’s approach to countering it, drawing on counterterrorism lessons learned from the last decade of war. 

Let me start with the facts.  According to a recent U.S. Government assessment, cyber threats to our national and economic security are increasing in their frequency, scale, sophistication, and severity of impact.  The range of cyber threat actors, methods of attack, targeted systems, and victims are expanding at an unprecedented clip.  

The pace of cyber intrusions has also ticked up substantially—annual reports of data breaches have increased roughly five-fold since 2009.  And the seriousness of those breaches is also rising, causing significant economic damage.

No one, it seems, is immune – from healthcare companies and universities to the tech industry, critical infrastructure, and entertainment sector.  Just last week, Anthem, one of the nation’s largest health insurance providers, announced that hackers had breached a database containing the personal information of 80 million customers and employees.  Inside the U.S. government, we know that state and non-state actors, terrorists, hackers, and criminals are probing our networks every day – seeking to steal, spy, manipulate, and destroy data.  

At the state level, threats come from nations with highly sophisticated cyber programs, including China and Russia, and nations with less technical capacity but greater disruptive intent, like Iran and North Korea.  Several nations regularly conduct cyber economic espionage for the commercial gain of their companies.  And politically motivated attacks are a growing reality, as we saw with North Korea’s attack on South Korean banks and media outlets last year.

As for non-state actors, threats are increasingly originating from profit-motivated criminals—so-called hackers for hire—those who steal your information and sell it to the highest bidder online.  Transnational criminals use cyber as a vector for profit.  There are the ideologically motivated hackers or terrorists.  You have groups like Anonymous that thrive on creating disruptions on company’s websites and leaking personal information online.  You have groups like the so-called Syrian Electronic Army, which conducts cyber attacks in support of the brutal regime in Syria. 

And then there is ISIL, which has harnessed social media for a propaganda machine that’s radicalizing and recruiting young people to their hateful message around the world.

Most concerning, perhaps, is the increasingly destructive and malicious nature of cyber attacks, as we saw with Sony Pictures Entertainment last fall.  This attack stole large amounts of data and rendered inoperable thousands of Sony’s computers and servers.  It was a game changer because it wasn’t about profit—it was about a dictator trying to impose censorship and prevent the exercise of free expression.  At bottom, it was about coercion, which the United States believes is unacceptable, and which is why we took the extraordinary step of publicly identifying North Korea as responsible for the attack and responded swiftly, imposing additional sanctions on Kim Jong-Un’s regime.

In short, the threat is becoming more diverse, more sophisticated, and more dangerous.

And I worry that malicious attacks like the one on Sony Pictures will increasingly become the norm unless we adapt quickly and take a comprehensive approach, just as we have in other contexts.  Which brings me to the counterterrorism model.

Now, to be sure, there are many differences that make it difficult to apply lessons learned from the counterterrorism experience to cyber.  For one, the private sector plays a more central role in spotting and responding to cyber incidents than they do in the counterterrorism realm, where the government largely takes the lead. 

Having observed our Nation’s response to terrorism post 9/11 from three different perches in the U.S. government—at the FBI, as Assistant Attorney General for National Security at the Department of Justice, and now at the White House—I can tell you there are structural, organizational, and cultural shifts that were made in our government in the counterterrorism realm that also apply to cyber.  We need to develop the same muscle memory in the government response to cyber threats as we have for terrorist incidents.

Structurally, since 9/11 our government has done the hard work of breaking down walls in our counterterrorism agencies and bringing people together to share information so that we get the best possible assessment of the threat.  Whenever possible, we’re bringing partners together to share information and extend our operational reach.  This model has made our counterterrorism mission against an evolving enemy more effective and sustainable.   

Like counterterrorism, meeting cyber threats requires a whole-of-government approach that uses all the appropriate tools available to us—including our global diplomacy, our economic clout, our intelligence resources, our law enforcement expertise, our competitive technological edge, and, when necessary, our military capability.  Those who would harm us should know that they can be found and will be held to account.

In the cyber context, we need to share threat information more broadly and coordinate our actions so that we’re all working to achieve the same goal—and we have to do so consistent with our fundamental values and in a manner that includes appropriate protections for privacy and civil liberties.  We need to sync up our intelligence with our operations and respond quickly to threats against our citizens, our companies, and our Nation. 

Make no mistake.  Over the last few years, we have developed new and better ways to collaborate across all levels of government and with our partners in the private sector—including at the operational hubs in our government charged with monitoring threats, issuing warnings, sharing information, and protecting America’s critical infrastructure. 

At the White House, we’ve taken steps to improve our policy response.  Last summer, following a rising number of breaches and intrusions to public and private networks, we created the Cyber Response Group, or CRG—modeled on the highly effective and long-standing Counterterrorism Security Group.  The CRG convenes the interagency and pools knowledge about ongoing threats and attacks and coordinates all elements of our government’s response at the highest levels. 

Despite this progress, it has become clear that we can do more as a government to quickly consolidate, analyze, and provide assessments on fast-moving threats or attacks.  As President Obama said during the State of the Union last month, we will make “sure our government integrates intelligence to combat cyber threats, just as we have done to combat terrorism.” 

So today, I’m pleased to announce that we will establish a new Cyber Threat Intelligence Integration Center, or CTIIC, under the auspices of the Director of National Intelligence.  Currently, no single government entity is responsible for producing coordinated cyber threat assessments, ensuring that information is shared rapidly among existing Cyber Centers and other elements within the government, and supporting the work of operators and policy makers with timely intelligence about the latest cyber threats and threat actors.  The CTIIC is intended to fill these gaps. 

In this vein, CTIIC will serve a similar function for cyber as the National Counterterrorism Center does for terrorism—integrating intelligence about cyber threats; providing all-source analysis to policymakers and operators; and supporting the work of the existing Federal government Cyber Centers, network defenders, and local law enforcement communities.  The CTIIC will not collect intelligence—it will analyze and integrate information already collected under existing authorities. 

Nor will it perform functions already assigned to other Centers.  It is intended to enable them to do their jobs more effectively, and as a result, make the Federal government more effective as a whole in responding to cyber threats.  CTIIC will draw on the existing Cyber Centers to better integrate their relevant expertise and information to improve our collective response to threats. 

Of course, responding to today’s threat is only part of the task.  The real challenge is getting ahead of where the threat is trending.  That’s why the President’s National Security Strategy identifies cyber as a critical focus area to ensure we both meet the challenges of today and prepare for the threats we will face tomorrow.  The President’s new budget backs up this commitment with $14 billion to protect our critical infrastructure, government networks, and other systems. 

And later this week, at Stanford University, President Obama and I and several Cabinet members will join hundreds of experts, academics, and private sector representatives for a first-of-its-kind summit to discuss how we can improve trust, enhance cooperation, and strengthen America’s online consumer protections and cyber defenses. 

But to truly safeguard Americans online and enhance the security of what has become a vast cyber ecosystem, we are going to have to work in lock-step with the private sector. 

The private sector cannot and should not rely on the government to solve all of its cybersecurity problems.  At the same time, I want to emphasize that the government won’t leave the private sector to fend for itself.  Partnership is a precondition of success—there’s no other way to tackle such a complicated problem.  It requires daily collaboration to identify and analyze threats, address vulnerabilities, and then work together to respond jointly. 

To the private sector, we’ve made it clear that we will work together.  We’re not going to bottle up our intelligence—if we have information about a significant threat to a business, we’re going to do our utmost to share it.  In fact, within 24 hours of learning about the Sony Pictures Entertainment attack, the U.S. government pushed out information and malware signatures to the private sector to update their cyber defenses.  We want this flow of information to go both ways. 

The private sector has vital information we don’t always see unless they share it with us, and the government has a unique capacity to integrate information about threats, including non-cyber sources, to create the best possible picture to secure all of our networks.

When companies share information with us about a major cyber intrusion or a potentially debilitating denial of service attack, they can expect us to respond quickly.  We will provide as much information as we can about the threat to assist companies in protecting their networks and critical information.  We will coordinate a quick and unified response from government experts, including at DHS and the FBI.  We will look to determine who the actor is and hold them to account.  And, as we respond to attacks, we will bring to bear all of the tools available to us and draw on the full range of government resources to disrupt threats.  

I want to commend companies that have shown strong leadership by coming forward as soon as they identify breaches and seeking assistance so we can work together and address threats more rapidly—which is good for the company, good for the consumer, and good for the government.  Across the board, we’re tearing down silos, increasing communication, and developing the flexibility and agility to respond to cyber threats of the 21st century, just as we have done in the counterterrorism world.    

Moving forward, as our lives become more and more dependent on the Internet, and the amount of territory we have to defend keeps expanding, our strategy will focus on four key elements. 

First, we need to improve our defenses—employing better basic preventative cybersecurity, like the steps outlined in the Cybersecurity Framework announced last year, would enable every organization to manage cyber risk more effectively.  But even just employing basic cyber hygiene could stop a large percentage of the intrusions we face, so we’ve got to start by getting the basics rights.      

Second, we need to improve our ability to disrupt, respond to, and recover from cyber threats.  That means using the full strength of the United States government—not just our cyber tools—to raise the costs for bad actors and deter malicious actions.

Third, we need to enhance international cooperation, including between our law enforcement agencies, so that when criminals anywhere in the world target innocent users online, we can hold them accountable—just as we do when people commit crimes in the physical world. 

And fourth, we need to make cyberspace intrinsically more secure—replacing passwords with more secure technologies, building more resilient networks, and enhancing consumer protections online, to start with.

President Obama will continue to do everything within his authority to harden our cyber defenses, but executive actions alone will not be enough.  We need durable, long-term solutions, codified in law that bolster the Nation’s cyber defenses.  This is not, and should not, be a partisan issue.  The future security of the United States depends on a strong, bipartisan consensus that responds to a growing national security concern.  Everyone shares responsibility here, including the Congress.

In December, Congress passed important bills to modernize how the government protects its systems and to clarify the government’s authorities to carry out its cyber missions.  Today, we need the Congress to build on that progress by passing the package of cybersecurity measures that President Obama announced last month that encourage greater information sharing, set a national standard for companies to report data breaches, and provide law enforcement with updated tools to combat cybercrime.  And we look to Congress to pass a budget with critical funding for cybersecurity, including for DHS.  The Administration is ready to work with Congress to pass these measures as quickly as possible. 

Cybersecurity is and will remain a defining challenge of the 21st century.  With more than three billion internet users around the world and as many as ten billion internet-connected devices, there’s no putting this genie back in the bottle.  We have to get this right.  Our prosperity and security depend upon the Internet being secure against threats; reliable in our ability to access information; open to all who seek to harness the opportunities of the Internet age; and interoperable to ensure the free flow of information across networks and nations. 

But we are at a crossroads, and the clock is ticking.  The choices we make today will define the threat environment we face tomorrow. 

All of us have a responsibility to act—to take preventative measures to defend our systems; to build greater resilience into our networks to bounce back from attacks; to break down silos and improve information sharing and the integration and analysis of threats; to pass cybersecurity legislation; and to ensure we take a comprehensive, whole-of-government approach to respond to cyber attacks, just as we do in other contexts.   

These are hard and complicated issues.  But I’m confident that working together—government, industry, advocacy groups, the public, and Congress—our networks will be safer, our privacy protected, and our future more secure. I look forward to tackling these threats with all of you.  Thanks very much. 

The White House

Office of the Vice President

Remarks as Prepared for Delivery by Dr. Jill Biden at the 2015 Community College National Legislative Summit

Community colleges have entered a new day in America.  As an educator, I am proud to be part of an administration that is committed to investing in our students, and restoring the promise of the American education system.

In the depths of the recession, this administration saw higher education as critical to our plans to revitalize the American economy, and moved quickly to support students and their families.  In the first few months in office, we increased the dollar amount of Pell Grants as well as the number of students who qualify; increased tuition tax credits; let students cap their federal student loan payments at 10 percent of their income; and streamlined the financial aid process. 

Since then, we have invested two billion dollars into 700 colleges, to strengthen partnerships between community colleges and employers to create the next generation of skilled workers.  In fact, tomorrow, my husband Joe, the Vice President, will be in Iowa at Des Moines Area Community College to highlight the importance of helping more Americans go to college and the critical role that partnerships between community colleges and employers can play in helping Americans obtain the skills they need to succeed in the workforce.

Last year, Joe launched an apprenticeship initiative—a partnership among community colleges and employers—to provide a career pathway for workers, setting them on an upward trajectory for life.  In January, Joe and I traveled to Knoxville with President Obama where he announced his America’s College Promise proposal—to make two years of community college free for responsible students. 

This administration recognizes the value of community colleges, and in investing in them.  We believe they are vital to the future of our country, because by the end of this decade two-thirds of all job openings will require some form of higher education.  Currently, nearly half of all undergraduate students attend community colleges.

For the past six years, we have worked to highlight the importance of community colleges to America’s future.  At the President’s request, I hosted the first-ever White House Summit on Community Colleges in 2010, and over the past few years we’ve seen the leadership of faculty and administration at community colleges across the country make transformative change on their campuses to help improve outcomes for their students.  

I have travelled across the country, from Seattle to Miami, and from Texas to New York, visiting over 60 of your campuses to see firsthand how community colleges are able to increase employment opportunities for students and workers.  I met many of you during my Community College to Career bus tour. 

At one of the stops, I visited Wytheville Community College in rural Virginia.  The school serves as a hub for workforce training, and helps to meet the needs of one the largest employers in the region: Gatorade.  I met students and workers, including women in their forties, who were able to go back to school and recast themselves for good-paying, middle-class jobs at the Gatorade plant.  Wytheville had gone through an incredible revitalization in large part due to the flexibility of its community college. 

This story replicates itself time and time again across this nation.  That’s what's so special about community colleges.  They open the doors for so many Americans, new and returning students, to enter the middle class and are foundational to strengthening state and local economies.  As Horace Mann said, “Education then, beyond all other devices of human origin, is the great equalizer.”

We all have our own stories on why we are passionate about education.  For me, it is my grandmother.  She taught at an old-fashioned, one-room schoolhouse where three grades of students were piled into one classroom.  My grandmother would take me with her to school and used to let me ring the brass school bell to call her students to class.  I still have that bell. 

It was my grandmother who developed my love of reading.  She read to me all the time, so I grew up loving to read.  When I was in college, I realized that so many kids could not read or did not love to read the way I did.  That is when I decided I was going to become a reading specialist.  I wanted to share and teach that love of reading, like my grandmother did with me.

So, after I earned my Master’s degree in remedial reading, I began teaching as a reading specialist in public high schools.  From there, I taught English at a psychiatric hospital for adolescents, and I continue to teach English as a full-time professor at a community college in Northern Virginia.  In fact, I will be back in my classroom tomorrow morning.  I have been an educator for more than 30 years, and I have spent the last 20 years teaching at community colleges. 

In 2008, after the President and Vice President were first elected to the White House, I told Joe that not only would I use my position as Second Lady to highlight the critical role of community colleges in creating the best, most-educated workforce in the world, but I would continue teaching as well.  So, one week after inauguration, I was back in the classroom.  Because, teaching is not what I do; it is who I am.

Teaching is my life’s work.  I teach because I love seeing the difference that I hope to make in my students lives.  My goal is to always give them confidence in their own abilities, because I know confidence will carry them well beyond my classroom in whatever they do. 

As I work hard every day to inspire my students, it is ultimately they who inspire me.  Every day in my classroom I see the power of education to break down barriers and to open students’ eyes to the possibilities around them. 

In my classes, I find single parents who come to school in the evening, weary from a long day, yet eager to create a brighter future for their children.  I have taught veterans who return to the classroom to complete their higher education as they look to transition to civilian careers.  I have seen workers, who have gone as far as they can in their jobs, get the skills they need to reach the next level.

I see it over and over again because the students are so committed to furthering their education.  I can honestly say that my students are my heroes.  I am profoundly moved by their determination to learn, and their quest to make a better life for themselves and their families. 

I know that many of you have also seen students transformed by new ideas.  But, as important as these individual success stories are, we all know that the responsibility for educating students is not the student’s alone.  It is a responsibility that belongs to all of us. 

Community colleges are uniquely positioned to fulfill this responsibility—to meet the needs of the actual community where they live—whether that means partnering with local employers on credentialing, working to make sure classes are flexible for working families, or supporting a seamless transition to a four-year degree.  Because, we all reap the benefits when our citizens are well-educated and well-trained.  It means that our economies are more vibrant, and our future is brighter.

You understand that better than anyone.  Which is why we need you.  As you heard, during the State of the Union, President Obama has big plans for community colleges and this administration needs you to keep making your voices heard, and to bring others into the fold.

Over the next few months, the administration is going to build a coalition of elected officials, business leaders, philanthropists and, most importantly, higher education leaders like all of you to support our efforts to strengthen community colleges, because all Americans deserve the opportunity to reach their full potential. 

On behalf of the President, First Lady Michelle Obama, and my husband Joe, thank you for your leadership, and for your continued partnership.

This is the moment for community colleges to shine.

Thank you.

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by President Obama and Chancellor Merkel in Joint Press Conference

East Room
 
12:04 P.M. EST
 
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Good morning, everybody.  Please be seated.  As always, it is a great pleasure to welcome my close friend and partner, Chancellor Angela Merkel, back to the White House.  Angela, of course, has been here many times.  But this visit is a chance for me to congratulate her on two achievements. Well into her third term, Angela is now one of Germany’s longest-serving chancellors.  Perhaps more importantly, this is my first opportunity to publicly congratulate Angela and Germany on their fourth World Cup title.  As we all saw in Rio, Angela is one of her team’s biggest fans.  Our U.S. team, however, gets better each World Cup, so watch out in 2018.  (Laughter.)    
 
Germany is one of our strongest allies, so whenever we meet it’s an opportunity to coordinate closely on a whole range of issues critical to our shared security and prosperity.  As Angela and our German friends prepare to host the G7 this spring, it’s also important for us to be able to coordinate on a set of shared goals. 
 
And at our working lunch this afternoon, we’ll focus on what we can do to keep the economy growing and creating jobs.  As strong supporters of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, we agree that there needs to be meaningful progress this year toward an agreement that boosts our economies with strong protections for consumers and workers and the environment.  
 
I look forward to hearing Angela’s assessment of how Europe and the IMF can work with the new Greek government to find a way that returns Greece to sustainable growth within the Eurozone, where growth is critical to both the United States and the global economy.  And we’ll be discussing our work to get all major economies to take ambitious action on climate change, including our initiative to limit public financing for coal-fired power plants overseas and our global efforts to phase down some of the most dangerous greenhouse gases. 
 
Our discussion this morning focused on global security issues.  We reaffirmed our commitment to training Afghan security forces and supporting a sovereign, secure and united Afghanistan. We agree that the international community has to continue enforcing existing sanctions as part of our diplomatic effort to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon, even as the P5-plus-1 works closely together to do everything we can to try to achieve a good, verifiable deal.  
 
Two issues in particular that dominated our workday this morning -- Russia’s aggression against Ukraine and the international fight against ISIL.  
 
With regard to Russia and the separatists it supports in Ukraine, it’s clear that they’ve violated just about every commitment they made in the Minsk agreement.  Instead of withdrawing from eastern Ukraine, Russian forces continue to operate there, training separatists and helping to coordinate attacks.  Instead of withdrawing its arms, Russia has sent in more tanks and armored personnel carriers and heavy artillery.  With Russian support, the separatists have seized more territory and shelled civilian areas, destroyed villages and driven more Ukrainians from their homes.  These are the facts.
 
But Russian aggression has only reinforced the unity of the United States and Germany and our allies and partners around the world.  And I want to thank Angela for her strong leadership and partnership as we’ve met this challenge.  Chancellor Merkel and Vice President Biden met with Ukrainian President Poroshenko in Munich over the weekend, and Angela also shared with me the results of her talks in Moscow.  We continue to encourage a diplomatic resolution to this issue.  And as diplomatic efforts continue this week, we are in absolute agreement that the 21st century cannot stand idle -- have us stand idle and simply allow the borders of Europe to be redrawn at the barrel of a gun.    
 
So today we’ve agreed to move forward with our strategy.  Along with our NATO allies, we’ll keep bolstering our presence in central and Eastern Europe -- part of our unwavering Article 5 obligation to our collective defense.  We will continue to work with the IMF and other partners to provide Ukraine with critical financial support as it pursues economic and anti-corruption reforms.  We discussed the issue of how best to assist Ukraine as it defends itself, and we agreed that sanctions on Russia need to remain fully in force until Russia complies fully with its obligations.  
 
Even as we continue to work for a diplomatic solution, we are making it clear again today that if Russia continues on its current course -- which is ruining the Russian economy and hurting the Russian people, as well as having such a terrible effect on Ukraine -- Russia’s isolation will only worsen, both politically and economically.
 
With regard to ISIL, Germany and the United States remain united in our determination to destroy this barbaric organization.  I thanked Angela for her strong support as a member of the international coalition that is working in Iraq.  In a significant milestone in its foreign policy, Germany has taken the important step of equipping Kurdish forces in Iraq, and Germany is preparing to lead the training mission of local forces in Erbil.  Germany is a close partner in combating the threat of foreign terrorist fighters, which was the focus of a special session of the U.N. Security Council that I chaired last fall.  And under Angela’s leadership, Germany is moving ahead with new legislation to prevent fighters from traveling to and from Syria and Iraq.
 
At the same time, both Angela and I recognize that young people in both our countries, especially in Muslim communities, are being threatened and targeted for recruitment by terrorists like al Qaeda and ISIL.   And protecting our young people from this hateful ideology, so that they’re not vulnerable to such recruitment, is, first and foremost, a task for local communities, families, neighbors, faith leaders who know their communities best.  But we can help these communities, starting with the tone and the example that we set in our own countries.  
 
So I want to commend Angela for her leadership, speaking out forcefully against xenophobia and prejudice and on behalf of pluralism and diversity.  She’s made it clear that all religious communities have a place in Germany, just as they do here in the United States.  And we’re grateful that our German friends will be joining us at our summit next week on countering violent extremism, because this is a challenge our countries have to meet together. 
 
And let me end on an historic note.  This year marks the 70th anniversary of the end of the Second World War.  It marks the 25th anniversary of the reunification of Germany.  So in a time when conflicts around the world sometimes seem intractable, when progress sometimes seems beyond grasp, Germany’s story gives us hope.  We can end wars.  Countries can rebuild.  Adversaries can become allies.  Walls can come down.  Divisions can be healed.  Germany’s story -- and the story of Angela’s life -- remind us that when free people stand united, our interests and our values will ultimately prevail.  
 
And as we look to the future, as I prepare to visit Bavaria in June, I’m grateful for my partnership with Angela, as Americans are grateful for their partnership with the people of Germany.
 
Chancellor Merkel.
 
CHANCELLOR MERKEL:  (As interpreted.)  Thank you, President, dear Barack.  I’m delighted to be back in Washington.  Nine months ago, we were here for the last time, and this visit here has a lot to do with, first and foremost, the fact that we have assumed the presidency of the G7 presidency this year, and that we coordinate on these matters very closely, as we do on others. And obviously, we’ll address issues related to the global economy when we meet in Bavaria, in Schloss Elmau, in the summer.
 
From a European vantage point, I think we can say that we have made significant progress in a number of areas.  We have countries who are now back on the growth path.  Ireland comes to mind here in particular, but also Spain and Portugal.  After a strong phase of structural reforms, they have now made significant progress.  The new Commissioner that’s come in office has launched a growth program in which Germany will participate. 
 
We will pin our hopes basically on growth and infrastructure, but also on other growth projects.  For example, the digital economy. If I think of the state of the digital economy in the United States, there is a lot of things to be done by the Europeans now.
 
I would say that a free trade agreement, the conclusion of a free trade agreement, for example, would also go a long way towards boosting growth.  We know that you are very much engaged in the Asia Pacific area -- there are a lot of free trade agreements there as well.  And Germany will come out very forcefully in seeing that the negotiations between the EU and the United States on free trade agreements are pursued in a vigorous manner.  It’s in our own vested interest -- in the interest of the United States but also in the German interest.
 
We are dealing basically in our G7 agenda with health issues.  Let me just mention one -- what sort of lessons have we drawn, for example, from the terrible Ebola epidemic.  I think the one thing that we’ve learned is that the international organizations, the international community has to be quicker in reacting to such epidemics.  And the G7 can give a very important contribution to doing this.  
 
And we’re also interested, for example, in seeing Gavi be successful.  We’re delighted to be able to conclude the replenishment conference that has just been completed in Germany so successfully.  
 
Then we dealt with security issues this morning.  It is true Germany this year celebrates the 25th anniversary of its reunification.  This would not have been possible, not have been achievable without our transatlantic partners, without the support of the United States of America.  And we will always be grateful for this.  And it is one case in point that it is well worth the effort to stand by one’s values for decades to pursue long-term goals and not relent in those efforts.
 
After we thought in the ‘90s maybe that things would turn out somewhat more easily, somewhat less complicated, now we see ourselves confronted with a whole wealth of conflicts, and very complex ones.  We worked together in Afghanistan -- we talked about this as well.  Germany has decided, in its fight against IS, to give help to deliver training missions, to deliver also weapons, and, if necessary.  We work together on the Iran nuclear program, where we also enter into a crucial phase of negotiations.
 
One particular priority was given to the conflict between Ukraine and Russia this morning.  We stand up for the same principles of inviolability of territorial integrity.  For somebody who comes from Europe, I can only say if we give up this principle of territorial integrity of countries, then we will not be able to maintain the peaceful order of Europe that we’ve been able to achieve.  This is not just any old point, it’s an essential, a crucial point, and we have to stand by it.  And Russia has violated the territorial integrity of Ukraine in two respects:  in Crimea, and also in Donetsk and Luhansk.  
 
So we are called upon now to come up with solutions, but not in the sense of a mediator, but we also stand up for the interests of the European peaceful order.  And this is what the French President and I have been trying to do over the past few days.  We’re going to continue those efforts.  
 
And I’m very grateful that throughout the Ukraine crisis, we have been in very, very close contact with the United States of America and Europe on sanctions, on diplomatic initiatives.  And this is going to be continued.  And I think that’s, indeed, one of the most important messages we can send to Russia, and need to send to Russia. 
 
We continue to pursue a diplomatic solution, although we have suffered a lot of setbacks.  These days we will see whether all sides are ready and willing to come to a negotiated settlement.  I’ve always said I don’t see a military solution to this conflict, but we have to put all our efforts in bringing about a diplomatic solution.
 
So there’s a whole host of issues that we need to discuss.  Over lunch, we will continue to talk about climate protection, about sustainable development and the sustainable development goals.  
 
So yet again, thank you very much for the very close cooperation, very close coordination, and the possibility to have an exchange of views on all of these crucial issues.  I think not only in hindsight can we safely say that the United States have always stood by us, have helped us to regain our unity in peace and freedom, but we can also say we continue to cooperate closely if it is about solving the conflicts of the world today.  Unfortunately, there are many of them, and we will continue to do so in the future.
 
Thank you for your hospitality.  
 
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  First question, Steve Mufson, The Washington Post.  
 
Q    Thank you.  You’ve said -- stressed that U.S. and Europe need to have cohesion on the issue of sanctions and on dealing with Ukraine, and yet the administration is discussing sending lethal weapons to Ukraine, which is very different from what the Chancellor has said over the weekend.  So I was wondering whether this was a good cop-bad cop act, or is this a real reflection of difference of views in the situation on the ground.  
 
And more broadly, if there’s no agreement this week, what lies ahead?  Are we looking at a broader set of sanctions?  What makes us think those set of sanction will change the Russian President’s mind any more than the current ones?
 
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, let me start with the broader point. I think both Angela and I have emphasized that the prospect for a military solution to this problem has always been low.  Russia obviously has a extraordinarily powerful military.  And given the length of the Russian border with Ukraine, given the history between Russia and Ukraine, expecting that if Russia is determined that Ukraine can fully rebuff a Russian army has always been unlikely.
 
But what we have said is that the international community, working together, can ratchet up the costs for the violation of the core principle of sovereignty and territorial integrity.  And that’s exactly what we’ve done.  
 
And Russia has paid a significant cost for its actions -- first in Crimea and now in eastern Ukraine.  It has not yet dissuaded Mr. Putin from following the course that he is on, but it has created a measurable negative impact on the Russian economy, and that will continue.  
 
My hope is that through these diplomatic efforts, those costs have become high enough that Mr. Putin’s preferred option is for a diplomatic resolution.  And I won’t prejudge whether or not they’ll be successful.  If they are successful, it will be in part because of the extraordinary patience and effort of Chancellor Merkel and her team.  If they are not, then we will continue to raise those costs.  And we will not relent in that. And one of the things I’ve very encouraged about is the degree to which we’ve been able to maintain U.S.-European unity on this issue.  
 
Now, it is true that if, in fact, diplomacy fails, what I’ve asked my team to do is to look at all options -- what other means can we put in place to change Mr. Putin’s calculus -- and the possibility of lethal defensive weapons is one of those options that’s being examined.  But I have not made a decision about that yet.  I have consulted with not just Angela, but will be consulting with other allies about this issue.  It’s not based on the idea that Ukraine could defeat a Russian army that was determined.  It is rather to see whether or not there are additional things we can do to help Ukraine bolster its defenses in the face of separatist aggression.  But I want to emphasize that a decision has not yet been made. 
 
One of the bigger issues that we’re also concerned with, though, is making sure the Ukrainian economy is functioning and that President Poroshenko and Prime Minister Yatsenyuk can continue with the reform efforts that they’ve made.  And I’m glad to see that because of our cooperation and our efforts, we’re starting to see a package come together with the IMF, with the European Union and others that can help bolster the European economy so that they have the space to continue to execute some of the reforms and anti-corruption measures that they’ve made.
 
One of the most important things we can do for Ukraine is help them succeed economically, because that's how people on the ground feels this change, this transformation, inside of Ukraine. If that experiment fails, then the larger project of an independent Ukraine will fail.  And so we're going to do everything we can to help bolster that.
 
But there is no doubt that if, in fact, diplomacy fails this week, there’s going to continue to be a strong, unified response between the United States and Europe.  That's not going to change.  There may be some areas where there are tactical disagreements; there may not be.  But the broad principle that we have to stand up for not just Ukraine, but the principle of territorial integrity and sovereignty, is one where we are completely unified.
 
CHANCELLOR MERKEL:  (As interpreted.)  The French President and I have decided to make one further attempt to make progress through diplomatic means.  We have the Minsk agreement -- the Minsk agreement has never been implemented.  Quite the contrary is true.  The situation has actually worsened on the ground.  So now there is a possibility to try and bring about a cease-fire and to also create conditions that are in place where you have not every day civilians dying, civilian victims that fall prey to this.  And I’m absolutely confident that we will do this together. 
 
I, myself, actually would not be able to live with not having made this attempt.  So there is anything but an assured success in all of this -- I have to be very clear about this.  But if at a certain point in time, one has to say that success is not possible even if one puts every effort into it, then the United States and Europe have to sit together and try and explore further possibilities of what one can do.  Just let me point out here that foreign ministers of the European Union last week already tasked the Commission to think about further possible sanctions.  
 
On the issue of what is effective and what not, I’m somewhat surprised sometimes.  Just let me mention Iran.  For a fairly long period of time we have had sanctions in place there; people don't seem to question them.  And I think they have been fairly successful, if we look at the current state of affairs with the negotiations on the nuclear program.  So I think, in parallel, I think it was a very good thing to put some costs onto the Russians through these sanctions that we agreed on because we see also that Russia seems to be influenced by this.  And this is why I am a hundred percent behind these decisions.
 
As to the export of arms, I have given you my opinion.   But you may rest assured that no matter what we decide, the alliance between the United States and Europe will continue to stand, will continue to be solid, even though on certain issues we may not always agree.  But this partnership, be it Ukraine and Russia, be it on combating terrorism on the international state, be it on other issues, is a partnership that has stood the test of time and that is -- I mean, in Europe, we're very close.  But this transatlantic partnership for Germany and for Europe is indispensable.  And this will remain so.  And I can say this also on behalf of my colleagues in the European Union.
 
Sorry, I have to call you myself.  From DPA, the German Press Agency.
 
Q    President, you said that you have not yet made a decision as to whether weapons ought to be delivered to Ukraine. What would be your red line?  What would be the red line that needs to be crossed for you to decide an armament of the Ukrainian army?  And what do you think -- will this hold by way of a promise?  Because the Chancellor said it will make matters worse.  And what can the Nobel Laureate Obama do more to defuse this conflict?
 
And, Madam Chancellor, President Putin today demanded yet again that the government in Kyiv negotiate directly with the separatists.  When do you think the right moment has come to do this?  And with looking at all of the big issues that you discussed, this breach of confidence due to the NSA affair, of the U.S.-German relations, has that played a role today?
 
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Do you want to go first on this?
 
CHANCELLOR MERKEL:  (As interpreted.)  I can gladly start.  
 
The question as to how one assesses the effectiveness of certain measures has been actually dealt with.  The President has not yet made a decision, as he said.  What’s important for me is that we stand very closely together on the question of a renewed diplomatic effort.  We keep each other informed.  We’re in close touch.  And nobody wishes more for a success than the two of us who stand here side by side.
 
But this would also mean not only having a cease-fire in place, but to also, over and above that, having certain rules in place.  And you said the Russian President himself thinks there ought to be direct contacts.  Let me just point out to you, these direct contacts already exist through the trilateral contact group with representatives from Donetsk and Luhansk.  And the problem over the last few days, and the problem of the last meetings actually was rather more than that, there was not really that much of an end result -- if they matter at all, or if representatives from Donetsk and Luhansk were there at all.  Sometimes they didn’t even arrive.  
 
And this was, after all, for me, the core of the Minsk agreement, that there are local elections in accordance with the Ukrainian constitution and that the outcome of that is that you have representatives, authorities that can speak for those regions.  And the Ukrainian President has paved the way for this, to giving certain specific status to the oblasts of Luhansk and Donetsk.  And these elections are an essential point that will then enable us to say, well, maybe now there can be contacts even without a trilateral group.  
 
And this is actually on the agenda of the many talks that we need to make.  But I can very well understand the Ukrainian side, that the territory they consider to be part of their territory and that anything else would violate their territorial integrity, that they want to actually see that elections take place there.  And that has also been stated by President Putin that he wishes to see those elections happening there. 
 
Now, on the NSA issue.  I think there are still different assessments on individual issues there, but if we look at the sheer dimension of the terrorist threat, we are more than aware of the fact that we need to work together very closely.  And I, as German Chancellor, want to state here very clearly that the institutions of the United States of America have provided us and still continue to provide us with a lot of very significant, very important information that also ensure our security.  And we don’t want to do without this.  There are other possibilities, through the cyber dialogue, for example, to continue to talk about the sort of protection of privacy versus data protection and so on, and security.  But this was basically -- combating terrorism was basically in the forefront today.
 
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  On providing lethal weapons to Ukraine, it's important to point out that we have been providing assistance to the Ukrainian military generally.  That’s been part of a longstanding relationship between NATO and Ukraine.  And our goal has not been for Ukraine to be equipped to carry on offensive operations, but to simply defend itself.  And President Poroshenko has been very clear -- he’s not interested in escalating violence, he is interested in having his country’s boundaries respected by its neighbor.
 
So there’s not going to be any specific point at which I say, ah, clearly lethal defensive weapons would be appropriate here.  It is our ongoing analysis of what can we do to dissuade Russia from encroaching further and further on Ukrainian territory.  Our hope is, is that that’s done through diplomatic means.  
 
And I just want to emphasize here once again for the benefit not just of the American people but for the German people, we are not looking for Russia to fail.  We are not looking for Russia to be surrounded and contained and weakened.  Our preference is for a strong, prosperous, vibrant, confident Russia that can be a partner with us on a whole host of global challenges.  And that’s how I operated throughout my first term in office.
 
Unfortunately, Russia has made a decision that I think is bad for them strategically, bad for Europe, bad for the world.  And in the face of this aggression and these bad decisions, we can’t simply try to talk them out of it.  We have to show them that the world is unified in imposing a cost for this aggression. And that’s what we’re going to continue to do.
 
With respect to the NSA, I’ll just make this point very briefly.  There’s no doubt that the Snowden revelations damaged impressions of Germans with respect to the U.S. government and our intelligence cooperation.  And what I have done over the last year, year and a half, is to systematically work through some of these issues to create greater transparency and to restore confidence not just for Germans but for our partners around the world.
 
And we’ve taken some unprecedented measures, for example, to ensure that our intelligence agencies treat non-U.S. citizens in ways that are consistent with due process and their privacy concerns -- something that I put in a presidential order, and has not been ever done not only by our intelligence agencies but I think by most intelligence agencies around the world.
 
There are going to still be areas where we’ve got to work through these issues.  We have to internally work through some of these issues, because they’re complicated, they’re difficult.  If we are trying to track a network that is planning to carry out attacks in New York or Berlin or Paris, and they are communicating primarily in cyberspace, and we have the capacity to stop an attack like that, but that requires us then being able to operate within that cyberspace, how do we make sure that we’re able to do that, carry out those functions, while still meeting our core principles of respecting the privacy of all our people?  
 
And given Germany’s history, I recognize the sensitivities around this issue.  What I would ask would be that the German people recognize that the United States has always been on the forefront of trying to promote civil liberties, that we have traditions of due process that we respect, that we have been a consistent partner of yours in the course of the last 70 years, and certainly the last 25 years, in reinforcing the values that we share.  And so occasionally I would like the German people to give us the benefit of the doubt, given our history, as opposed to assuming the worst -- assuming that we have been consistently your strong partners and that we share a common set of values.  
 
And if we have that fundamental, underlying trust, there are going to be times where there are disagreements, and both sides may make mistakes, and there are going to be irritants like there are between friends, but the underlying foundation for the relationship remains sound.
 
Christi Parsons.
 
Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  The Iran nuclear negotiators have now missed two deadlines.  Should the upcoming March deadline for talks be the final one?  And what are the circumstances in which you think it would be wise to extend those talks?  Also, sir, some have suggested that you are outraged by the Israeli Prime Minister’s decision to address Congress.  Is that so?  And how would you advise Democrats who are considering a boycott?
 
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  First of all, we understood I think from the start, when we set up the interim agreement with Iran, that it would take some time to work through incredibly complex issues and a huge trust deficit between the United States and Iran, and the world and Iran, when it comes to their nuclear program.  So I think there was always the assumption that, although the interim agreement lasted a certain period of time, that we would probably need more time to move forward.  
 
The good news is, is that there have been very serious discussions.  That time has been well spent.  During this period of time, issues have been clarified; gaps have been narrowed; the Iranians have abided by the agreement.  So this is not a circumstance in which, by talking, they’ve been stalling and meanwhile advancing their program.  To the contrary.  What we know is the program has not only been frozen, but with respect to, for example, 20 percent enriched uranium, they’ve reversed it.  And so we’re in a better position than we were before the interim program was set up.
 
Having said all that, the issues now are sufficiently narrowed and sufficiently clarified where we’re at point where they need to make a decision.  We are presenting to them, in a unified fashion -- the P5-plus-1, supported by a coalition of countries around the world, are presenting to them a deal that allows them to have peaceful nuclear power but gives us the absolute assurance that is verifiable that they are not pursuing a nuclear weapon.  
 
And if, in fact, what they claim in true -- which is they have no aspiration to get a nuclear weapon, that, in fact, according to their Supreme Leader, it would be contrary to their faith to obtain a nuclear weapon -- if that is true, there should be the possibility of getting a deal.  They should be able to get to yes.  But we don’t know if that’s going to happen.  They have their hardliners; they have their politics.  
 
And the point, I guess is, Christi, at this juncture, I don’t see a further extension being useful if they have not agreed to the basic formulation and the bottom line that the world requires to have confidence that they’re not pursuing a nuclear weapon.  
 
Now, if a framework for a deal is done, if people have a clear sense of what is required and there’s some drafting and t’s to cross and i’s to dot, that’s a different issue.  But my view  -- and I’ve presented this to members of Congress -- is that we now know enough that the issues are no longer technical.  The issues now are, does Iran have the political will and the desire to get a deal done?  
 
And we could not be doing this were it not for the incredible cohesion and unity that’s been shown by Germany, by the other members of the P5-plus-1 -- which, I should acknowledge, includes Russia.  I mean, this is an area where they’ve actually served a constructive role.  And China has served a constructive role.  And there has been no cracks in this on the P5-plus-1 side of the table.  And I think that’s a testament to the degree to which we are acting reasonably in trying to actually solve a problem.
 
With respect to Prime Minister Netanyahu, as I’ve said before, I talk to him all the time, our teams constantly coordinate.  We have a practice of not meeting with leaders right before their elections, two weeks before their elections.  As much as I love Angela, if she was two weeks away from an election she probably would not have received an invitation to the White House -- (laughter) -- and I suspect she wouldn’t have asked for one.  (Laughter.)
 
So this is just -- some of this just has to do with how we do business.  And I think it’s important for us to maintain these protocols -- because the U.S.-Israeli relationship is not about a particular party.  This isn’t a relationship founded on affinity between the Labor Party and the Democratic Party, or Likud and the Republican Party.  This is the U.S.-Israeli relationship that extends beyond parties, and has to do with that unbreakable bond that we feel and our commitment to Israel’s security, and the shared values that we have.
 
And the way to preserve that is to make sure that it doesn’t get clouded with what could be perceived as partisan politics. Whether that’s accurate or not, that is a potential perception, and that’s something that we have to guard against.
 
Now, I don’t want to be coy.  The Prime Minister and I have a very real difference around Iran, Iran sanctions.  I have been very clear -- and Angela agrees with me, and David Cameron agrees with me, and the others who are a member of the negotiations agree -- that it does not make sense to sour the negotiations a month or two before they’re about to be completed.  And we should play that out.  If, in fact, we can get a deal, then we should embrace that.  If we can’t get a deal, then we’ll have to make a set of decisions, and, as I’ve said to Congress, I’ll be the first one to work with them to apply even stronger measures against Iran.
 
But what’s the rush -- unless your view is that it’s not possible to get a deal with Iran and it shouldn’t even be tested? And that I cannot agree with because, as the President of the United States, I’m looking at what the options are if we don't get a diplomatic resolution.  And those options are narrow and they're not attractive.  And from the perspective of U.S. interests -- and I believe from the perspective of Israel’s interests, although I can't speak for, obviously, the Israeli government -- it is far better if we can get a diplomatic solution.  
 
So there are real differences substantively, but that's separate and apart from the whole issue of Mr. Netanyahu coming to Washington.  All right?  
 
Q    Ms. Merkel, you just said the question is what will be effective in the Ukrainian crisis.  And diplomacy, as you said yourself, has not really made all that -- has not really brought about that much of a progress.  Can you understand the impatience of the Americans when they say we ought to now deliver weapons?  And what makes you feel confident that diplomacy will carry the day in the next few days and weeks?
 
And on Greece, obviously I also have to ask you, what is your comment on the most recent comments of the Greek Prime Minister who says let’s end those programs, and I’m going to stand by the promises I made during the election campaign?  How do you envisage the further cooperation with the Greek government?
 
And to you, Mr. President, I address the question, there is quite a lot of pressure by members of your government who say weapons should be delivered to the Ukrainians.  Now, you yourself have said you want to ratchet up the cost that Putin has to bear and then make him relent and give in maybe.  And you said all options have to be on the table, so apparently also weapons.  So what makes you so sure that these weapons will not only go into the hands of the regular Ukraine army, but will then also perhaps get into the hands of separatists or militias on the Ukrainian side, who are accused by Amnesty International and other NGOs of having violated human rights?  
 
Thank you. 
 
CHANCELLOR MERKEL:  (As interpreted.)  Whenever you have political conflict, such as the one that we have now between Russia and Ukraine, but also in many other conflicts around the world, it has always proved to be right to try again and again to solve such a conflict.  We’ve spoken at some length about the Iranian conflict.  Here, too, we are expected to try time and again.  And there’s always a point where you say, well, all of the options are on the table, we’ve gone back and forth, but then one has to think again.  
 
Looking just at the Middle East conflict, for example, how many people have tried to bring about a solution to this conflict?  And I’ve welcomed it every time, and I’m going to participate and support it every time because I think every time it has been well worth the effort.
 
Now, when you have a situation now where every night you see people dying, you see civilian casualties, you see the dire conditions under which people live, it is incumbent upon us as politicians, we owe it to the people to explore every avenue until somebody gives in.  
 
But we’ve grown up under conditions -- I have to point this again -- where we said nobody would have dreamt of German unity. The people who have said in West Germany, remember they said, well, should we keep citizenship of Germany for the GDR?  They’ve been criticized by people as some who have revisionist ideas.  And then think of President Reagan when he said, “Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall,” standing in front of the Brandenburg Gate. Many people said at the time, how can he possibly say that?  But it was right.
 
We have no guarantee.  I cannot give you a guarantee for the outcome of the Wednesday talks or for other talks.  And maybe nothing will come out of it.  But then we’re called upon again to think about a new possibility.  And since we thought about every step of the way, will this be affective or not, we will continue to do so.  
 
A lot of things have to be thought about, and I’m very glad that with the American President, I have always been able to put all of the cards on the table and discuss the pros and cons.  In my speech in Munich, I gave you clearly where I stand.  But we’ll continue to try it.  I think that’s why we are politicians, that’s why we chose this profession.  Others have to do other things -- researchers have to, all of the time, find new things to explore and we have to see that the well-being, the prosperity of our people is ensured.  But we never have a guarantee that the policies we adopt will work, will have the effect -- oh, sorry, Greece.  I almost forgot.  Yes.  On Wednesday, there’s going to be a Eurogroup meeting.  And I think what counts is what Greece will put on the table at that Eurogroup meeting or perhaps a few days later.
 
The German policy, ever since 2010, has been aimed at Greece staying a member of the Eurozone.  I’ve said this time and again. The basic rules have always been the same.  You put in your own efforts, and on the other side, you’re being shown solidarity as a quid pro quo.  The three institutions of the Troika -- the ECB, the European Union Commission, and the IMF -- have agreed on programs.  These programs are the basis of any discussion we have.  I’ve always said I will wait for Greece to come with a sustainable proposal and then we’ll talk about this.
 
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  The point Angela made I think is right, which is we never have guarantees that any particular course of action works.  As I’ve said before, by the time a decision reaches my desk, by definition, it’s a hard problem with no easy answers.  Otherwise somebody else would have solved it and I would never even hear about it.
 
The issue that you raised about can we be certain that any lethal aid that we provide Ukraine is used properly, doesn’t fall into the wrong hands, does not lead to overaggressive actions that can’t be sustained by the Ukrainians, what kinds of reactions does it prompt not simply from the separatists but from the Russians -- those are all issues that have to be considered. The measure by which I make these decisions is, is it more likely to be effective than not?  And that is what our deliberations will be about.
 
But what I do know is this -- that the United States and Europe have not stood idly by.  We have made enormous efforts, enormous investments of dollars, of political capital, of diplomacy, in trying to resolve this situation.  I think the Ukrainian people can feel confident that we have stood by them.  People like Vice President Biden and Secretary of State Kerry have spent countless hours on this issue, as has Angela and her team on the German side.  And just because we have not yet gotten the outcome that we want doesn’t mean that this pressure is not, over time, making a difference.  
 
I think it’s fair to say that there are those inside of Russia who recognize this has been a disastrous course for the Russian economy.  I think Mr. Putin is factoring that in.  But, understandably, until the situation is entirely resolved, we’re going to have to keep on trying different things to see if we can get a better outcome.  
 
What I do know is, is that we will not be able to succeed unless we maintain the strong transatlantic solidarity that’s been the hallmark of our national security throughout the last 70 years.  And I’m confident that I’ve got a great partner in Angela in maintaining that.
 
Thank you very much, everybody.
    
END 
12:53 P.M. EST
 

The White House

Office of the Vice President

Remarks by the Vice President at the Munich Security Conference

Hotel Bayerischer Hof
Munich, Germany

3:32 P.M. (Local)

THE VICE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much. I wish I could say those phone calls, I solved all the problems. But I didn't.

Ladies and gentlemen, as the Chairman said earlier today, I did stand here six years ago and in the first major foreign policy address of our administration, I spoke about the “reset.” Today, I’m here to talk about the need to reassert -- not just reset -- to reassert the fundamental bedrock principle of a Europe whole, free -- and free. That's inviolate borders are honored; that there be no spheres of influence; and it’s the sovereign right of every nation to choose its own alliances.

Europe is not just the home of our closest allies. Europe, all of you, are the cornerstone of the United States’ engagement in the rest of the world. Let me say that again, Europe is the cornerstone of U.S. engagement around the world.

You’re America’s partners not of just last resort, but first resort when challenges arise in Europe and other parts of the world.

Since I first attended this conference in 1980, together we have made remarkable strides toward the dream of a Europe whole, free, and at peace -- a unified Germany at the heart of a European Union built on the bold premise that nations need not repeat the conflicts of the past; in Eastern and Central Europe, a journey -— in less than a generation’s time -— from captive nations to free and prosperous democracies.

Together, we made -- we have extended the Euro-Atlantic alliance community from the Baltics to the Black Sea, reaching even more people in an interconnected web of democratic governance, commerce, and trade.

And together, we explored in good faith -- in genuine good faith -- the prospect of including Russia in this community of democratic nations and open societies; or at least establishing -- at the very least -- constructive relations with Russia.

Six years ago at this podium, I said and I quote, “To paraphrase President Obama, it is time to press the reset button and reinvest in the many areas where we can and should be working together with Russia.”

That's what everybody remembers. But they don't often repeat what I then said. I said, “We will also not recognize any nation having a sphere of influence.” We will remain -- “it will remain our view that sovereign states have the right to make their decisions and choose their own alliances.”

I meant it when I said it then, and America means it as I repeat it now.

As the Ambassador said this morning, once we pressed that reset button in 2009, between then and 2012, we achieved a great deal in cooperation with Russia to advance our mutual interests and I would argue the interests of Europe -- the New START Treaty that reduced our strategic nuclear arsenal by one-third; a vital supply route for coalition troops in and out of Afghanistan; at the United Nations Security Council, resolutions that pressured North Korea and Iran and made possible serious nuclear discussions in Tehran, which continue as I speak.

All of us, we all invested in a type of Russia we hoped -— and still hope -— will emerge one day: a Russia integrated into the world economy; more prosperous, more invested in the international order.

It was in that same spirit that we supported the establishment of the NATO-Russia Council and Russian membership in countless other institutions, from the Council of Europe to the WTO. Unfortunately, and I mean it when I say unfortunately, as the Chancellor pointed out this morning, President Putin has chosen a different path.

We have seen, as much as we would not like to see, increased repression at home, including the barbarous practice of using psychiatric institutions to quell dissent, silencing of the mothers of soldiers deployed in Ukraine; contempt for the rights of Russia’s neighbors to choose their own future; disrespect for the sovereign, territorial integrity of Ukraine, but I might add also Georgia and Moldova; disregard for Russia’s own commitments made in Helsinki, Paris, Budapest.

As a result -- as a result of these choices made by Mr. Putin, the world looks differently today than it did when I spoke in Munich not just six years ago, but even two years ago.

America and Europe are being tested. President Putin has to understand that, as he has changed, so has our focus. We have moved from resetting this important relationship to reasserting the fundamental bedrock principles on which European freedom and stability rest. And I’ll say it again: inviolate borders, no spheres of influence, the sovereign right to choose your own alliances. I cannot repeat that often enough.

And again, as the Chancellor said this morning, to protect these important principles, we have to be laser-focused on the greater threats to the project of a Europe whole, free, and at peace.

And for a moment I’d like to focus on three of these threats. First, the attempt to undermine Ukrainian sovereignty; second, the use of corruption as an instrument to try to undermine governments; and, third, the use of energy as a tool of coercion.

Most immediately, we need to remain resolute and united in our support of Ukraine, as the Chancellor said this morning. What happens there will resonate well beyond Ukraine. It matters to all -- not just in Europe, but around the world -- all who may be subject to aggression; to all countries who expect Russia to honor the agreements they signed, whether at the United Nations, Budapest Memorandum, or even the Minsk Agreement.

Together, we agreed that countries would never again be able to redraw the map of Europe by force. That's what we said. That's what all of you said. That's what we said. I’ve traveled to Ukraine many times -- three times in the past year. I’ve sat down with the men and women who braved the snipers’ bullets in Maidan, as many of you did. Their courage has given Ukraine a chance to leave behind its history and recent history of corruption and finally build a genuine democracy, which has not existed for as long as memory -- not in name, but in reality; an economy no longer riddled with corruption, oligarchs above the law.

It’s not easy. This is a difficult transition, as many of you in this room know, because some of you made that transition. But as long as Ukrainians keep faith with this project, we have to keep faith with them. We’ve already shown the strength that comes when we stand united.

Think about it: Russia tried vainly to stop the Ukrainians from having the freest and fairest elections in their history, but they had them. Russia sought to divide Ukraine between east and west, but Ukrainians are more unified as a nation from Lviv to Kharkiv than at any time, I would argue, in the last 25 years, notwithstanding the thugs Russia has supported to foment violence in the Donbas. Russia sought to keep secret its little green men and the multiple tanks that we’ve given them -- that they’ve given them. But we have given all you incontrovertible proof that they exist. You've seen the pictures, as they say.

But we’ve also exposed what they're doing to the entire world. All of this because Russia sought to block Ukraine’s Association Agreement with the European Union. That agreement -– locking in Ukraine’s European future –- was nonetheless signed and ratified by many of you in this room.

And Russia needs to understand that as long as it continues its current course, the United States, and, God willing, all of Europe, and the international community will continue to impose costs on their violation of basic international norms.

Chancellor Merkel and President Hollande have just traveled to Kyiv and then to Moscow to pursue a diplomatic resolution to this conflict. The President and I, we agree, we must spare no effort to save lives and resolve the conflict peacefully. As Chancellor Merkel said today, it’s worth the attempt. It’s very much worth the attempt.

But we must judge the existing agreement -— Minsk -— or any future agreement with Russia by the actions Russia takes on the ground, not by the paper they sign. And given Russia’s recent history, we need to judge it by its deeds, not its words. Don’t tell us. Show us, President Putin.

Too many times President Putin has promised peace, and delivered tanks, troops, and weapons. So we will continue to provide Ukraine with security assistance, not to encourage war but to allow Ukraine to defend itself.

Let me be clear: We do not believe there is a military solution in Ukraine. But let me be equally clear: We do not believe Russia has the right to do what they're doing. We believe we should attempt an honorable peace. But we also believe the Ukrainian people have a right to defend themselves. (Applause.)

The essential elements of the Minsk Agreement hold a path to peaceful resolution. I don't know how many hours, scores of hours I’ve spent with President Poroshenko in Kyiv or on the telephone. He has made some fairly courageous decisions that do not still well with all parts of his constituency. He is viewed by some as having given too much. But Minsk has the major pieces: One, full withdrawal of Russian troops from Ukraine; two, return control over the international border to Ukraine; three, develop a robust international monitoring mission on the Ukrainian-Russian border.

Let’s not kid ourselves. It’s fully within the power of Moscow to stop the separatists from pursuing the military solution. Don't believe anybody who tells you that that's not true. I assure it is true. Does it mean there will be some separatists who on their own will move off? Probably. But the core, the leadership, the trained fighters, they are directly answerable to Mr. Putin.

And let me state clearly what is our collective objective, or at least what I believe is our objective and should be our collective objectives: to preserve the territorial integrity of Ukraine; to reassert the principle that the borders are inviolate and nations have the right to choose their own alliances.

And let me state as clearly as I can what is not our objective. It is not the objective of the United States -- I repeat -- it is not the objective of the United States of America to collapse or weaken the Russian economy. That is not our objective.

But President Putin has to make a simple, stark choice: Get out of Ukraine or face continued isolation and growing economic costs at home.

But as the story of Ukraine shows, there are multiple dimensions to European security. Hard military power of NATO, for sure, but also confronting corruption that's being used as a tool to undermine national sovereignty in other parts of Europe.

Corruption is a cancer. Those of you who watch Superman movies and comic books, it is like kryptonite to the functioning of democracy. It siphons away resources. It destroys trust in government. It hollows out military readiness. And it affronts the dignity of your people.

But as President Putin and others engage in the use of corruption as a tool of coercion abroad, then fighting corruption is not just about good governance, it’s self-defense. It’s about sovereignty. Fighting corruption may not be easy,

but it’s not a mystery how you go about doing it. It’s hard, but not a mystery -- transparency, disclosure, independent agencies, vetting police departments and judges, inspector generals in government agencies with the mandate and the freedom to investigate abuses.

Ukraine has taken bold steps toward a new Anti-Corruption Bureau, and it’s passed legislation to reform the Prosecutor General’s office. It has to be implemented now. But it’s a promising start, still more needs to do done. And I’m sure the Prime Minister and the President are tired of hearing me remind them of that a couple times a week.

And of course Ukraine is not the only country dealing with this scourge. Many other countries need to take a good, hard look about how to strengthen their own institutions and combat corruption at home.

I was just speaking to the leader of one of those countries, it’s a part of Europe, who understands it and is asking for help, how to help them do it.

We also need to ensure that no country –- not Russia or any other nation –- can use energy as a weapon of coercion to bully or change the policy of another nation. We’ve known for a long time -- you've known for a long time -- that dependence on a single source of energy is a big problem, a big problem. And now is the time to act.

Europe has made steady progress already. For example, you passed laws with the goal of creating an integrated European energy market. Now is the time to implement those reforms and push for more diversity in fuel types, sources, transit routes; and more investment in the types of infrastructure –- interconnections, storage facilities, LNG terminals —- that will unleash market forces. We the United States want to be as helpful as we possibly can. It’s overwhelmingly in our interest that Europe not be dependent.

But it’s within your power to make energy security the next chapter in the European project of integration and market expansion that began decades ago -- and maybe I’m the only one old enough to remember -- with the European Coal and Steel Community. That's a frightening prospect to think of that.

And if we can finally get it right, there would be -- it would be an enormous contribution to the security and independence of Europe.

But there’s a larger imperative that we have in the Transatlantic Alliance, and that's the need to address what I suspect most of us who have been dealing with NATO, as I have, for the last 41 years in my capacity as a U.S. senator and Vice President; I doubt whether many of us thought we’d be here in 2015 with an extended focus on the need to strengthen NATO’s capacity and capability within Europe, as well as the need to strengthen our economies.

We're also determined to ensure that NATO emerges stronger from this crisis than when we went in. I’ve said it before, let me say it again, the principle of collective defense enshrined in Article 5 of the Washington Treaty represents a sacred commitment not just for now, but forever.

With our allies at Wales, we all of us, we recommitted ourselves to the work required to fill capacity gaps and improve our readiness and put in place a genuinely rapid response force, strengthening the capacity of our alliance to respond to emerging and future threats.

But if you forgive me, NATO is not a self-sustaining organization. It doesn't fund itself. Just come with me to my constituencies and ask them whether or not we should primarily fund it. Ask my Senate colleagues and my House colleagues who are here. Every NATO country needs to meet its commitment to devote 2 percent of its GDP to defense. I realize not all can do it now. But it’s a shared security, and shared security requires shared responsibility.

Ultimately our staying power and strength in the world fundamentally rests on the vitality of our economies at home, as we all know. Although the United States economy grew at a rate of 5 percent the last quarter, it’s clear that our people are still contending with the lasting effects, lingering effects of the greatest recession short of a depression in the history of the United States.

We support your efforts to create jobs, boost domestic demand in Europe, especially as you reinforce the institutions of the monetary union.

The good news is, we now know the types of policies that effectively spur economic growth and boost employment --investing in infrastructure and human capital; lowering barriers to trade and investment; making reforms to improve the business climate and level the economic playing field.

That’s why we're such strong supporters, along with many of you, of so-called TTIP, the Transatlantic and Trade Investment [sic]. Now let me make clear what I heard this morning, TTIP is not the stepchild to TPP. We have not taken our focus off of Europe. We have not decided that the future lies in the Pacific Basin. We are a Pacific power. We will assert that power, and we will remain a Pacific power. But we are also an Atlantic power. And the Trans Pacific Partnership we're working on in no way means to imply that there’s greater focus on the concerns of the Pacific. It’s meant to make clear that internationally we need new rules of the road, across the Pacific, as well as across the Atlantic.

Think of what our fathers and grandfathers and grandmothers did at the end of World War II. They set down a new set of rules of the road. They worked well for 50 to 60 years. But as the Irish poet William Butler Yeats said about his Ireland in the poem called Easter Sunday 1916, it better applies -- the line better applies to Europe and a world today than it did Ireland in 1916. He said, “All’s changed, changed utterly: A terrible beauty has been born.” All has changed utterly. Globalization is a reality. So we very strongly believe it’s in our mutual interest and the mutual growth possibilities for both sides of the Atlantic if we can reach an agreement on TTIP.

Were time to permit I would point out it’s not just economic benefits that will flow from such an agreement, but the geopolitical benefits that flow from a 21st century set of rules for fair -- and for the fair conduct of trade internationally are real. Finalizing a deal like this one is not easy, and will not be easy, but it’s necessary for our economies and our partnership to help shape the character of the global economy.

We already have a $5 trillion commercial relationship with Europe. Even small improvements that reduce the cost of regulation and promote greater compatibility can create significant new economic opportunities -— including more jobs -— on both sides of the Atlantic.

Just as NATO reinforces the norms of global security, TTIP can strengthen the global trading system and to the benefit of people everywhere, even as it lies -- ties our two continents more closely together.

If we can finalize this trade agreement we’re negotiating in the Pacific, and unite the countries representing two-thirds of the world’s trade into a coalition of free and fair trade, that will drive the standards and rules for 21st century -- a coalition too large for countries to ignore the basic rules that we’ve agreed on.

If we do all these things, we won’t just confront our challenges, we will have a genuine opportunity to fundamentally strengthen the transatlantic community. And that’s a good thing, because we have an awful lot work to do around the world.

America, like many of you, has global responsibilities and far-flung commitments, but the most effective way to address them is to connect with our closest allies.

They include Iran; climate change; the fight against ISIL, or as they say in the region, Daesh; the violent extremism, set against a backdrop of generational upheaval in the Middle East.

As the President’s National Security statement says: “We have an opportunity -— and an obligation -— to lead the way in reinforcing, shaping, and where appropriate, creating the rules, norms, and institutions that will be the foundation for peace, security and prosperity, and the protection of human rights in the 21st century.”

It is that simple. And it is that complicated. It is that straightforward, and it is that important. That's what’s ultimately at stake. All of us in this room are delivered to a moment that only happens every four or five generations. We have to rise to the moment. Then we, like those before us, can lay that new foundation for another 70 years of security and prosperity and peace.

Again if you forgive me, to quote another Irish poet Seamus Heaney, he said:

History teaches us not to hope on this side of the grave, but then once in a lifetime that tidal wave of justice rises up, and hope and history rhyme.

We can't guarantee that. But we have a shot. We have a shot. I got elected when I was a 29-year-old kid. I’m more optimistic about the prospects, if we have the courage, of setting the 21st century in a direction that will avoid the carnage of the 20th century, if we work together. So let’s take a shot at making hope and history rhyme.

Thank you. (Applause.)

END
4:00 P.M. (Local)

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Weekly Address: Everyone Who Works Hard Should Get Ahead

WASHINGTON, DC — In this week’s address, President Obama highlighted the progress our economy has made, with more than 3.1 million jobs created in 2014 – the best year for job growth since the late 1990s. America has come a long way, and with the right policies, we can continue to grow our economy into one where those who work hard can get ahead. That’s why earlier this week the President released a budget proposal focused on middle-class economics – the idea that this country does best when everyone gets their fair shot, does their fair share, and plays by the same set of rules. The President said he looks forward to working with anyone, Republican or Democrat, who is willing to fight for commonsense policies that will help the middle class succeed.

The audio of the address and video of the address will be available online at www.whitehouse.gov at 6:00 a.m. ET, February 7, 2015.

Remarks of President Barack Obama
Weekly Address
Indianapolis, Indiana
February 7, 2015

Hi everybody. I’m talking with you today from Ivy Tech Community College in Indianapolis, where I just held a town hall and heard from everyday Americans about what we can do, together, to make their lives a little better.

This week, we got news that confirms what we already know -- that our businesses continue to create jobs for hardworking folks all across the country. Last month, America’s businesses added another 267,000 jobs. In 2014, our economy created more than 3.1 million jobs in all -- the best year for job growth since the late 1990s. All told, over the past 59 months, the private sector has added 11.8 million new jobs—the longest streak on record. And in the single most hopeful sign for middle class families, wages are rising again.

America is poised for another good year – as long as Washington works to keep this progress going. We have to choose -- will we accept an economy where only a few of us do spectacularly well, or will we build an economy where everyone who works hard can get ahead?

Because while we’ve come a long way, we’ve got more work to do to make sure that our recovery reaches more Americans, not just those at the top. That’s what middle-class economics is all about -- the idea that this country does best when everyone gets their fair shot, does their fair share, and everyone plays by the same set of rules.

This week, I sent Congress a budget built on middle-class economics. It helps families afford childcare, health care, college, paid leave at work, homeownership, and saving for retirement, and it could put thousands of dollars back into the pockets of a working family each year. It helps more Americans learn new skills to earn higher wages, including by making two years of community college free for responsible students all across the country. It invests in the research and infrastructure our businesses need to compete and create high-paying jobs. And it pays for this with smart spending cuts and by fixing a tax code that’s riddled with special-interest loopholes for folks who don’t need them, allowing us to offer tax breaks to students and families who do need them.

I believe this is where we need to go to give working families more security in a time of constant economic change. And I’ll work with anyone—Republican or Democrat—who wants to get to “yes” on these issues. We won’t agree on everything, and that’s natural -- but we should stop refighting old battles, and start working together to help you succeed in the new economy.

That’s what you elected us to do -- not to turn everything into another Washington food fight, but to have debates that are worthy of this country, and to build an economy not just where everyone can share in America’s success, but where everyone can contribute to America’s success.

Thanks, and have a great weekend.

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by the President in Town Hall on Middle-Class Economics

Ivy Tech Community College
Indianapolis, Indiana

2:33 P.M. EST
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you, everybody!  (Applause.)  Hello, Hoosiers!  (Applause.)  Thank you so much.  Well, please, everybody, have a seat.  Have a seat.  Let me begin by saying thank you to Mayor Ballard for that introduction, for all the great work you’re doing for the people of Indianapolis, and for your service as a Marine.  We are very proud of the partnership that we've had with this city.
 
I also want to recognize Ivy Tech Chancellor Kathleen Lee and President Tom Snyder.  Where are they?  (Applause.)  There they are over here.  Some outstanding members of Congress -- Joe Donnelly, our Senator.  Where’s Joe?  There he is.  (Applause.) Congressman André Carson.  (Applause.)  And somebody who has been a great friend for the people of this state, the people of this nation, a great friend to me personally, one of the people who have ensured that America is safe for so many years -- former senator and mayor of Indianapolis, Dick Lugar.  (Applause.)   
 
On the way over here, Dick and I were reminiscing about the first foreign trip I ever took was with Dick Lugar.  He was the savvy veteran; I was the green-behind-the-ears freshman.  We went to Russia.  We were both interested in nuclear proliferation.  He had really written the book on it.  And Dick Lugar seems like a kind of relaxed guy, but if you're on a trip with him, he will wear you out.  (Laughter.)  And then at one point, we were actually held by a Russian colonel at the airport for about three hours -- which normally might have made people nervous, but Dick, he’d been around the block a few times, so he just took a nap.  (Laughter.)  It was fine.  It got cleared up. 
 
It is great to be back in Indiana, great to be back close to my home state.  I respect the Pacers.  (Laughter.)  But, yes, I am a Bulls fan.  I make no apologies.  We've had some fierce rivalries in the past, and I'm looking forward to Mr. George and others getting back on track so we can have some more playoff runs. 
 
But that's not all that I know about this state.  One of my first trips as President was to Elkhart, and I stopped by some of your manufacturing plants.  I played 3-on-3 at a school up in Kokomo -- and my team won, by the way.  (Laughter.)  When it comes to elections, I’m batting .500.  I'm one for two -- which isn't bad.  (Applause.)  The last time -- I will acknowledge the last time I got kind of smoked here in Indiana.  (Laughter.) But that’s okay.  That’s exactly why I wanted to come back.  And I don't plan to take too long in the front because I want to make sure that we've got some time for questions.
 
But when I gave my State of the Union address a couple of weeks ago, I repeated a vision that I originally laid out in Boston over a decade ago.  And that's a vision that says there’s no liberal America or conservative America, there’s the United States of America.  And I know that sometimes it seems like our politics are more divided than ever; that in parts of Indiana, the only blue you’ll ever see is on Colts signs -- (laughter) -- and in Chicago, the only red is for the Chicago Bulls.  But I still believe what I said back then, that we actually have so much more in common than not. 
 
It doesn’t always get focused on in our politics.  And I’ve seen so much of the good, generous, big-hearted optimism of people across the country these past six years to give in to the cynicism that sometimes gets peddled as wisdom around the country.
 
And we’ve come a long way these past six years since we suffered the worst financial crisis since the Great Depression.  Now, this morning, we found out that America’s businesses added another 267,000 jobs.  (Applause.)  In 2014, our economy created more than 3.1 million jobs, and that's the best year of job growth since the 1990s.  (Applause.)  So, all told, over the past 59 months, the private sector has added about 11.8 million -- so that's almost 12 million -- new jobs.  And that's the longest streak of private sector job growth in our history. 
 
Meanwhile, our deficits are shrinking -- they’ve gone down by about two-thirds.  Our dropout rates are down.  Our graduation rates are up.  We’re as free of foreign oil as we’ve been in 30 years.  We've doubled the amount of clean energy that we're producing.  A lot of families are saving a lot of money at the gas pump, which is putting some smiles on folks’ faces.  (Laughter.) 
 
AUDIENCE MEMBER:  Thank you!
 
THE PRESIDENT:  You're welcome.  (Laughter and applause.)  Although I was telling somebody the other day, at some point they’re going to go back up, so don't start -- (laughter) -- going out there and ignoring the mileage when you're buying a new car.  You’ve got to keep looking for those savings. 
 
And in the single most hopeful sign for middle-class families, wages are starting to go up again.  (Applause.)  
 
So America is poised for another good year.  Indianapolis is poised for another good year -- as long as Washington works to keep this progress going.  And I was struck as I was listening to the Mayor’s introduction -- here in Indiana, we've been able to do some good things because we haven't been so worried about Democrat-Republican; we focused more on trying to get the job done.  And that attitude we're hoping to kind of infect Washington with, try to adapt that same attitude when it comes to the problems that we face going forward.  And Dick Lugar was a great example of that. 
 
We have risen from recession freer to write our own future than any nation on Earth.  But we've got to make some decisions about what that future looks like.  Are we going to be a nation where a few of us do spectacularly well and everybody else is struggling to get by?  Or are we going to have a country in which everybody has opportunity, everybody has got a chance to succeed?
 
Last year, I got a letter from Jyliann Milham, who lives up in Fishers.  Where’s Jyliann?  There she is right there, right in front.  And Jyliann has got four kids, ages six through 16 -- which means that she’s busy.  (Laughter.)  For 13 years, Jyliann was a stay-home mom.  A few years ago, she was going through a divorce, had to find a way to support her family.  She didn’t have a college degree.  Most of the jobs that she could find paid minimum wage.  As she put it, “I was a mom with four kids, and I had everything coming against me.” 
 
So Jyliann came here to Ivy Tech to invest in herself, learn new skills.  She paid her way with the help of a grant from her country and a grant from the state of Indiana.  She made the Dean’s list, earned a spot in the radiography program at IUPUI --
(laughter.)  And that’s a profession that pays pretty well.  And today, she’s a few months from graduating.  She’s ready to get started on a new career.  (Applause.)  Really proud. 
 
And in the letter she wrote, she said, it’s not just the possibility of financial security and career advancement.  She said, it’s also “something I can show my children.”  It’s about pride, and it’s about being able to point to a brighter future for the next generation.
 
And that's who I get up for every single day.  Sometimes people ask me, Mr. President, your hair is so gray -- (laughter) -- folks are always talking about you not always in the most flattering way -- how do you do it?  Well, the reason is folks like Jyliann, who are out there all across Indiana, all across the country; they’re working so hard, doing the right thing, not asking for a handout.  They just want to make sure that if they are putting in the effort and they’re meeting their responsibilities that they can get ahead. 
 
And we can’t do it for them, but we can help.  We can create structures of opportunity like we have here at Ivy Tech.  That’s something we can do for everybody.  And that’s what keeps me going.  I want to make sure that this is a country where hard work is rewarded and you get a chance to make a decent living.
And that’s what I’ve been calling middle-class economics is all about -- the idea that in this country, everybody does best when everybody is doing their fair share, and everybody has got a fair shot, and everybody is playing by the same set of rules. 
 
We live in a time of constant change.  And technology has made some jobs obsolete, global competition has shipped some jobs overseas.  It’s tougher to afford economic necessities like child care or health care.  And that’s been true since long before the financial crisis hit back in 2007, 2008.  And that’s why, at a time when the economy is finally picking up steam and growing again, we’ve got to work twice as hard, especially in Washington, to help more Americans like Jyliann. 
 
So this week, I sent Congress a budget that’s built on this idea of middle-class economics for the 21st century.  It means helping middle-class families afford child care and health care, make it a little easier to pay for college without taking on loads of debt, paid leave at work, helping first-time homebuyers, helping people save for retirement.  And my budget addresses each of these issues, and it could put thousands of dollars back in the pockets of hardworking middle-class families.  (Applause.)  
 
Middle-class economics also means helping more people like Jyliann upgrade their skills.  Because this competitive economy is not going to get easier.  Folks just aren’t going to be in the same job for 30 years.  These young people who are here today, they’re going to have a bunch of different jobs, and they’re going to be -- there’s going to be the need for you to continually upgrade your skills.  It’s all about lifelong learning now, not just a one-time deal.
 
So that’s why my budget makes two years of community college free for every responsible student.  (Applause.)  Every responsible student.  Because here in America, it shouldn’t matter how much money your folks make; if you’re willing to work hard, you should be able to get that opportunity.  And you shouldn’t necessarily have $100,000 worth of debt when you leave -- (applause) -- especially if you’re going to go into a profession like teaching. 
 
And we’re not just working to make community colleges free, like Ivy Tech; we want to make our community colleges even better and more responsive, and more attuned to what’s going in the marketplace.  Right here, at this school -- one of the best in the country, not just in the state of Indiana -- (applause) -- you’re finding ways to raise graduation rates, and partner with businesses to help provide apprenticeships and other pathways to careers that pay well in fields like construction and technology.
 
Middle-class economics also means that we’re investing in what makes our economy grown -- better roads, faster Internet, cutting-edge research so that our businesses are creating high-paying jobs.  And the good news is we can actually afford to pay for all this.  We don’t have to add to our deficits if we’ve got some smart spending cuts and if we fix a tax code that is filled up with special interest loopholes and kickbacks for folks who don’t need them.  (Applause.) 
 
And in my budget, I identify some of these.  There’s a trust fund loophole that allows the wealthiest 1 percent of Americans, who have benefitted more over the last 20 years than anybody when the economy has been growing, but this trust fund loophole allows the top 1 percent of Americans to avoid paying taxes on their unearned income.  That’s not something that Jyliann, when she gets her job, is going to be able to do.  The majority of people here can’t avoid paying taxes.  I don’t know why the folks who are most able to pay them should be able to avoid it.  So we need to fix that.  And then we can use the savings to cut taxes for middle-class families who really need it.  (Applause.) 
 
We know that there are companies that have stashed about $2 trillion overseas that haven’t paid U.S. taxes.  Let’s close those loopholes and make it more attractive for businesses to locate here in the United States of America.  Let’s give those folks a tax break.  They’ll create jobs right here in Indianapolis, right here in Indiana, as opposed to giving tax breaks to folks that are shipping jobs overseas or parking money overseas.  We can do that.  (Applause.)  And use one-time savings from reforming our tax code to put people to work rebuilding America.
 
These are ideas that are pretty common sense.  Now, in Washington, folks saw the budget and said, well, these are Obama’s plan -- some of them are pretty good ideas, but they’re never going to go anyplace because the Republicans control Congress and they’re not going to do it.  Well, I’m not pushing these ideas for my sake; I’m pushing them because I think this is where America needs to go.  And we should have a healthy debate about how to do the things that are necessary to help America grow. 
 
Republicans and Democrats won’t agree on everything, and that’s fine.  But we should agree on the stuff we’re talking about now.  We should agree that hardworking families should be able to get child care that’s not more expensive than sending a kid to college.  (Applause.)  We should agree that somebody like Jyliann, who wants to better herself, should be able to go to college without being loaded up with even more debt. 
 
We should be willing to agree that a great city like Indianapolis needs to keep its infrastructure in good shape in order to attract new businesses so they feel confident that they can get their products and services out to market, and that we’ve got the best-trained workforce in the world because that’s what’s going to make companies want to locate here.  Those are things we can agree on.  We should agree that the tax code should be fair, and nobody should be treated better just because they’ve got better accountants or better lawyers. 
 
So if Republicans disagree with the way I’m trying to solve these problems, they should put forward their own plans, and I’m happy to look at it.  But what we can’t do is ignore the problems and pretend that they don’t matter, pretend that families aren’t out there struggling, doing their best. 
 
And I believe in a crazy thing Dick Lugar once wrote.  Dick said, “The other party is also patriotic and may have [some] good ideas.”  (Laughter and applause.)  That’s shocking.  So I know Mayor Ballard believes the same thing, and certainly I do.  So let’s roll up our sleeves, work together, and try to get some stuff down.  That’s what all of you elected us to do -- not to turn everything into a Washington food fight, not to just refight the old partisan battles.  Let’s have a debate that’s worthy of this country, and build on an economy that is picking up steam, and make sure that it is serving everybody, that prosperity is broad-based, that not only everybody is sharing America’s success, but everybody is contributing to America’s success.  That's what we're trying to do.
 
So that's what’s on my mind.  Now, I want to hear what’s on your mind.  All right?  So we're going to start taking some questions.  And the way this is going to work is really simple.  You raise your hand.  (Laughter.)  I will call on you.  And if you could stand up, introduce yourself, try to keep your question relatively short.  I’ll try to keep my answer relatively short.  In fact, the only rule I’m going to impose is I’m going to go girl-boy-girl-boy to make sure it’s even.  (Laughter.)  Make sure it’s fair.  All right?  Okay, let’s get started.  Who wants to go first?  This young lady right here.
 
Q    Hi, I’m Erica Walsh (ph) with the College Democrats of Indiana.  I was curious how you think offering two-year free community college will impact universities with traditional four-year college?
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, I think a lot of folks are going to still use the traditional pathway of going to a four-year university.  And if you -- if that's your best option, God bless you, that's great.  There’s always going to be a market for Indiana University or Notre Dame.  It’s not like suddenly people are going to stop wanting to go there.
 
But what the two years of free community college potentially does is for somebody who is cash-strapped, their best option may be let me go get two years in a community college; I may have already at that point gotten the training I need to go out into the workforce and get a good-paying job.  Or if I decide that I want to continue with my education, I can now transfer to a four-year institution with those credits, which means that the amount of tuition I’m paying at the four-year university is going to be reduced.  Either way you are saving money. 
 
And this is part of what we need to do to be more creative about how do young people get the skills they need without spending as much money or taking on as much debt.  This isn’t the only kind of thing we're looking at.  For example -- and I think Ivy Tech is looking at this kind of partnership with high schools -- a number of community colleges now are linking up with high schools where you can start taking college credits in high school so that by the time you get to the community college, you've already got some credits, which reduces the amount of time that you have to spend in the community college.  And that will save you money, too.
 
So the point is, is that we have this very rigid system.  We have this image in our heads -- okay, you go through high school, and then right away, you go to a four-year university.  And instead, what we should be thinking about is how do we create from the time you are in 9th grade all the way until the time that you've got a job, how do we make sure you're able to get the best skills possible at the cheapest cost. 
 
And if there are faster pathways to do that, let’s use those faster pathways.  If there are cheaper ways to do that, let’s find ways to reduce cost.  Let’s use technology in some cases.  Online learning is getter better and better and better.  And are there ways in which -- particularly, say, somebody who is a mom and has an irregular schedule and can't be on a campus all day -- are there ways that she can get some credits while still looking after a family, or working part time.  So we just have to be much more creative about these issues. 
 
The one thing that in addition to being creative we have to remember is that state legislators have a responsibility to make sure that state institutions are still getting the support that they need.  Because part of what’s happened -- (applause) -- part of the reason that the cost of higher education has gone up so rapidly is that state support for those institutions has gone down or not kept up with inflation.  So what happens is then school administrators have to make up for it with higher tuition.
 
Now, the school administrators, they have a responsibility to be more efficient.  And students and parents, we have a responsibility to be smart consumers.  I joke with Malia and Sasha -- because Malia is now at the age where she’s starting to look at colleges -- and I said, these days I hear everybody is looking for fancy gyms and gourmet food and -- (laughter) -- really spiffy dorms. 
 
Let me tell you, when I was at college, we -- the college I started at, Occidental College, it did have a gym, but like the weight room was -- it was like a medicine ball and you had -- (laughter) -- I mean, it wasn’t fancy.  It wasn’t state of the art.  The cafeteria, I don’t remember some of the stuff they served there, but I remember it wasn’t that appetizing.  (Laughter.)  I do know there was something on the menu that we called “roast beast,” because we couldn’t really tell what kind of meat it was.  (Laughter.)  It was some sort of meat product. 
 
So students and parents have to be better consumers.  The universities have to figure out how to become more efficient and also give information to young people ahead of time.  Because part of what happens these days is, in recruiting students, they’ll say, don’t worry about it, you’ll be able to afford it.  Well, it’s true that, in part, we’ve expanded Pell grants, and we cut out the bank middleman on student loans so that we could give more student loans, that a lot of young people are able to finance college that they couldn’t do before.  But if they don’t know ahead of time that when you get out you may have a $60,000, $70,000, $80,000 bill, then that’s a problem.  So we’ve got to provide them better information.
 
But, ultimately, what also has to happen is state legislators have to step up.  The federal government will do its part.  And we’ve expanded the support we’re giving to students.  But these public institutions have a special obligation.  And it is a good investment, because the states with the best educational system, that’s where companies are going to go.  It’s true not just in this country, it’s true all across the world.  (Applause.) 
 
Okay.  It’s a gentleman’s turn.  This young man right here, white shirt.  I’m not sure we’ve got a mic back here.  How loud are you?  Are you able to just shout?  No.  (Laughter.)  All right.  Kind of a soft-spoken guy.  Here we go.
 
Q    Hi.  I'm a student here at Ivy Tech.  My question is, if community college does become free, do you feel as if the value of having an associate’s degree will begin to drop? 
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Absolutely not.  But I think it’s a good question.  I’ve been asked this question before.  I don’t know where this is coming from. 
 
I’ll tell you a story -- or I’ll give you an example.  There is a college in New York called City Colleges of New York.  And back in the ‘40s, ‘50s, ‘60s, the City Colleges of New York produced as many Nobel laureates as a lot of Ivy League schools. It was free, but it was considered one of the best universities in the country, one of the best college systems in the country.  Nobody thought, well, because you went to the city colleges and it didn’t cost you any money, that somehow the education was devalued.
 
So the issue is not whether you’re -- how much money you’re paying.  The issue is what kind of education is it providing you. And the reputation of the school is going to be determined by, when the graduates come out, do they have the skills they need to do the job.  And if they do, then employers are going to know it, because employers are hungry for well-qualified students.  I can’t tell you how many businesses I talk to where they say, our biggest problem is we can’t find enough workers who are trained in the fields that we’re searching for.  So don’t let anybody think that paying more means a better education.
 
One thing that we do have to think about -- and this is where community colleges can be an outstanding bridge -- is making sure that we’re reaching out to businesses and finding out what do they need for the positions that they’re hiring, and having those businesses help community colleges design training programs and departments, to serve those needs.
 
And we’re seeing a lot more work done by community colleges on that front.  And Ivy Tech does a great job also with apprenticeships in partnership with labor councils.  That’s another example of smart education.  It turns out the average apprentice gets a $50,000 starting salary once they get out of apprenticeship -- on average across the country.  So we’re doing a lot to encourage schools to expand apprenticeships and partnerships. 
 
But don’t think paying more is better.  Paying less is better.  (Applause.)  I'm always looking for a deal.  (Laughter.) 
All right, let’s see -- yes, right there. 
 
Q    My name is Amy Saxton (ph) and my question is, I pay for my daughter’s college.  I'm now saving for my grandchildren’s college with a 529 plan.  Do you see any changes that might impact me as I go into retirement?
 
THE PRESIDENT:  We initially looked at changing the 529 plan.  And the reason is that -- I have 529s for both Malia and Sasha.  For those who aren’t familiar, 529 is basically a savings account that you can put in tax-free up to a certain amount for savings for your child’s college.  The problem is when you looked at the statistics, the folks who used the most were folks who were a little more on the high end.  A lot of people couldn’t use them because they just weren’t generating enough savings to be able to take advantage of the benefit.  And so our thinking was you could save money by eliminating the 529 and shifting it into some other loan programs that would be more broadly based. 
 
But I think enough people -- and we were going to hold harmless folks like you or me who already had money in 529s, so it wasn’t as if suddenly you had to start paying taxes on it.  But just going forward we were going to change it. 
 
I’ll be honest with you.  There were enough people who already were utilizing 529s that they started feeling as if well, changing like this in midstream, even if I'm not affected right now, I like the program.  It wasn’t worth it for us to eliminate it, the savings weren’t that great.  So we actually, based on response, changed our mind, and are going to be paying for the two years of free community college with other sources, including some of the tax loopholes that we’re closing.  So, short answer to your question is 529s will not change at this point.  (Applause.) 
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Got a gentleman here who really has a question, right here.  He was waving and everything.  This is going to be a good one.
 
Q    It’s going to be a good one.
 
THE PRESIDENT:  I know that’s right.
 
Q    My names Eddie White with the Indiana Pacers.
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Oh, good to talk to you, man.  (Laughter.)
 
Q    Basketball is really important in this state.  You know, we have this saying, “In 49 states it's just basketball, but this is Indiana.”   (Laughter.)  Years ago, on a radio show, you told me that -- when I asked you about your game, you said you were “a poor man’s Tayshaun Prince.”  Where is your game today?  And one more thing -- Tamika Catchings says she’s ready, one-on-one any time you want.  (Applause
 
THE PRESIDENT:  All right.  Well, let me make a couple of points here.  (Laughter.)  First of all, I love Tamika.  She refereed the game we played in Kokomo, so she was a witness to my domination on the court.  (Laughter.)  But when it comes to me playing her one-on-one, at this point I’m not sure.  Because I’ll be honest with you, my game is a little broke.  (Laughter.)  I’ve been a little busy.  And what happens is that sort of the risk-reward ratio starts shifting.  Like the chances of an Achilles tear or an ACL injury is increasing each month.  And then the satisfaction I get from playing diminishes because I’m so bad.  (Laughter.)  And so I think golf.  (Laughter.)  Likelihood of injury much lower.   But I still love the game.  I still love the game.
 
This is a good time for me to give a shout-out to the NBA.  Mayor Ballard mentioned the work that he’s doing with My Brother’s Keepers.  And this is something that we initiated in response to all the negative news that we were hearing about young African American men and Latino men and their interactions with police.  And we said, all right, there are a whole bunch of issues that we have to deal with on the criminal justice side, but we have to have an affirmative agenda to make sure that young people feel hope and opportunity and pathways.  (Applause.)
 
And so the idea of My Brother’s Keepers is that we are working with both the private sector and the public sector, all across the country, on mentorship programs.  The Mayor is talking to folks about doing a zero-to-three program, because we know that if you invest early in young people, they are much more likely to succeed in school.  We know that there are certain points in time where kids are more likely to drop out, or more likely to get in trouble with the criminal justice system, and so figuring out interventions.  We know that if they're reading at grade level in the third grade, then they're much more likely to graduate, so making sure that we're really concentrating on reading skills at that level.
 
And the interest and involvement has surprised even me.  People have been really generous and stepped up to the plate.  And the NBA is participating.  And some of you who have been watching the games may have seen some of the ads of some of the players talking directly to the TV screen and saying to young people, they matter.  And so I just want to commend them for the great work they're doing on that front.  Commissioner Silver has been very good on it.  So we appreciate it.
 
All righty, let’s see.  Young lady way in the back.  Right there.  Yes, you.  Hold on one second, though.  Wait for the mic to come. 
 
Q    I want to get this right so I’m going to read it off.
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Okay.
 
Q    Hi.  My name is Isabelle Keller. 
 
THE PRESIDENT:  But you don't have to talk that fast.  (Laughter.)
 
Q    Okay, I’ll do it slowly.  I’m sorry. 
 
THE PRESIDENT:  You're just kind of nervous. 
 
Q    Yes.
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Okay.
 
Q    A little bit.
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Yes.
 
Q    My name is Isabelle Keller, and I’m the junior class president at my high school.  And I’m co-chairing a bipartisan event at my school next year to help engage high school students in our political process.  What advice do you have in helping attract high school students and get them more engaged to work in our country’s politics?
 
THE PRESIDENT:  That's great.  See, I love young leaders like this.  (Applause.)  They're juniors in high school taking an interest.  Make sure one of our volunteers gets -- what’s your name again?  Isabel?  Okay, let’s get Isabelle’s email and maybe I’ll send her a note to kick off the event next year.  (Applause.) 
 
One of the big challenges that we have in this country is the lack of civic engagement, the lack of participation.  In the last election, only about a third of people who were eligible to vote voted.  A third!  And you have elections that take place, for example, in Ukraine, where they're in the middle of a war, and their participation rates are 60 percent.  And here, with all the blessings that we’ve got, the notion that only a third of us would vote that are eligible doesn't make any sense.  And so it starts at a young age.
 
And I think the most important thing in any bipartisan event like that is to help young people understand that politics is not some sideshow in Washington, it’s not some cable chatter yacking, arguing.  It’s how we, together, as a community, make decisions about our priorities -- what do we think is important. 
 
When you’re a junior in high school, if you’re like Malia, if you decide you and your friends are going out, you’ve got to make all kinds of decisions about where we’re going to eat, and what movie do you want to see, and you guys take votes and you’re trying to figure out maybe one of your friends doesn’t have enough money and are we going to chip in to help make sure she can go, too.
 
Well, the same thing is true for a country.  We’ve got to make priorities.  We’ve got to make decisions.  Are we going to invest in schools?  Are we going to make sure that when you graduate you can afford to go to college?  Are we going to make sure that we’re investing in the research that creates new medicines that will help cure cancer or Parkinson’s disease?  Are we going to make sure that we’re treating our veterans the way they need to be treated when they come home?  How are we going to pay for that?  Who’s going to pay for that?  Are we going to make sure that we’re passing on an environment with clean air and clean water, and how are we going to do that?  And how are we going to balance that with making sure that we’re growing an economy, so when you graduate from college there’s a job for you?
 
Those are all the things that politics determines.  So I think, more than anything, helping young people understand that this stuff matters to them and that government is not something separate from you -- it is you.  In a democracy, it’s you that makes these decisions. 
 
And then making sure you got good pizza at the event is also important.  (Laughter.)
 
All right.  Who’s next?  Young man right here.  Right here.  (Laughter.)  Thank you.  Thank you.
 
Q    Hi, I am Mark.  First, I want to say thank you for all the things you’re doing and the things that you’re going to do for our nation.  (Applause.)  Secondly, my name is Mark Kelly.  I am actually currently the president of (inaudible.)  And my question is, what is the criteria and the requirements for this plan that you’re trying to propose?
 
THE PRESIDENT:  For which plan?
 
Q    For two years free college?
 
THE PRESIDENT:  The idea would be that you would have to maintain at least a 2.5 average.  (Applause.)  So we’re not going to -- I mean, there’s no such thing as a completely free lunch.  We want to reward people who are making the effort.  Because one of the problems we have when it comes to college education is that young people aren’t graduating fast enough, they’re dragging things out too long, and that just adds costs.  And even if they are taking out loans, so it’s technically they’re paying for it, the problem is, is that the more expensive it gets, the less likely it may be that they can pay it back.
 
So what we’re saying is you’ve got to earn it.  You’ve got to have a 2.5 average.  You’ve got to maintain attendance.  You’ve got to stay on a schedule and have a game plan at the front end so that you graduate on time.
 
And obviously, there would be special circumstances like illness or what have you, but the point is, this is not you get two years of free goofing off.  This is to help you achieve your goals.  But that means that you have to put in the effort.  So that would be the main criteria.  (Applause.)
 
All right.  Yes, right here.  Hold on a second, mic is coming.
 
Q    My name is Christylee Vickers.  I’m an OIF veteran from the U.S. Army, and I’m also the President of the Ivy Tech Collegiate Veterans Organization.  (Applause.)
 
THE PRESIDENT:  What branch were you in?
 
Q    I was in the Army and I was a mechanic.
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Army strong! 
 
Q    Hooah!
 
THE PRESIDENT:  All right.
 
Q    Now, my question is, veterans get to use the GI Bill.  They also get VOC rehab if they are underemployed, or if they use their GI Bill or if their GI Bill -- if they were a Cold War veteran they never got that.  How does this affect a veteran’s use of education?  Because veterans today are dealing with unemployment rates higher than other people.  They’re dealing with unemployment altogether.  And what’s really important is getting a veteran who is dealing with post-traumatic stress or other problems to get an education and have people who understand the fact that they have issues, but at the same time they have benefits that they’ve earned and they’ve paid for through blood and tears?
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Right.  Well, first of all, thank you for your service.  We’re proud of you.  (Applause.)  For those who qualify under the post-9/11 GI Bill, you’re already supposed to be getting the benefits that you have earned.  And so nothing would change about that program.
 
As you point out, it’s not just college tuition, though, that is often a burden on our veterans.  So I am very proud of the fact that I have increased veterans funding more than any administration since I’ve been in office.  (Applause.)  And a lot of it is focused on some of the challenges that you talk about.
 
For example, we made it much easier for veterans with post-traumatic stress disorder to qualify under disability claims.  We expanded significantly the number of mental health facilities that were available.  We set up, for example, special programs for women veterans, because they’ve got different medical needs, through the VA system. 
 
Another example that’s really important is we’ve been working with states and local governments around issues of licensing.  So you said you were a mechanic.  There may be, in a lot of states, licensing requirements for you to be a mechanic, or to be an EMS officer, or to be a nurse.  And what we were finding was, is that -- I still remember I had a conversation with a guy up in Minnesota.  This is when I first came into office.  We're at a little diner, sitting down.  He had just come back from Iraq.  He had two or three tours in Iraq.  And you can imagine what an emergency medic in Iraq is dealing with in 2006 or 2007.  He decided he wanted to make a career as a nurse.  He was having to come back and he was having to start with Nursing 101.  I mean, he had to start from scratch, as if he didn't have this incredible wealth of experience and skill. 
 
And so we set out to work with state legislators and cities and others that oftentimes are responsible for licensing to say there’s got to be transferability and credit for the incredible work that veterans do on the job so that they don't have to start all over again and take a whole bunch of new classes just to get certified on stuff they already know how to do.  (Applause.)  And that's been really helpful, as well.
 
The key now is to get more employers to recognize the skills of our veterans.  So Michelle and Jill Biden, through their Joining Forces program, have been able to recruit companies all across the country -- major corporations like Honeywell, smaller companies -- to not just do job fairs, but make concrete commitments we are going to hire a certain number of veterans, a certain number of military spouses.  And hundreds of thousands of folks have come through these programs.
 
The challenge that we’ve still got is that we’ve got to find ways for veterans to upgrade their skills through this process.  And that's where things like apprenticeships -- so that folks aren’t just getting hired at the bottom rungs, but have the opportunity to maybe come in at a higher wage and a higher salary.  So we’ve got tie together the education process with the hiring process.
 
Q    Can I add to that?
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Sure.
 
Q    In Indiana, there’s a bill currently in the House and the Senate that is trying to give the private sector military hiring preference, like the government does.  Within the government, you have a point system being a veteran, for serving, for having a disability rating, for being a spouse, and so on.  And in Indiana, they’re trying to pass this bill to give hiring preference, saying if you and a veteran have the same qualifications, veterans should get the job.  I feel like that is somewhat fair because they put their life on hold for two to 20 years to serve our country, and they’re taking this job experience that you’ve acknowledged, and they’re taking that real-world and they’re the fact that they always show up to work on time, they’ll pass a drug test.  And they’re willing to put in that extra mile.  Do you agree with that bill that’s trying to get passed? 
 
THE PRESIDENT:  I am always careful about agreeing with bills that I have not read because that's how I get into trouble. (Laughter.)  But if there are any state legislators here, this young lady is going to be very interested in talking to you.  And the --
 
Q    (Inaudible) we just passed that bill out of the Senate Committee this past week.
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, there you go.  (Applause.)  See, so -- that's your representatives and senators hard at work.  (Laughter.) 
 
But I think the basic concept of making sure that we are crediting the work that is done by veterans is really important. The sacrifices that not just veterans but their families make are incredible. 
 
And I’m proud to say that we do much better now than we did in the past.  When you read about the Vietnam era, it’s just heartbreaking how veterans were treated when they came home.  I think we, as a society -- and this has been bipartisan -- have really improved, but we still have a lot more work to do.  So the veterans’ health system, for example, is far better now than it was 30 years ago, or 20 years ago -- demonstrably better.
 
But as we saw -- remember in Phoenix, there are still situations where the wait times are too long.  Veterans are really satisfied once they get in the system, but getting the initial appointment is often too tough.  There’s too much bureaucracy.  There’s too much red tape.  So we have to just constantly keep at this and constantly keep improving it.
 
And as we end -- we’ve now ended both the Iraq War and the Afghan War, we got millions of people -- (applause) -- in terms of the combat role, we’ve got hundreds of thousands of folks who are coming home, and they're going to need help making this transition.  And obviously we still have folks in harm’s way now dealing with ISIL, as well as helping to train both Iraqi and Afghan armies.  And they're going to need help, as well.  They're still on rotations.  Their families are still missing them, and they're missing birthdays and soccer games.  And it’s a big sacrifice.
 
So thanks for the question and thanks for your service.
 
All right, we got a gentleman?  Let’s see.  This is a good bunch to choose from.  He’s got a veteran’s -- he’s got a veteran’s hat on, which makes me more biased towards him.  (Laughter.)  This is an example of your -- but are you going to ask another veteran’s question?
 
Q    No.
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Okay, right here. 
 
Q    Mr. President, thank you for coming and thanks for taking my question.  I am Chris Bowen.  I’m the student government president here, so I represent the students here in the central region of Indiana for Ivy Tech.
 
THE PRESIDENT:  That's great.
 
Q    And something we could use right away is a tax credit for books.  The costs on the books are just running away.  We need somebody to do -- some help in that area, and then the same thing with advisors.  We really need some advisors that know the classes that we need to look at the skills that we already have in our life and say, hey, have you thought about looking at an approach in a different way.  And so we really need some help from the federal government in those areas.
 
THE PRESIDENT:  I think that's a great point.  First of all, I should have mentioned at the outset, when Michelle and I got out -- when we got married, in addition to the bonds of love, we had the bonds of debt.  (Laughter.)  Our net worth was negative because we had all these student loans.  And basically for the first 10 years of our marriage, we paid more in student loan repayment than we did on our mortgage. 
 
And since we both went to law school, we both remember well the cost of books.  And for those -- and then I taught in the law school, so I remember having to assign books.  I actually cheated a little bit and put together these syllabi where I’d Xerox stuff off, and they could get a packet, and it was a lot cheaper for folks.  (Applause.)  But that's not always possible.  (Laughter.)
 
But I will say, nothing is worse than when a professor assigns their own book.  (Laughter.)  Because then you know they're getting over.  (Laughter.)  But the book costs are enormous.  They're real.
 
Now, one of the advantages of the two year of free college tuition plan -- that doesn't include room and board and books -- but what that does then is it frees up your ability to use Pell grants or other programs for books, right?  So it would relieve some of those costs and living expenses and transportation and all that stuff.  So school still wouldn’t be perfectly free, but you would now have the budget to manage that.
 
With respect to advisors, I think this is a great point.  We're actually starting at the high school level.  Michelle just had an event to celebrate counselors.  And she had -- Connie Britton, remember she played a counselor in “Friday Night Lights”?  You all watch that show?  That was a good show.  (Laughter.)   So she came to speak, but it was celebrating the role of counselors in high schools. 
 
But the same is true in community colleges with advisors.  A lot of young people have a general idea of what they want to do, but don't always know the path to get there, don't know what the requirements are, don't know what classes they should be taking.  And one of the big problems that drives up college costs is young people start down one path, they get about halfway through it, they realize, actually that's the thing I’m more interested in over there.  They switch, but all those credits that they took now are wasted.  And they’ve got to start all over again.  And that extends greatly the amount of time that it takes to graduate.  So having more counselors and investors on the front end, end up being a good investment for the system overall. 
 
Now, I haven’t talked to your president here about how schools are currently budgeting advisors, but certainly this is something that we are interested in.  And we're going to want to partner with community colleges and public universities, as well as with high schools to see what more work we can do on that front.  So good suggestions.  That's why you got elected president.  (Applause.)  Absolutely.
 
It’s a young lady’s turn.  Right here.  Right in the middle.  You, yes.
 
Q    Good afternoon, Mr. President.  My name is Dana Phillips with (inaudible) Lee & Fairman.  And my question is, with the focus being on two-year community colleges right now, what focus does your administration have for historically black colleges and universities for students outside of Indiana, where they may choose to attend these institutions with such dire straits that many of them are facing right now?
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, we have some outstanding historically black colleges and universities.  We’ve got some universities that historically serve primarily Latino students, who do a great job as well.  Many of those schools, because of their critical role in serving underrepresented communities, under federal legislation get additional dollars to help with infrastructure and maintain their faculties and so forth. 
 
But many of the problems that those schools face are also the ones that every other school faces, which is rising tuition, students taking out too much debt, graduation rates that are too low.  And so we’re working with them on this common set of problems.
 
Now, I will say this:  There are some historically black colleges and universities that are not doing a good job with graduation rates.  And so one of the things that we’re doing is we’re saying to schools of all stripes that we’re going to develop some measures so that parents and students can know ahead of time how those schools are performing so that we can increase consumer education.  Because what I don’t want to do is to have the federal government pay for a Pell grant or a student loan, and you go to a school where they’re taking that money, you’re getting into debt, but your graduation rate is low -- which means you may end up leaving without a degree.  You now are on the hook for this debt; if you can’t pay it, then taxpayers have to pay for it.  That’s a problem.
 
So what we’re doing is, those schools that are doing outstanding jobs serving underrepresented communities, we’re going to give them some extra help.  Schools that are not doing a good job, we’re saying to them we’re going to give you the training to get better, but at a certain point, if you don’t get better, we’re going to start advertising the fact that your graduation rates are too low.  We’ve got to have some accountability in this overall process. 
 
Gentleman right here.  There you go -- in that spiffy gray jacket. 
 
Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  My name is Frank Short (ph).  I have a question.  You’ve been our leader for six years, you have two years left.  What you be your number-one priority, and what could we, as hardworking Hoosiers, help you to do to accomplish that?
 
THE PRESIDENT:  My number-one priority is to make sure that the American people’s wages and incomes are going up -- since right now the stock market has gone up, corporate profits are at an all-time high, corporate balance sheets have never been better in history -- that’s not according to me, that’s according to Bloomberg and Fortune Magazine, not publications that generally are my big promoters.  (Laughter.) 
 
So they’re going well.  And the question now is, how do the folks who work in those companies, how do we get them more income and more wages.  Now, that can’t happen if the economy doesn’t grow.  So first and foremost, we’ve got to keep this growth going.  And one of the worries that we’re going to have this year -- the economy is doing well.  The problem is, overseas, the economies aren’t doing so well.  Europe is not doing well.  China is slowing down because they’re transitioning, and so that’s having some impact on our exports.
 
So if we want to keep the progress that’s going on right now, the best thing we can do is to make the investments that I talked about in the State of the Union to create more growth and more demand here in the United States.
 
I’ll be very specific.  This is something that you can help on:  Infrastructure.  We know that we’ve got about $2 trillion worth of deferred maintenance we need to do in this country -- bridges that are unsafe, sewer mains that are bursting, airports that are out of date.  We’ve got an air traffic control system that doesn’t take advantage of new technologies.  If we put in place a new state-of-the-art air traffic control system, it’s estimated that airlines could save 30 percent on their fuel costs because they wouldn’t be hovering around trying to wait to land.  That means 30 percent less pollution from fuel.  It means we could cut delays by about 30 percent, which I know everybody here who has flown lately would really appreciate.  It would be good for business.
 
And the good thing about infrastructure is you can’t export those jobs.  They have to be done here by American workers.  And so then those American workers have more money in their pocket, and then they go the restaurant nearby, and then suddenly the restaurant is doing a little bit better, so they hire a couple more shifts -- and you get this virtuous cycle. 
 
And traditionally, that’s been a bipartisan issue.  So if we can get Republican representatives and senators and Democratic representatives and senators here Indiana, if you guys can push them to say, let’s go ahead and move forward on an infrastructure program -- I know the Mayor wouldn’t mind doing it -- and convince them, that keeps the economy growing overall.
 
But then there are also some things that I want to do more directly for middle-class families, and that has to do with this tax system.  As I mentioned before, there was a young woman I talked about at the State of the Union -- wonderful family, the Erlers, two little boys; one of them school age, one of them is still too young and in preschool.  Their child care is more than tuition at the University of Minnesota -- or at least close. 
 
We are the only advanced nation on Earth that does not provide support to families when their kids are really young, and doesn’t invest in making sure that our child care system works the way it should.  So I’ve put forward an initiative that says let’s consolidate and make more helpful a tax credit for child care.  Let’s boost the quality of child care so that parents have confidence when they’re putting their kids someplace that teachers there are trained and they’re getting good early childhood education.  Let’s get more slots.  That’s something that is just concretely helping families right now.
 
And, by the way, it’s not just the poor family that has trouble here.  There are a lot of folks who we’d all consider middle class who have the same problem.  I mean, it’s just hard, especially now that the typical middle-class family, they’ve got two breadwinners.  Folks both have to work in order to succeed.
 
And we know how to do this.  My grandfather, when he went away to war, fighting Patton’s Army in Europe, my grandmother stayed home; she was Rosie the Riveter.  She was working on an assembly line for bombers, and this country provided child care because they knew it was a necessity.  If you were going to have women working in the workforce, somebody had to look after those kids.  So it’s not as if we don’t have any experience doing this. We just don’t do a good job.
 
Paid sick leave -- here’s another good example.  We’ve got 43 million Americans who don’t have paid sick leave.  Think about that.  Again, we’re like the only country in the industrialized world that does not provide paid sick leave.  Well, that’s money out of people’s pockets.  People will get sick.  And the idea that in a society like ours we would force people to choose between leaving a sick child at home, for example, of giving up a day’s pay, that doesn’t make any sense. 
 
So the way Hoosiers can help, the way folks all across America can help is to let your members of Congress know these things are important. 
 
And if, as I said before, Republicans in Congress -- Mitch McConnell and John Boehner and the leadership there -- if they disagree with how I’m paying for a bigger child care tax credit, if they disagree with how I plan to pay for infrastructure, if they don’t want to raise -- or close loopholes on the top 1 percent, or go after some of these loopholes that send profits overseas -- if they don’t want to do it that way, then they should show me another way. 
 
But your voice letting them know this is important -- not because it’s partisan, but because it’s the right thing to do for America.  If they hear that from enough people, then that’s going to make a difference.
 
But it goes back to what that young lady asked me about -- Isabelle, right?  See, I’ve got a good memory.  I’m not getting too old.  (Laughter.)  It goes back to what Isabelle was saying  -- our system only works when people are involved.  When people are involved and informed and taking the time to ask questions and let their opinions be known, then ultimately the government will respond.  But if only a third of the people are saying anything, the government doesn’t respond, and you get the government that we’ve seen in Washington lately -- which is unresponsive and is not doing enough.
 
So people have to get involved, and you’ve got to be informed.  And if we are, then I am so optimistic about this country.  The reason we’ve gotten out of this recession over the last six years is in part -- I’m going to go ahead and brag a little bit -- we made some good decisions.  (Applause.)  We made the decision to save the auto industry.  We made the decision to stabilize the financial system.  We made the decision to help local governments keep their teachers on the payroll and not lay them off.  We made a bunch of decisions to do infrastructure Awere in.
 
But the main reason was because people worked hard in the private sector and small businesses, and they tightened their belts and they made sacrifices, and they paid down debt and they dug themselves out of holes.  The resilience and the grit and the basic decency of the American people and our willingness to work hard and our innovation, our willingness to take risks -- it puts us in such a good position.
 
I travel all around the world.  I know the economies of every country in the world.  I know their problems, I know their advantages.  People talk about China and they talk about Germany and they talk about India -- nobody has got better cards than we do if we make good decisions together.  And somebody once said about America, we always end up doing the right thing after we’ve tried everything else.  (Laughter.)  And I’m hoping that we don’t have to try every other thing before we do the right thing right now to help middle-class families get ahead.
 
If we do that, the economy is going to be stronger, businesses are going to do better, consumers are going to be more confident, we’ll sell more good overseas, our kids will have the kind of future we want for them.  That’s what I’m going to be working on for the next two years.  I hope you help.
 
Thank you, everybody.  (Applause.)

END  
3:43 P.M. EST

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by National Security Advisor Susan Rice on the 2015 National Security Strategy

Good afternoon, everyone.  Thank you, Strobe, for your kind words and to everyone at Brookings.  This was my home for six peaceful years.  I miss it.  Looking around the room, I see many friends who challenged and encouraged me — and who continue to generate some of the best ideas for America’s foreign policy.  So, I’m very pleased to be here.

This morning, President Obama released his 2015 National Security Strategy.  Fundamentally, it’s a strategy to strengthen the foundations of America’s power—political, economic, and military—and to sustain American leadership in this new century so that we can surmount the challenges of today and capture the opportunities of tomorrow.

Our strategy is guided by the same four enduring national interests we laid out in the 2010 National Security Strategy – security, prosperity, values, and a rules-based international order.  Our interests are enduring, but in many respects, 2015 is a whole new ballgame.  Much has changed in the last five years.  

As a nation, we are stronger than we’ve been in a long time.  Since President Obama took office, we arrested the worst financial crisis and repaired the biggest collapse in world trade since the Great Depression.  In 2010, unemployment in the United States was almost 10 percent.  Today, businesses have added more than 11 million new jobs, and unemployment is down to 5.7 percent.  In 2010, our deficit topped $1 trillion; today, we’ve cut that in half, to less than $500 billion. Our kids are graduating at higher rates, and millions more Americans have healthcare.  We’ve unlocked a domestic energy boom that has made us the world’s number one producer of oil and gas, strengthening our energy security – with huge ripple effects for global oil markets and geopolitics.  We’ve brought home almost 170,000 American troops, responsibly ending two long and costly ground wars and re-purposing our military strength so we can better respond to emerging threats and crises.  The diversity and creativity of the American people continue to be a wellspring of American power—driving innovations that are revolutionizing everything from the way we hail a cab to the way we treat disease.  By fortifying our foundational strengths, America is in a better position to confront current crises and seize the opportunities of this new century.     

Yet, few know better than we the complexity of the challenges that America faces.  Every day, I start my morning with a briefing that covers the most sobering threats and the difficult problems we confront around the world.  These include the fall-out from the Arab uprisings, Russian aggression, Ebola, cyber attacks, and a more diffuse terrorist threat.

But, too often, what’s missing here in Washington is a sense of perspective.  Yes, there’s a lot going on.  Still, while the dangers we face may be more numerous and varied, they are not of the existential nature we confronted during World War II or the Cold War.  We can’t afford to be buffeted by alarmism and an instantaneous news cycle.  We must continue to do the hard work of leading a complex and rapidly evolving world, of seizing opportunities, and of winning the future for our children.  

Strong and sustained American leadership remains essential, as ever.  Think for a minute where the world would be today without decisive U.S. leadership.  Ebola would be spreading throughout West Africa and likely to far corners of the world.  Instead, America galvanized the world to roll back this horrible disease.  Without us, Russia would be suffering no cost for its actions in Ukraine.  Instead, the ruble is in a free fall, and Russia is paying dearly for flaunting the rules.  Without us, there would be no military campaign or sixty countries countering ISIL’s advance.  There would be no prospect for a global deal on climate change; no pressure for Iran to be at the negotiating table; and, no potential for trade that meets a higher standard for our workers and businesses.   

Nonetheless, there is a loud debate in Washington about American leadership in the 21st century.  But the issue is not simply when we should have started arming Syrian rebels or whether we should provide lethal weapons to Ukraine.  It is about the nature of U.S. leadership for the future.  With this national security strategy, we stake out a much larger role for America in shaping our world, while anticipating the challenges to come.

Before I go through the elements of this strategy, I want to note how our approach may differ from what others may recommend.  We believe in the importance of economic growth, but we insist upon investing in the foundations of American power: education and health care; clean energy and basic research.  We will always act to defend our country and its people, but we aim to avoid sending many thousands of ground forces into combat in hostile lands.  We have renewed our core alliances, while also building partnerships with emerging powers and neglected regions.  We are committed to fighting terrorism and stopping the spread of nuclear weapons, even as we rally the world to meet the threats of tomorrow—malicious cyber actors and deadly pandemics; climate change and competition in space.  We focus – every day – on the crises in the Middle East and Ukraine, but we are simultaneously rebalancing to the regions that will do more to determine the course of the 21st century—East Asia and India, Sub-Saharan Africa and the Americas.

So, with that in mind, let me outline the four ways we are advancing our core interests. 

The first element of our strategy is to secure the U.S., our citizens, our allies and partners through a dynamic global security posture in which we employ our unique capabilities, forge diverse coalitions, and support local partners.  This approach builds on a more secure homeland and a national defense that is second to none.  President Obama is committed to maintaining the best trained, best equipped, and best led military force the world has ever known, while honoring our promises to service members, veterans, and their families. To ensure success, we call on Congress to support responsible investments in our national security, including by ending sequestration. 

To counter today’s threats, we’re implementing a comprehensive counter-terrorism approach that takes account of how the enemy has evolved.  As al-Qa’ida core has been decimated, we’ve seen the diffusion of the threat – to al-Qa’ida affiliates, ISIL, local militias, and home-grown violent extremists. This diffusion may for now reduce the risk of a spectacular attack like 9/11, but it raises the probability of the types of attacks that we’ve seen in Boston and Ottawa, Sydney and Paris.  To meet this morphing challenge, we are combining our decisive military capabilities with local partnerships, with the financial tools to choke off funding, and the international reach of our law-enforcement and intelligence agencies.  We’re strengthening the capacity of weak states to govern their territory and provide for their citizens, while countering the corrosive ideology of violent extremism.  Fighting terrorism is a long-term struggle.  There will be setbacks, and there are no one-size-fits-all solutions.  We have to work across multiple lines of effort in diverse contexts to be effective.

To degrade and ultimately defeat ISIL, we assembled a broad coalition that is confronting this scourge from all angles—from training Iraqi security forces and supporting the moderate Syrian opposition to encouraging political reforms in Iraq that foster greater inclusion.  Together, we’ve taken out thousands of ISIL’s fighters; destroyed nearly 200 oil and gas facilities that fund their terror; and pushed them out of territory, including areas around Baghdad, Sinjar, and the Mosul Dam.  Just last week, ISIL conceded defeat in their months-long siege of Kobane.  And with the world united in condemnation of its horrific executions, ISIL should know that their barbarism only fortifies the world’s collective resolve.

Our counter-terrorism strategy is still at work in Afghanistan, where we ended our combat mission as planned.  Now, we are focused on supporting a sovereign and stable Afghanistan that will not be a safe haven for al-Qa’ida terrorists.  Even as we help develop Afghan security forces, we will continue to keep pressure on al-Qa’ida through a capable counterterrorism mission.

American leadership remains essential not only to tackling today’s threats but also to addressing the global challenges that will define the nature of security for our children and grandchildren.  And here, too, we have to lead with our heads, enlisting partners to work alongside us.

American leadership is addressing the danger of nuclear proliferation. No threat poses as grave a risk to our security as the potential use of nuclear weapons.  That is why we continue to secure nuclear material and strengthen international norms against the use of all weapons of mass destruction, moving us closer to achieving the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons. 

American leadership rallied the world to toughen sanctions against Iran.  Through diplomacy and sustained economic pressure, we’ve halted the progress of Iran’s nuclear program and rolled it back in key respects.  Now, we must give diplomacy a chance to finish the job.  If diplomacy fails, it will not be for lack of good faith by America or the P5+1.  And then, if necessary, we would be stronger in leading our partners to dial up the pressure and in making sure Iran does not obtain a nuclear weapon. 

American leadership is addressing the dangers of pandemic disease.  Our agenda to improve global health security doesn’t end with Ebola.  It strengthens the capacity of states and international institutions to prevent, detect, and respond to future outbreaks, before they become deadly epidemics.

American leadership is addressing the very real threat of climate change.  The science is clear. The impacts of climate change will only worsen over time—even longer droughts, more severe storms, more forced migration.  So we’re making smart decisions today that will pay off for generations, like our ground-breaking climate commitment with China that will limit both our nations’ greenhouse gases and bend down the global emissions curve. 

American leadership is also addressing the pressing need for enhanced cyber-security.  As more of the world comes online, we’re leading an international effort to define the rules for how states engage with one another in cyberspace, while ensuring the Internet remains a powerful tool to drive future advances.  At the same time, we are committing new resources to bolster the security of U.S. critical infrastructure, government networks, and other systems against cyber threats.

Second, we will expand prosperity by using our renewed economic strength—our resurgent economy and improved energy security—to bolster the global financial system, advance an open international economic order, and reduce inequality and poverty. 

With the world’s top universities, premier research facilities, and a culture of entrepreneurship, America already has the keys that will drive our knowledge economy through the coming century.  And, with critical investments in technology and innovation, we’ll keep sharpening our technological edge to keep the American economy at the forefront of innovation.     

We’re opening more markets to American businesses, workers, and farmers while forging trade agreements that set high standards for fair wages, safe workplaces, and environmental protections.  And, to make sure new trade and growth benefit people around the world, we’ll continue to pursue a sustainable development agenda, grounded in our commitment to end extreme poverty. 

We’ll work with Congress to pass Trade Promotion Authority so we can finalize the Trans-Pacific Partnership, thus securing a free trade agreement with many of the world’s fastest-growing economies.  We’re working to make rapid progress with the European Union on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, expanding what is already the largest trading relationship in the world.  And, we are committed to renewing and enhancing the African Growth and Opportunity Act to further deepen our investment in that promising region. 

Africa is primed to become a major center of global growth.  We’ve ramped up our commitments across the continent, including through the President’s Power Africa initiative to connect millions more people to reliable electricity.  Through Feed the Future, we’re helping farmers plant better crops and raise their incomes, while also improving the food security of the region.  And last August, for the first time ever, President Obama hosted some 50 African leaders to chart ways our nations will do more together and seize opportunities for U.S. businesses to invest in Africa’s future.   

Third, at a time when citizens in every region are demanding greater freedom and more accountability from their governments, our strategy is to defend democracy and human rights, combat corruption, promote open government, and stand with civil society.  We do so by living our values at home, growing the ranks of capable democratic states, and defending universal rights.  We’ll help countries in transition—like Burma, Tunisia, and Sri Lanka—become more open, more democratic, and more inclusive societies.  We’ll support established democracies that are in danger of backsliding.  We’ll empower citizens and NGOs in places where they are under attack.

At the same time, President Obama has deepened our commitment to promoting that basic American value: equality. We believe everyone should be able to speak their minds and practice their faith freely.  We believe all girls deserve the very same opportunities as boys.  We believe that all humans are created equal and are worthy of the same love and respect—including our lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender brothers and sisters.  These beliefs are fundamental to who we are.

Advancing equality is both morally right and smart strategy.  If we reduce disparities, which can lead to instability and violence, we increase our shared security.  Reams of empirical evidence demonstrate how countries do better—across every metric—when they tap the talents of all their people.  So, we champion the rights of vulnerable communities—those targeted by abuse or excluded from society—and counter escalating cycles of hatred that can spark violence.  Mass killings threaten our common security and diminish our shared humanity, so we affirm that governments have a responsibility to protect civilians.  We’ll continue to lead global efforts to prevent atrocities and hold accountable those who commit the worst abuses. 

We’re also reaching out to populations that America can ill-afford to neglect.  With more than half the world under the age of 30, our strategy invests in and empowers young people through educational exchanges and entrepreneurship.  Our Young Leaders initiatives in Africa and Southeast Asia identify and mentor the next generation of talent to grasp opportunity.

And, because we seek to lead by example, we’ll keep working to make our own laws more inclusive, to sustain our prohibitions against torture, to protect civil liberties and privacy, and to improve transparency on issues like electronic surveillance.  We’ve reduced the population of Guantanamo by nearly half, and while there are tough challenges ahead, we mean to keep going until we finish the job.    

Finally, our strategy leverages American leadership to uphold the liberal international order, which has served the world well for 70 years, by reinforcing rules-of-the road and strengthening and diversifying our alliances and partnerships in every region of the world.

Russia’s aggression against Ukraine is a heinous and deadly affront to long-standing international law and norms.  In lock-step with our European allies, we have built a coalition of partners around the world to impose steep political and economic costs on Russia, in contrast to its cost-free invasion of Georgia.  And, we will continue to turn up the pressure, unless Russia decisively reverses course.  At the same time, we’re providing vital economic support to help the Ukrainian people write a better future for their country, and we are strengthening our enduring alliance with Europe—by reassuring our allies in Eastern Europe and investing in modernizing NATO to meet emerging threats.

As we update the existing international system, our strategy is to enhance our focus on regions that will shape the century ahead, starting with the Asia-Pacific.  Our rebalance is deepening longstanding alliances and forging new partnerships to expand cooperation.  We’re investing in ASEAN, the East Asia Summit, and the Pacific Islands Forum to strengthen their capacity to enforce regional norms, respond to crises like natural disasters, and resolve disputes peacefully, so that the Asia Pacific remains a region of dynamic growth and opportunity.

With China, we’re building a constructive relationship that expands practical cooperation across a wide spectrum of issues from global health to non-proliferation, even as we confront real differences over human rights, cyber-enabled economic espionage, and the use of coercion to advance territorial claims.  President Obama’s recent trip to India strengthened another critical partnership that will deliver economic and security benefits for both our nations and the broader region, and help lift up the lives of more than a billion people.  In furtherance of our relationships throughout the region, I’m pleased to announce today that we have invited Prime Minister Abe of Japan and President Xi of China for state visits, and we look forward to welcoming other Asian leaders to the White House this year—including President Park of South Korea and President Widodo of Indonesia.

At the same time, we seek a Middle East that’s more secure, prosperous, and where democracy can take root.  That’s the ultimate vision we’re working toward with partners throughout the region.  We’ll continuously strengthen the unique bonds that unite the peoples of Israel and America.  Our commitment to Israel’s security remains enduring and unshakeable.  We refuse to give up on a peaceful resolution to the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians.  We’ll keep investing in the ability of our Gulf partners, like Saudi Arabia and the UAE, to deter aggression, even as we deepen our cooperation on regional challenges.  Since Libya, Syria, and Yemen confront persistent violence and instability, we’ll protect our people, work with partners to shrink terrorist safe havens, and support those working to achieve political and social reform.  

To be sure, the region’s challenges are many, including: a generational transformation; citizens’ legitimate demands for political and economic reform; sectarian, ethnic, and tribal tensions; and Iran’s destabilizing influence.  But, we’ll keep leading international efforts to reduce insecurity and, drawing on all sources of our influence—not just our military—we will work to foster progress that endures.  

Closer to home, Latin America and the Caribbean is a region that’s experienced rapid growth, with a large and growing middle class, vibrant democracies, and still untapped potential.  It’s grappling with challenges like transnational crime and trafficking that have serious implications for our own security.  Thanks in part to our opening with Cuba, which turns the page on 50 years of fruitless policy, we have new opportunities to strengthen our partnership with our neighbors.  We’re investing particularly in Central America to improve governance and citizen safety to address some of the root causes of mass migrations, like we saw last summer.
 
Across a range of issues, with an array of partners, the United States is proudly shouldering the responsibilities of global leadership.  As President Obama made clear during his State of the Union address: “The question is not whether America leads in the world, but how.”  The answer is: we are pursuing an ambitious, yet achievable agenda, worthy of a great power.  The President’s Budget directly supports his strategy.  Our national security leadership is united around this shared vision and agenda.  And, we are eager to work with Congress to restore the vital bi-partisan center to U.S. foreign policy.

Our unparalleled leadership is grounded in America’s enduring strengths and guided by a clear sense of purpose.  We approach challenges using all levers of our power—vigorous diplomacy, broad-based development, economic leverage, our technological advantages, the talent and diversity of our people, and, when needed, our military might.  We rally partners to enact sustainable solutions when challenges arise.  We strive to set the highest standards by our own example.  And, we lead with our eyes fixed firmly on the future, alert to opportunities to make the world safer and increasingly just.

President Obama has two years left in his term—and two years is plenty of time.  This national security strategy is a blueprint for what we intend to get done over the next two years – from degrading ISIL and opposing Russian aggression, to leaving behind a world that can more effectively meet the dangers of climate change and disease, cyber threats, and extreme poverty.

If we run through the tape, America will be better and more sustainably positioned to continue leading – on the issues, and in the regions, that will shape our future.
One thing I can guarantee you: President Obama is going to leave everything on the field, and so will the rest of us.  The challenges ahead will surely continue to be many and great.  Progress won’t be quick or linear.  But, we are committed to seizing the future that lies beyond the crisis of the day and to pursuing a vision of the world as it can and should be. 

That’s our strategy for sustaining the leadership that future generations deserve.  Anything less would not be worthy of the American people or of our great nation. 

Thank you.

The White House

Office of the Vice President

Remarks by the Vice President at a Meeting with European Council President Donald Tusk

Justus Lipsius Building
Brussels, Belgium

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Well, thank you, Mr. President.  It’s -- I’m happy to be back in Brussels.  Deepening and strengthening the U.S. relationship with the European Union is one of our administration’s highest priorities, and that’s why I’m happy to be back here and happy to meet with the new EU leadership.

But, Mr. President, excuse, as we used to say when I was a U.S. senator, a point of personal privilege, you and I have been friends for a long time.  I’ve admired you from the days of your roots in Solidarity when I was a young senator working very closely with Solidarity -- and my admiration for the Polish people and your leadership.  So it’s like --- it’s seeing an old friend in a new role.  And I’m delighted that you're in this role right now.

The fact is the President is correct, Ukraine is fighting for their very survival right now.  Russia continues to escalate the conflict by sending mercenaries and tanks.  And as we euphemistically say in the United States, little green men, without patches (inaudible) very sophisticated special operations soldiers.  And President Putin continues to call for new peace plans as his troops roll through the Ukrainian countryside, and he absolutely ignores every agreement that his country has signed in the past and he has signed recently, including at Minsk. 

And so we have to stand -- we, the United States and Europe as whole -- has to stand with Ukraine at this moment.  Ukraine needs our financial assistance and support as it pursues reforms.  And even in the face -- in the face -- of this military onslaught, they are attempting to push forward with their reforms.

I have been in Ukraine I believe four times in the last several months, or maybe a little longer than that, and I’ve met with both the Prime Minister and the President.  They are doing all in their power to keep faith with the commitments they made.

But this is a moment where the United States and Europe must stand together -- stand firm.  Russia cannot be allowed to redraw the map of Europe.  Because that's exactly what they are doing.

Mr. President, you articulated an inspired vision how Europe can ensure new energy security.  Again, why?  Russia is using -- there are sort of two new aggressive tools of foreign policy they have made into a weapon -- the use of oligarchs and corruption, as well as the use of energy as a foreign policy tool and national security tool.  We agree more needs to be done, and I’m looking forward to discussing this issue with you, as well.

Both Europe and the United States face the threat, as you mentioned, of violent extremism -– abroad, in the form of ISIL, or as they say in the region, Daesh; and sometimes here at home.  The tragic terrorist attack here in Brussels and Paris demonstrates how real that is.  We Americans understand and share the pain and outrage of everything that the people of Brussels, as well as Paris have gone through in the recent past.  And we're committed to collaborating very closely with all of Europe to mitigate this threat and to protect our citizens.

And this includes fighting ISIL where we have worked with the EU and member states as part of a global coalition.  We have to continue to degrade the group’s resources, their capacity, their finances; alleviate the humanitarian suffering caused by the terrorists; stop the flow of foreign terrorists, which is increasingly a problem in Europe.  It’s interesting how the terrorists try and go at everything we think sacred and free.  The more open the system is, the more they attempt to take advantage of it.  And we cannot let them.  We cannot let them change our way of life in order to defeat them, and we will not.

We also need to address the foundation of our security, and that's our collective economic resilience and -- you and I, I know, plan to discuss today ways to boost domestic demand and create jobs in Europe, as we have done in the United States, but also how we can move further and further enhance our trade and commerce for the benefit of people on both sides of the Atlantic.

And in particular, we hope (inaudible) here the efforts, as I heard today from -- from others with whom I’ve met that the Greek government and its European partners are trying to work together to follow through on recent reforms and chart a course for Greece and stabilized recovery.

This year, as we work to close important trade negotiations, as you mentioned, in Asia, we also hope to make substantial progress toward an ambitious and comprehensive trade agreement here in Europe.  One of the things we have to convince the American people of is that Europe is as interested in this process as we are.  When I’m here I’m asked by Europeans why we seem not to be more interested, the United States.  And at home I get, why is Europe not interested?  We're interested, and we know it’s very much in the interest of both continents.  And working together, the U.S. and the EU are committed to breaking down and -- remaining barriers to trade that have been holding us back some from achieving the full potential of what is already an incredibly robust transatlantic alliance.

And looking forward, we’re faced with a complex set of global challenges.  But I’m confident that our steadfast U.S.-EU partnership and coordination is up to the challenge.

Mr. President, you've said, relations between Europe and the United States are the backbone of the community of democracies.  We share that view 100 percent.   We consider this relationship the cornerstone -- the cornerstone -- of our engagement with -- not Europe -- but the rest of the world.  This is the cornerstone of the U.S.’s ability to engage fruitfully with the rest of the world.

So we have a great deal to do.  And I look forward to sitting down with my old friend, Mr. President, to discuss the work ahead and maybe we can get (inaudible).  Thank you.

END

The White House

Office of the First Lady

Remarks by the First Lady at Robert Wood Johnson Foundation Announcement

Edward Reynolds Westside High School
New York, New York

2:45 P.M. EST

MRS. OBAMA:  Thank you.  (Applause.)  Thank you all so much.  Good afternoon.  (Applause.)  These applause are for you all, as well.  Thank you so much.  Rest yourselves, rest yourselves.  It is -- it’s beyond a pleasure for me to be here with all of you. 

I want to start by thanking Alexis for that very kind introduction and for his wonderful remarks.  And I told Alexis that I love him, I’m proud of him, but I am proud of him and all of the students here, and the staff, the faculty for all they’re doing not just to stay healthy but to honor Jose’s memory –- absolutely.  (Applause.)

I also want to recognize Risa Lavizzo-Mourey –- yes.  (Applause.)  Where is –- there is Risa.  You have been truly an outstanding leadership of RWJF, and it’s just been a tremendous joy to work with you.  You have been such a trooper.  You’ve been on the South Lawn running around.  She does a lot of crazy stuff on behalf of Let’s Move.  She is a true leader of the cause.  And I have just been lucky to get to know you and to work with you. 

I also want to acknowledge Senator Bill Frist, who is here.  (Applause.)  Senator, thank you for your terrific work not just with RWJF but also with the Partnership for a Healthier America.  It has been wonderful partnering up with you on this very important issue, and I’m grateful for your leadership as well. 

And of course, I want to give a big shoutout to those fabulous master chefs for showing us how to whip up healthier versions of our favorite foods.  (Applause.)  I didn’t get to eat anything, but that’s okay.  I’m going to try and get something later.  I appreciate them for being here.

But most of all, I’m here because I want to thank all of you.  And I want you to know that I am truly inspired by you.  I have learned so much from all of you here in this room.   And I am so grateful to you for everything you’re doing to give our kids the healthy futures they deserve.  You all have been such important leaders and partners in our work on this issue. 

And this year, as we mark the fifth anniversary of Let’s Move –- (applause) –- yes -- I wanted you all to be the first to know the theme that we’ve chosen for what will be an anniversary year.  And that theme is “Celebrate, Challenge, and Champion.”

Now, the “celebrate” part of the theme is obvious, because we’ve got a lot to celebrate.  Together, we’ve started a national conversation on this issue.  And we’re seeing changes at every level –- from individual families to schools to the halls of Congress.  Nationwide, childhood obesity rates have finally stopped rising, and obesity rates are actually falling among our youngest children.

So we will be celebrating the national leaders who made these successes possible –- folks like all of you.  But we’ll also be celebrating the unsung heroes –- the mom or dad making healthier choices at the supermarket.  The corner store owner who installed a refrigerator so he can sell some fresh produce in his neighborhood.  And folks like the principal of this wonderful school, Principal Jean McTavish.  (Applause.)

Now, let me just tell you a little bit about Principal McTavish, because she doesn’t just talk about eating healthy and getting active, she actually teaches her own spin classes here at West Side High School.  And I got to see some of that spinning in action -- it’s hot in there.  They were really working out.  (Laughter.)  And she does that class at 7:30 in the morning -- now that’s dedication. 

She fought an epic battle to get skinless chicken breasts into school lunches here -- that’s a fight we all have to have.  And when the vending company wouldn’t fill the machines here with healthy snacks, this woman literally turned those machines around so they were facing the wall, because, as she put it –- (applause) -- and these were her words, as I understand, Jean said, “I don’t have to sell any food in my school, thank you very much.”  (Laughter.)  I met Jean; it sounded like she would add that “thank you very much” part on there -- (laughter) -- with a little attitude, too. 

So we are going to be doing some celebrating this year.  And in the coming months, we’re going to be talking a lot about everything we’ve achieved through Let’s Move.  But we’ll also be doing some challenging, because while we’ve come a long way, we still have a long way to go.  So we’re going to be pushing folks to dig deeper and to do even more for our kids. 

And finally, we’re going to be focusing on how to truly be a champion on this issue.  How to own it.  How to invest in it.  How to make real, sustainable change have an impact.

And that’s one of the reasons why I wanted to be here today, what I wanted to talk to you guys about.  Because I want it to be very clear that no one better embodies what it means to be a champion for our kids’ health than the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation.  It’s true.  (Applause.)  Let’s just think about it for a minute:  One billion dollars.  One billion dollars.  I mean, the magnitude of that just takes your breath away.  And it’s not just the sheer amount that’s so extraordinary, it’s the risk that RWJF and Risa took to invest those dollars in the first place.

Because back in 2007, when you made that investment, when RWJF made that first big commitment to combat childhood obesity, I know there were a lot of folks out there scratching their heads thinking to themselves, “RWJF is spending $500 million on that?  Why?”  See, because back in 2007, many folks just didn’t think childhood obesity was a serious issue.  And many folks who did think it was a serious issue didn’t want to go anywhere near it, because it seemed like an impossible problem, one so big and so complex and so entrenched it was hard to even know where to begin. 

As you all know, there wasn’t much of a culture of health in this country back then.  And just think about what life was like for your average family in 2007.  You had a parent or two who was busy, working long hours to make ends meet, with kids in daycare or school, eating one or two meals a day at the school -– maybe even a snack or two.  And a typical meal at school might have been nothing but pizza and a tater tot.  Snack would have been cookies and a sugary juice.  And with the cuts to gym class and recess, the kids probably weren’t very active during the day.  And then when mom or dad got home from work and it was time for dinner, they were exhausted.  So maybe that family wound up at the drive-thru, or if they could afford it, maybe they headed to the local chain restaurant where the healthy menu was just a few lines long.

And even if those parents decided they wanted to eat better and cook more at home, maybe there wasn’t a store in their community where they could buy fresh food.  And if they had one, maybe they walked down those aisles looking at all those boxes and bags on the shelves, squinting at the labels, wondering which foods were healthy and which ones weren’t. 

See, that family back then never could have imagined that in just eight years, their kids’ school lunches would be filled with fruits and veggies, whole grains, skim milk, and schools across the country would be doing “brain breaks” and other creative efforts to get kids active during the day.  They never could have imagined that grocery stores would be cropping up in underserved areas, and convenience stores would start selling fresh produce, and a major American retailer would be putting healthy labels on their food to help people make better choices. 

No, that family never could have imagined that fast food restaurants would be putting apples and skim milk in their kid’s meals, or that the healthy menus at chain restaurants would be a page or two rather than just a footnote.  All of this progress was unthinkable, because back in 2007, the deck was so totally and utterly stacked against families who wanted to make healthy choices for their kids.  They couldn’t have imagined it.

So I think it’s fair to say that by investing $500 million in this issue back then, RWJF wasn’t just stepping on the bandwagon, they were building the bandwagon pretty much from scratch.  But they did this because they understood the science, and they realized that this issue wasn’t just undermining our kids’ health, it was undermining the health of our economy.  It was affecting the productivity of our workforce.  It was costing us billions of dollars in health care expenses. 

And while this may all be conventional wisdom now, it certainly wasn’t conventional wisdom back then.  And while I might get a lot of credit for what we’ve done through Let’s Move, I know that Let’s Move couldn’t even exist if it weren’t for RWJF’s leadership. 

For so many years, this foundation has funded the best programs and the most promising research.  And all of that is the platform on which Let’s Move was built.  It’s how we could help create a national conversation around this issue and, as Alexis said, make it fun and maybe a little cool. 

Together, we’ve made a real impact on our kids’ health.  So it would be understandable if, after seeing some progress, RWJF would decide to just sit back, congratulate themselves on a job well done and move on to the next trendy issue.  That’s what plenty of funders would do.

But instead, RWJF is doing just the opposite.  They are doubling down on this issue -- literally.  They have committed to seeing this through to the end.  Because they understand that in many ways, the progress we’ve made is fragile, and we are nowhere near finished.

We all know the statistics.  We all know the disparities that still exist for children of color and underserved kids.  And we all know that for everyone in this country who has stepped up to champion this issue, there are plenty of other folks just waiting for us to get bored.  They’re just waiting for us to declare victory and turn our attention to other matters.  We’ve seen this firsthand with our battles on school lunches.  We have seen special interests throwing every resource they have at this issue, and we know that sometimes our kids’ health isn’t exactly their first priority. 

So we simply cannot afford to be complacent for one single minute.  And that’s really what it means to be a champion on this issue –- it means being relentless like RWJF.  It means pushing and investing until every child in this country can grow up healthy, no matter where that child is from, what that child looks like or how much money their parents have.  That’s our goal. 

And the good news is that we know we can achieve this goal.  We’ve seen the progress we can make when we educate parents and we help them make healthier decisions.  And we’ve seen how those decisions then drive companies to create healthier products. 

So if RWJF could achieve so much with that first investment back in 2007 when we had so little momentum, just imagine what we can achieve with another $500 million today when we’ve got momentum like we never imagined.  (Applause.)  Well, today, with this additional investment, RWJF has thrown down the gauntlet:  They are in.  They’re setting the standard for what it means to be a champion.

And while most of us don’t have a billion dollars to invest -- I don’t -- we should all be rising to meet this standard in our own way.  And that’s really the “Challenge” part of our Let’s Move Fifth Anniversary theme.  I want to challenge you and folks across the country to make an RWJF kind of commitment at your own scale.  I want you to really dive into this issue in your schools, your organizations, communities, your companies, your families –- wherever you are a leader and a decision-maker.  Dive in. 

And I know this isn’t easy.  I know the voices of the naysayers are still loud and can be intimidating.  But if RWJF could invest half a billion dollars back when most folks didn’t even think childhood obesity was a problem, and then invest a half billion more today, then we have to say to ourselves, surely we can push the envelope and aim just a little higher in our own efforts.  If Principal McTavish can get on an exercise bike in front a bunch of teenagers -- (laughter) -- if she can take on vending companies and work with folks across the entire city food service system to get healthy food to her students, then surely we can help more parents make healthy choices for their kids. 

I know we can do this.  I have seen it with my own eyes, as have all of you.  And if we keep on pushing and innovating and moving forward, then I know that together, we can give all our kids –- every last one of them –- the healthy futures they so richly deserve.

So thank you all again.  Thank you for everything that you’ve done, everything that you will continue to do.  I’m doubling down.  And I look forward to working with all of you in the months and years ahead. 

Congratulations, and thank you so much.  Thank you for having me.

END                
3:02 P.M. EST