Remarks by the President to U.S. Conference of Mayors

East Room

4:54 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you!  (Applause.)  Hey, good to see you, Mayors.  (Applause.)  Good to see you.  All right, everybody have a seat, have a seat.  I would have thought that would bring back bad memories for Kevin, playing that song.  (Laughter.)

I want to thank Kevin for that introduction.  I have to say that that introduction is longer than my remarks, and more exciting.  (Laughter.)  So I’m feeling a little outshone here by Kevin.  But as everybody knows, Kevin has that flair about him; he did when he was a professional basketball player.  He, not surprisingly, has brought that flair to his outstanding work in Sacramento, and we’re very, very proud of him.  So I just want to thank him for his outstanding leadership, as well as the introduction.  Give Kevin a big round of applause.  (Applause.) 

I want to thank Stephanie Rawlings-Blake of Baltimore and Mayor Mick Cornett of Oklahoma City for their leadership as well.  We are very proud of them.  And I want to just thank all of you.

We’ve got -- is that playing again, Kevin?  (Laughter.)  We’ve got over 200 mayors here, representing tens of millions of Americans.  And I think as you’ve seen today, we take our partnership with you seriously because you’re often the place where change happens fastest.  That’s one of the reasons why I named -- two of my Cabinet members happen to be former mayors; a former president of this conference, Jerry Abramson of Louisville, is one of my top advisors. 

The other night, I talked about what we can do together to make sure that middle-class economics helps more Americans get ahead in the new economy.  And that’s something we want to partner with you on, as well.  And in some areas -- in fact, many areas -- we already have. 

Last year, we kicked off the Mayors’ Maker Challenge to support local entrepreneurs working to create the industries and jobs of the future.  And Mayor Greg Fischer of Louisville stepped up.  Now students and engineers are creating smarter appliances at a community space in town, and hundreds of folks are getting trained for local software development jobs.

We’ve worked with some of you to raise the minimum wage without waiting for Congress.  (Applause.)  And more than 20 cities and counties have stepped up to raise the wage since 2013.  Some have passed sick leave laws, as well, and I want to help more of you do that.  We launched the Mayors’ Challenge to End Veterans Homelessness.  And Mitch Landrieu of New Orleans stepped up.  Just a few weeks ago, New Orleans became the first major city to wipe out homelessness among veterans, and we could not be prouder of them.  Thank you.  (Applause.)  And Mayor Greg Stanton in Phoenix, Mayor Ralph Becker in Salt Lake City are closing in on that goal, as well.

We issued a My Brother’s Keeper Community Challenge to create more pathways of success for boys and young men of color, and all young people, and over 150 local and tribal leaders have stepped up.  So in Birmingham, Mayor William Bell and business leaders have created a mentoring program.  In New Haven, Mayor Toni Harp is canvassing neighborhoods along with police, teachers and firefighters to connect kids with services and support.

So that’s what mayors do.  They get things done.  They make things happen.  And on other urgent issues like responding to climate change or getting more families insured, rebuilding infrastructure, making sure that our youngest Americans get the best start in life with quality pre-K -- mayors like you are helping to get it done.  And we want to help.

So I had a chance to meet some folks earlier before I came out here, and I just emphasize to them what I always do whenever I’m at a Mayor’s Conference, and that is to emphasize that we are here in large part to make sure that you are able to achieve your goals.  Because if cities are successful, then America is going to be successful.  That’s not disrespect towards suburbs, that’s not disrespect towards rural communities.  The truth is, in every state of our union, the city and its health becomes a bellwether for how well the state as a whole is doing.  And that’s true around the world, as well. 

What we know now is that successful cities and metropolitan areas end up being the engines by which communities and states and ultimately nations, succeed.  And what I also say whenever I meet with mayors is that I have confidence in you because the fact is that you can’t afford to be ideological.  I don’t care whether you’re Republican, Democratic or independent -- the truth of the matter is folks want to make sure that their garbage is picked up, that their roads are functioning properly and traffic isn’t sucking away their days.  They want to make sure that their schools are high quality, and they want to make sure that their streets are free from crime. 

And so you don’t have the luxury of just yacking instead of doing.  (Laughter.)  Because at some point, people are going to ask, what are you getting done?  And that, in this town, is always refreshing -- (laughter) -- and I think presents enormous opportunities, which is part of the reason why our Cabinet members are always so excited to present to you what they’re doing and to find out what’s working for you.  

Because my instructions to my Cabinet over these last two years is that we want to squeeze every possible opportunity to do some good from this fourth quarter.  And a lot of stuff happens in the fourth quarter.  And one of the most promising avenues for us is to partner with you and help you do some of the terrific things you’re already doing and help you with visions of things that you want to do in the future. 

And I can guarantee you that we will not only partner with you aggressively, but we’re also going to be creative and show flexibility.  And if you have ideas that don’t neatly fit into what’s already being done, we’re going to try to come up with answers to make sure that you can succeed.

So thank you all for being here.  Thank you for the great work that you are doing.  With that, I’m going to take a couple of questions, but I think we’re going to ask our fourth estate just to step out one second so we can let our hair down, as they say.  (Laughter.) 

END
5:04 P.M. EST

Remarks by the President on Middle-Class Economics -- Boise, ID

Boise State University
Boise, Idaho

3:05 P.M. CST
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Hello, Boise State!  (Applause.)  Oh, it's good to be back!  (Applause.)  Can everybody please give Camille a big round of applause for that introduction?  (Applause.)  I love young people who are doing science.  And I especially love seeing young women in sciences.  And so, a great job that Camille is doing.  (Applause.) 
 
A couple other people I want to mention.  Your Mayor, Mayor Bieter, is here.  (Applause.)  Where is he?  Where is he?  There he is.  Flew back with me on Air Force One.  (Applause.)  And he didn’t break anything.  (Laughter.)  It was amazing, though.  When we were coming back he was telling me the story about his grandfather, an immigrant from the Basque Region, coming here and how he would herd sheep.  And for five years, he would be up in the mountains and the hills, and then come down to town for like two months a year, and the rest of the time he was up there.  And I figured his dad was a pretty tough guy, because I'll bet it gets kind of cold up in the hills.  (Laughter.) 
 
Another person I want to mention -- this is somebody who I actually have known for a really long time.  He was the lieutenant governor in Illinois, now is your outstanding president here at Boise State -- President Kustra.  Give him a big round of applause.  (Applause.)  There he is.  It’s good to see Illinoisans do something with their lives.  (Laughter.)  We're proud of them. 
 
Thanks to all the Broncos for having me.  (Applause.)  And thanks for the balmy weather.  I thought it was going to be a little colder around here.  (Laughter.) 
 
So, last night, I gave my State of the Union address.  (Applause.)  Today, I'm going to be shorter.  I won't be too short, just a little shorter.  (Laughter.)  And I focused last night on what we can do, together, to make sure middle-class economics helps more Americans get ahead in the new economy.  And I said that I’d take these ideas across the country.  And I wanted my first stop to be right here in Boise, Idaho. (Applause.)
 
Now, there are a couple reasons for this.  The first is because, last year, Michelle and I got a very polite letter from a young girl named Bella Williams -- who is here today.  Where’s Bella?  There she is right there.  Wave, Bella.  (Applause.)  Bella is 13 now, but she was 12 at the time.  So she wrote me a letter and she said, “I know what you’re thinking -- Wow, what’s it like in Boise, Idaho?”  (Laughter.)  So she invited me to come visit.  And she also invited me to learn how to ski or snowboard with her.  (Applause.)  Now, as somebody who was born in Hawaii, where there’s not a lot of snow -- let me put it this way -- you do not want to see me ski.  (Laughter.)  Or at least the Secret Service does not want to see me ski.  (Laughter.) 
 
But what I do know about Boise is that it’s beautiful.  I know that because I’ve been here before.  I campaigned here in 2008.  (Applause.)  It was really fun.  And the truth is, because of the incredible work that was done here in Idaho, it helped us win the primary.  And I might not be President if it weren't for the good people of Idaho.  (Applause.)  Of course, in the general election I got whupped.  (Laughter.)  I got whupped twice, in fact.  But that’s okay -- I’ve got no hard feelings.  (Laughter.)

In fact, that’s exactly why I’ve come back.  Because I ended my speech last night with something that I talked about in Boston just over a decade ago, and that is there is not a liberal America or a conservative America, but a United States of America.  (Applause.)
 
And today, I know it can seem like our politics are more divided than ever.  And in places like Idaho, the only “blue” turf is on your field.  (Applause.)  And the pundits in Washington hold up these divisions in our existing politics and they show, well, this is proof that any kind of hopeful politics, that's just naïve.  But as I told you last night, I still believe what I said back then.  I still believe that, as Americans, we have more in common than not.  (Applause.) 
 
I mean, we have an entire industry that's designed to sort us out.  Our media is all segmented now so that instead of just watching three stations, we got 600.  And everything is market-segmented, and you got the conservative station and the liberal stations.  So everybody is only listening to what they already agree with.  And then you’ve got political gerrymandering that sorts things out so that every district is either one thing or the other.  And so there are a lot of institutional forces that make it seem like we have nothing in common. 
 
But one of the great things about being President is you travel all across the country and I've seen too much of the good and generous and big-hearted optimism of people, young and old -- folks like Bella.  I've seen how deep down there’s just a core decency and desire to make progress together among the American people.  (Applause.)  That's what I believe.
 
So I've got two years left and I am not going to stop trying -- trying to make our politics work better.  That’s what you deserve.  That’s how we move the country forward.  (Applause.)   And, Idaho, we’ve got big things to do together.  I may be in the fourth quarter of my presidency, but here, at the home of the team with the most famous “Statue of Liberty” play in history -- (applause) -- I don’t need to remind you that big things happen late in the fourth quarter.  (Applause.) 
 
So here’s where we're starting in 2015.  Our economy is growing.  Our businesses are creating jobs at the fastest pace since 1999.  Our deficits have been cut by two-thirds.  Our energy production is booming.  Our troops are coming home.  (Applause.)  We have risen from recession better positioned, freer to write our own future than any other country on Earth. 
 
But as I said last night, now we’ve got to choose what future we want.  Are we going to accept an economy where only a few of us do spectacularly well?
 
AUDIENCE:  No!
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Or can we commit ourselves to an economy that generates rising incomes and opportunities for everybody who’s willing to try hard?  (Applause.)
 
For six years, we’ve been working to rebuild our economy on a new foundation.  And what I want people to know is, thanks to your hard work and your resilience, America is coming back.  And you’ll recall, when we were in the midst of the recession, right after I came into office, there was some arguments about the steps we were taking.  There were questions about whether we were doing the right thing.  But we believed we could reverse the tide of outsourcing, and draw new jobs back to America.  And over the past five years, our businesses have created more than 11 million new jobs.  (Applause.)
 
We believed that with smart energy policies, we could reduce our dependence on foreign oil and protect our planet.  Today, America is number one in oil production and gas production and wind production.  (Applause.)  And every three weeks, we bring online as much solar power as we did in all of 2008.  (Applause.) And meanwhile, thanks to lower gas prices and higher fuel standards, the average family this year should save about 750 bucks at the pump.  (Applause.) 
 
We believed we could do better when it came to educating our kids for a competitive world.  And today, our younger students have earned the highest math and reading scores on record.  Our high school graduation rate has hit an all-time high.  More young people like folks right here at Boise State are finishing college than ever before.  (Applause.) 
 
We figured sensible regulations could encourage fair competition and shield families from ruin, and prevent the kind of crises that we saw in 2007, 2008.  And today, we have new tools to stop taxpayer-funded bailouts.  And in the past year alone, about 10 million uninsured Americans finally gained the security of health coverage, including right here in Idaho.  (Applause.) 
 
Now, sometimes you’d think folks have short memories, because at every step of the way, we were told that these goals were too misguided, or they were too ambitious, or they’d crush jobs, or they’d explode deficits, or they’d destroy the economy. You remember those, right?  Every step we took, this is going to be terrible.  And instead, we’ve seen the fastest economic growth in over a decade.  And we’ve seen the deficits, as I said, go down by two-thirds.  And people’s 401[k]s are stronger now because the stock market has doubled.  And health care inflation is at the lowest rate in 50 years.  (Applause.)  Lowest rate in 50 years.
 
Here in Boise, your unemployment rate has fallen below 4 percent -- and that's almost two-thirds from its peak five years ago.  (Applause.) 
 
So the verdict is clear.  The ruling on the field stands.  (Laughter.)  Middle-class economics works.  Expanding opportunity works.  These policies will keep on working, as long as politics in Washington doesn’t get in the way of our progress.  (Applause.)  We can’t suddenly put the security of families back at risk by taking away their health insurance.  We can't risk another meltdown on Wall Street by unraveling the new rules on Wall Street.  I'm going to stand between working families and any attempt to roll back that progress.  (Applause.) 
 
Because today, thanks to a growing economy, the recovery is touching more and more lives.  Wages are finally starting to go up.  More small business owners plan to raise their employees’ pay than at any time since 2007.  So we need to keep on going. Let’s do more to restore the link between hard work and opportunity for every single American.  (Applause.)  That's our job.  That's our job.  Let’s make sure all our people have the tools and the support that they need to go as far as their dreams and their effort will take them.
 
That's what middle-class economics is -- the idea that this country does best when everybody gets a fair shot, and everybody is doing their fair share, and everybody is playing by the same set of rules.  We don’t want to just make sure that everybody shares in America’s success -- we actually think that everybody can contribute to America’s success.  (Applause.)  And when everybody is participating and given a shot, there’s nothing we cannot do.  (Applause.) 
 
So here’s what middle-class economics requires in this new economy.  Number one, it means helping working families feel more secure in a constantly changing economy.  It means helping folks afford child care, and college, and paid leave at work, and health care, and retirement.  (Applause.)  And I’m sending Congress a plan that’s going to help families with all of these issues -- lowering the taxes of working families, putting thousands of dollars back into your pockets each year.  (Applause.)  Giving you some help.
 
Number two, middle-class economics means that we’re going to make sure that folks keep earning higher wages down the road, and that means we’ve got to do more to help Americans upgrade their skills.  And that's what all of you are doing right here at Boise State.  You heard Camille’s story -- she’s a Mechanical Engineering major.  She’s a great example of why we’re encouraging more women and more minorities to study in high-paying fields that traditionally they haven't always participated in -- in math and science and engineering and technology.  (Applause.)  Camille has done research for NASA.  She’s gotten real job experience with industry partners.  She’s the leader of your Microgravity Team.  And, by the way, she’s a sophomore.  (Applause.)  So by the time she’s done -- she might invent time travel by the time she’s done here at Boise.  (Laughter.)
 
But the point is, I want every American to have the kinds of chances that Camille has.  Because when we've got everybody on the field, that's when you win games.  I mean, think about if we had as many young girls focused and aspiring to be scientists and astronauts and engineers.  That's a whole slew of talent that we want to make sure is on the field.  (Applause.) 
 
So we’ve been working to help more young people have access to and afford college, with grants and loans that go farther than before.  And when I came into office, we took action to help millions of students cap payments on their loans at 10 percent of their income -- (applause) -- so that they could afford to, let’s say, take a research job after graduation and not be overburdened by debt.  That’s why I want to work with Congress to make sure every student already burdened with loans can reduce your monthly payments by refinancing.  (Applause.) 
 
But there are a lot of Americans who don’t always have the opportunity to study someplace like Boise State.  They need something that’s local; they need something that’s more flexible. You’ve got older workers looking for a better job.  Or you got veterans coming back and trying to figure out how they can get into the civilian workforce.  You got parents who are trying to transition back into the job market, but they’ve got to work and pay the rent and look after their kids, but they still want to make something of themselves.  So they can't always go full-time at a four-year institution.  And that’s why I’m sending Congress a bold, new plan to lower the cost of community college to zero. (Applause.)  To zero.
 
The idea is, in the new economy, we need to make two years of college as free and as universal in America as high school is today.  Because that was part of our huge advantage back in the 20th century.  We were the first out of the gate to democratize education and put in place public high schools.  And so our workforce was better educated than any other country in the world.  The thing is, other countries caught up.  They figured it out.  They looked at America and said, why is America being so successful?  Their workers are better educated.  We were on the cutting-edge then; now we've got to be pushing the boundaries for the 21st century.
 
And just like we pick up a tool to build something new, we can pick up a skill to do something new.  And that’s something that you’re doing right here at Boise.  Every year, you sponsor HackFort -- (applause) -- which is, for those of you who are not aware, this is a tech festival that brings the community together to share knowledge and new skills with one another.  And I know we’ve got some folks from some of Boise’s dozen or so tech “meetups” here today. 
 
Here at Boise State innovation is a culture that you're building.  And you're also partnering with companies to do two things -- you help students graduate with skills that employers are looking for, and you help employees pick up the skills they need to advance on the job.  So you're working together.  And you're seeing progress, and it's contributing to the economic development of the city and the state, as well as being good for the students.
 
And that's why my administration is connecting community colleges with local employers to train workers to fill high-paying jobs like coding, or robotics, as well as traditional fields like nursing.  And today, we’re partnering with business across the country to “Upskill America” -- to help workers of all ages earn a shot at better, higher-paying jobs, even if they don’t have a higher education.  We want to recruit more companies to help provide apprenticeships and other pathways so that people can upgrade their skills.  We're all going to have to do that in this new economy.  But it's hard to do it on your own, especially if you're already working and supporting a family. 
 
Now, as we better train our workers, we need the new economy to keep churning out high-wage jobs for those workers to fill.  And that's why the third part of middle-class economics is about building the most competitive economy in the world.  We want good jobs being created right here in the United States of America, not someplace else.  (Applause.) 
 
And we’ve got everything it takes to do it.  Just to go back to Bella’s question -- “Wow, what’s it like in Boise, Idaho”  -- well, one of the answers is, you’re the cutting-edge of innovation. 
 
I had a chance to tour your New Product Development lab, and I've got to say this was not the stuff I was doing in college.  (Laughter.)  So one group was showing me how they 3D-printed a custom handle that a local student with developmental disabilities could access his locker independently, without anybody’s help.  (Applause.)  But this whole 3D-printing concept was creating prototypes, so that if you have a good idea you don't have to have a huge amount of money.  You can come and students and faculty are going to work with you to develop a prototype that you may then be able to sell as a product at much lower cost.
 
Another group is working with a local company, Rekluse, to manufacture parts for high-performance motorcycles.  Now, that excites Vice President Biden.  (Laughter.  I might bring him with me the next time I come to Boise.  (Applause.)  Some of your faculty and students are working with next-generation materials like graphene, which is a material that’s thinner than paper and stronger than steel.  It's amazing.
 
And the work you do here is one of the reasons why Boise is one of our top cities for tech startups.  (Applause.)  And that means we shouldn’t just be celebrating your work, we should be investing in it.  We should make sure our businesses have everything they need to innovate, expand in this 21st century economy. 
 
The research dollars that leads to new inventions.  The manufacturers who can make those inventions here in America.  The best infrastructure to ship products, and the chance to sell those products in growing markets overseas.  A free and open Internet that reaches every classroom, and every community -- (applause) -- so this young generation of innovators and entrepreneurs can keep on remaking our world.
 
Now, those of you who were watching last night know that I made these arguments before Congress.  Most of these are ideas that traditionally were bipartisan.  I was talking to Bob.  Bob was a Republican lieutenant governor, but I'm not sure he’d survive now in a primary.  (Laughter.)  But the ideas I just talked about, those are things that traditionally all of us could agree to.  I mean, after all, the state we come from, Illinois, that's the “land of Lincoln,” and Lincoln was the first Republican President.  And he started land-grant colleges, and he built railroads and invested in the National Science Foundation. And he understood that this is what it takes for us to grow together.
 
But watching last night, some of you may have noticed, Republicans were not applauding for many of these ideas. (Laughter.)  They were kind of quiet.  But when it comes to issues like infrastructure and research, I think when you talk to them privately, when they’re not on camera -- (laughter) -- they generally agree that it's important.  Educating our young people, creating good jobs, being competitive, those things shouldn’t be controversial.  But where too often we run onto the rocks, where the debate starts getting difficult, is how do we pay for these investments.  Because it requires dollars.  The labs here and the infrastructure that we need, those things don't just pop up for free.
 
And the private sector, which is the heartbeat of our economy, it doesn’t build roads; it doesn’t create ports; it doesn’t lay down all the Internet lines -- or the broadband lines that are required to reach remote communities.  So we have to make some investments; we've got to figure out how to pay for it. 
And as Americans, we don’t mind paying our fair share of taxes, as long as everybody else does.  (Applause.)  Where we get frustrated is when we know that lobbyists have rigged the tax code with loopholes, so you’ve got some corporations paying nothing while others are paying full freight.  You’ve got the super rich getting giveaways they don’t need, and middle-class families not getting the breaks that they do need.  (Applause.) 
So what I said last night to Congress is we need to make these investments, we need to help families, we need to build middle-class economics.  And here’s how we can pay for it.  Let’s close those loopholes.  Let’s stop rewarding companies that keep profits abroad; let’s reward companies that are investing here in America.  (Applause.)
 
Let’s close the loopholes that let the top 1 or .1 or .01 percent avoid paying certain taxes, and use that money to help more Americans pay for college and child care.  The idea is, let’s have a tax code that truly helps working Americans, the vast majority of Americans, get a leg up in the new economy.  (Applause.)
 
That’s what I believe in.  That's what I believe in.  I believe in helping hardworking families make ends meet.  And I believe in giving all of us the tools we need so that if we work hard we can get good-paying jobs in this new economy.  And I believe in making sure that our businesses are strong and competitive and making the investments that are required. 
 
That’s where America needs to go.  And I believe that's where Americans want America to go.  (Applause.)  And if we do these things, it will make our economy stronger -- not just a year from now, or 10 years from now, but deep into the next century.
 
Now, I know there are Republicans who disagree with my approach.  I could see that from their body language yesterday.  (Laughter.)  And if they do disagree with me, then I look forward to hearing from them how they want to pay for things like R&D and infrastructure that we need to grow.  (Applause.)  They should put forward some alternative proposals. 
 
I want to hear specifically from them how they intend to help kids pay for college.  (Applause.)  It is perfectly fair for them to say, we've got a better way of meeting these national priorities.  But if they do, then they’ve got to show us what those ideas are.  (Applause.)  And what you can’t do is just pretend that things like child care or student debt or infrastructure or basic research are not important.  And you can't pretend there’s nothing we can do to help middle-class families get ahead.  There’s a lot we can do.  (Applause.)
 
Some of the commentators last night said, well, that was a pretty good speech, but none of this can pass this Congress.  But my job is to put forward what I think is best for America.  The job of Congress, then, is to put forward alternative ideas, but they’ve got to be specific.  They can't just be, no.  (Laughter and applause.)  I'm happy to start a conversation.  Tell me how we're going to do the things that need to be done.  Tell me how we get to yes.  (Applause.) 
 
I want to get to yes on more young people being able to afford college.  I want to get to yes on more research and development funding.  I want to get to yes for first-class infrastructure to help our businesses succeed.  I want to get to yes!  (Applause.)  But you’ve got to tell me, work with me here. (Applause.)  Work with me!  Come on!  Don't just say no!  (Applause.)  You can't just say no.
 
AUDIENCE MEMBER:  Si, se puede!
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Si, se puede!  Yes, we can!  (Applause.)
 
Look, we may disagree on politics sometimes.  Not “may” -- often.  All the time disagree.  That's the nature of a democracy But we don't have to be divided as a people.  We're on the same team.  (Applause.)  When the football team divides up into offense and defense, they probably go at it pretty hard during practice, but they understand, well, we're part of the same team. We're supposed to be rooting for each other.  If a quarterback controversy arises and there’s a competition, I'm going to be fighting real hard to get that starting spot.  But if I don't get it, I'm going to be rooting for the team.  (Applause.) 
 
Whoever we are -- whether we are Republican, or Democrat, or independent, or young or old, or black, white, gay, straight --  we all share a common vision for our future.  (Applause.)  We want a better country for your generation, and for your kids’ generation.  And I want this country to be one that shows the world what we still know to be true -- that we are not just a collection of red states and blue states; we are still the United States of America.  (Applause.)  That's what we're fighting for. That's what we're pushing for. 
 
And if you agree with me, then join me, and let’s get to work.  We've got a lot of stuff to do in this new century.
 
Thank you.  God bless you.  God bless the United States of America.  (Applause.)
 
END
3:38 P.M. CST

Remarks of President Barack Obama – As Prepared for Delivery State of the Union Address

The White House is making the full text of the State of the Union widely available on its Medium page. The text, as prepared for delivery, is now online HERE, along with tools that allow people to follow along with the speech as they watch in real time, to view charts and infographics on key areas, to tweet their favorite lines, and to leave notes to provide feedback.

The full text of the State of the Union Address, as prepared for delivery, is posted now on Medium and can be viewed here: http://go.wh.gov/SOTUMedium

There is a ritual on State of the Union night in Washington. A little before the address, the White House sends out an embargoed copy of the President’s speech to the press (embargoed means that the press can see the speech, but they can’t report on it until a designated time). The reporters then start sending it around town to folks on Capitol Hill to get their reaction, then those people send it to all their friends, and eventually everyone in Washington can read along, but the public remains in the dark.

This year we change that.

For the first time, the White House is making the full text of the speech available to citizens around the country online. On Medium, you can follow along with the speech as you watch in real time, view charts and infographics on key areas, tweet favorite lines, and leave notes. By making the text available to the public in advance, the White House is continuing efforts to reach a wide online audience and give people a range of ways to consume the speech.

---

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans: 

We are fifteen years into this new century.  Fifteen years that dawned with terror touching our shores; that unfolded with a new generation fighting two long and costly wars; that saw a vicious recession spread across our nation and the world.  It has been, and still is, a hard time for many. 

But tonight, we turn the page.

Tonight, after a breakthrough year for America, our economy is growing and creating jobs at the fastest pace since 1999.  Our unemployment rate is now lower than it was before the financial crisis.  More of our kids are graduating than ever before; more of our people are insured than ever before; we are as free from the grip of foreign oil as we’ve been in almost 30 years.

Tonight, for the first time since 9/11, our combat mission in Afghanistan is over.  Six years ago, nearly 180,000 American troops served in Iraq and Afghanistan.  Today, fewer than 15,000 remain.  And we salute the courage and sacrifice of every man and woman in this 9/11 Generation who has served to keep us safe.  We are humbled and grateful for your service.

America, for all that we’ve endured; for all the grit and hard work required to come back; for all the tasks that lie ahead, know this:  

The shadow of crisis has passed, and the State of the Union is strong.

At this moment – with a growing economy, shrinking deficits, bustling industry, and booming energy production – we have risen from recession freer to write our own future than any other nation on Earth.  It’s now up to us to choose who we want to be over the next fifteen years, and for decades to come.

Will we accept an economy where only a few of us do spectacularly well?  Or will we commit ourselves to an economy that generates rising incomes and chances for everyone who makes the effort?

Will we approach the world fearful and reactive, dragged into costly conflicts that strain our military and set back our standing?  Or will we lead wisely, using all elements of our power to defeat new threats and protect our planet?

Will we allow ourselves to be sorted into factions and turned against one another – or will we recapture the sense of common purpose that has always propelled America forward?

In two weeks, I will send this Congress a budget filled with ideas that are practical, not partisan.  And in the months ahead, I’ll crisscross the country making a case for those ideas.

So tonight, I want to focus less on a checklist of proposals, and focus more on the values at stake in the choices before us.

It begins with our economy.

Seven years ago, Rebekah and Ben Erler of Minneapolis were newlyweds.  She waited tables.  He worked construction.  Their first child, Jack, was on the way. 

They were young and in love in America, and it doesn’t get much better than that.

“If only we had known,” Rebekah wrote to me last spring, “what was about to happen to the housing and construction market.” 

As the crisis worsened, Ben’s business dried up, so he took what jobs he could find, even if they kept him on the road for long stretches of time.  Rebekah took out student loans, enrolled in community college, and retrained for a new career.  They sacrificed for each other.  And slowly, it paid off.  They bought their first home.  They had a second son, Henry.  Rebekah got a better job, and then a raise.  Ben is back in construction – and home for dinner every night.

“It is amazing,” Rebekah wrote, “what you can bounce back from when you have to…we are a strong, tight-knit family who has made it through some very, very hard times.”

We are a strong, tight-knit family who has made it through some very, very hard times.

America, Rebekah and Ben’s story is our story.  They represent the millions who have worked hard, and scrimped, and sacrificed, and retooled.  You are the reason I ran for this office.  You’re the people I was thinking of six years ago today, in the darkest months of the crisis, when I stood on the steps of this Capitol and promised we would rebuild our economy on a new foundation.  And it’s been your effort and resilience that has made it possible for our country to emerge stronger.

We believed we could reverse the tide of outsourcing, and draw new jobs to our shores.  And over the past five years, our businesses have created more than 11 million new jobs.

We believed we could reduce our dependence on foreign oil and protect our planet.  And today, America is number one in oil and gas.  America is number one in wind power.  Every three weeks, we bring online as much solar power as we did in all of 2008.  And thanks to lower gas prices and higher fuel standards, the typical family this year should save $750 at the pump.

We believed we could prepare our kids for a more competitive world.  And today, our younger students have earned the highest math and reading scores on record.  Our high school graduation rate has hit an all-time high.  And more Americans finish college than ever before.

We believed that sensible regulations could prevent another crisis, shield families from ruin, and encourage fair competition.  Today, we have new tools to stop taxpayer-funded bailouts, and a new consumer watchdog to protect us from predatory lending and abusive credit card practices.  And in the past year alone, about ten million uninsured Americans finally gained the security of health coverage.

At every step, we were told our goals were misguided or too ambitious; that we would crush jobs and explode deficits.  Instead, we’ve seen the fastest economic growth in over a decade, our deficits cut by two-thirds, a stock market that has doubled, and health care inflation at its lowest rate in fifty years. 

So the verdict is clear.  Middle-class economics works.  Expanding opportunity works.  And these policies will continue to work, as long as politics don’t get in the way.  We can’t slow down businesses or put our economy at risk with government shutdowns or fiscal showdowns.  We can’t put the security of families at risk by taking away their health insurance, or unraveling the new rules on Wall Street, or refighting past battles on immigration when we’ve got a system to fix.  And if a bill comes to my desk that tries to do any of these things, it will earn my veto.

Today, thanks to a growing economy, the recovery is touching more and more lives.  Wages are finally starting to rise again.  We know that more small business owners plan to raise their employees’ pay than at any time since 2007.  But here’s the thing – those of us here tonight, we need to set our sights higher than just making sure government doesn’t halt the progress we’re making.  We need to do more than just do no harm.  Tonight, together, let’s do more to restore the link between hard work and growing opportunity for every American.

Because families like Rebekah’s still need our help.  She and Ben are working as hard as ever, but have to forego vacations and a new car so they can pay off student loans and save for retirement.  Basic childcare for Jack and Henry costs more than their mortgage, and almost as much as a year at the University of Minnesota.  Like millions of hardworking Americans, Rebekah isn’t asking for a handout, but she is asking that we look for more ways to help families get ahead.

In fact, at every moment of economic change throughout our history, this country has taken bold action to adapt to new circumstances, and to make sure everyone gets a fair shot.  We set up worker protections, Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid to protect ourselves from the harshest adversity.  We gave our citizens schools and colleges, infrastructure and the internet – tools they needed to go as far as their effort will take them.

That’s what middle-class economics is – the idea that this country does best when everyone gets their fair shot, everyone does their fair share, and everyone plays by the same set of rules.  We don’t just want everyone to share in America’s success – we want everyone to contribute to our success.

So what does middle-class economics require in our time? 

First – middle-class economics means helping working families feel more secure in a world of constant change.  That means helping folks afford childcare, college, health care, a home, retirement – and my budget will address each of these issues, lowering the taxes of working families and putting thousands of dollars back into their pockets each year.

Here’s one example.  During World War II, when men like my grandfather went off to war, having women like my grandmother in the workforce was a national security priority – so this country provided universal childcare.  In today’s economy, when having both parents in the workforce is an economic necessity for many families, we need affordable, high-quality childcare more than ever.  It’s not a nice-to-have – it’s a must-have.  It’s time we stop treating childcare as a side issue, or a women’s issue, and treat it like the national economic priority that it is for all of us.  And that’s why my plan will make quality childcare more available, and more affordable, for every middle-class and low-income family with young children in America – by creating more slots and a new tax cut of up to $3,000 per child, per year.

Here’s another example.  Today, we’re the only advanced country on Earth that doesn’t guarantee paid sick leave or paid maternity leave to our workers.  Forty-three million workers have no paid sick leave.  Forty-three million.  Think about that.  And that forces too many parents to make the gut-wrenching choice between a paycheck and a sick kid at home.  So I’ll be taking new action to help states adopt paid leave laws of their own.  And since paid sick leave won where it was on the ballot last November, let’s put it to a vote right here in Washington.  Send me a bill that gives every worker in America the opportunity to earn seven days of paid sick leave.  It’s the right thing to do.

Of course, nothing helps families make ends meet like higher wages.  That’s why this Congress still needs to pass a law that makes sure a woman is paid the same as a man for doing the same work.  Really.  It’s 2015.  It’s time.  We still need to make sure employees get the overtime they’ve earned.  And to everyone in this Congress who still refuses to raise the minimum wage, I say this:  If you truly believe you could work full-time and support a family on less than $15,000 a year, go try it.  If not, vote to give millions of the hardest-working people in America a raise.

These ideas won’t make everybody rich, or relieve every hardship.  That’s not the job of government.  To give working families a fair shot, we’ll still need more employers to see beyond next quarter’s earnings and recognize that investing in their workforce is in their company’s long-term interest.  We still need laws that strengthen rather than weaken unions, and give American workers a voice.  But things like child care and sick leave and equal pay; things like lower mortgage premiums and a higher minimum wage – these ideas will make a meaningful difference in the lives of millions of families.  That is a fact.  And that’s what all of us – Republicans and Democrats alike – were sent here to do.

Second, to make sure folks keep earning higher wages down the road, we have to do more to help Americans upgrade their skills.

America thrived in the 20^th century because we made high school free, sent a generation of GIs to college, and trained the best workforce in the world.  But in a 21^st century economy that rewards knowledge like never before, we need to do more.

By the end of this decade, two in three job openings will require some higher education.  Two in three.  And yet, we still live in a country where too many bright, striving Americans are priced out of the education they need.  It’s not fair to them, and it’s not smart for our future.

That’s why I am sending this Congress a bold new plan to lower the cost of community college – to zero. 

Forty percent of our college students choose community college.  Some are young and starting out.  Some are older and looking for a better job.  Some are veterans and single parents trying to transition back into the job market.  Whoever you are, this plan is your chance to graduate ready for the new economy, without a load of debt.  Understand, you’ve got to earn it – you’ve got to keep your grades up and graduate on time.  Tennessee, a state with Republican leadership, and Chicago, a city with Democratic leadership, are showing that free community college is possible.  I want to spread that idea all across America, so that two years of college becomes as free and universal in America as high school is today.  And I want to work with this Congress, to make sure Americans already burdened with student loans can reduce their monthly payments, so that student debt doesn’t derail anyone’s dreams.

Thanks to Vice President Biden’s great work to update our job training system, we’re connecting community colleges with local employers to train workers to fill high-paying jobs like coding, and nursing, and robotics.  Tonight, I’m also asking more businesses to follow the lead of companies like CVS and UPS, and offer more educational benefits and paid apprenticeships – opportunities that give workers the chance to earn higher-paying jobs even if they don’t have a higher education.

And as a new generation of veterans comes home, we owe them every opportunity to live the American Dream they helped defend.  Already, we’ve made strides towards ensuring that every veteran has access to the highest quality care.  We’re slashing the backlog that had too many veterans waiting years to get the benefits they need, and we’re making it easier for vets to translate their training and experience into civilian jobs.  Joining Forces, the national campaign launched by Michelle and Jill Biden, has helped nearly 700,000 veterans and military spouses get new jobs.  So to every CEO in America, let me repeat:  If you want somebody who’s going to get the job done, hire a veteran.

Finally, as we better train our workers, we need the new economy to keep churning out high-wage jobs for our workers to fill. 

Since 2010, America has put more people back to work than Europe, Japan, and all advanced economies combined.  Our manufacturers have added almost 800,000 new jobs.  Some of our bedrock sectors, like our auto industry, are booming.  But there are also millions of Americans who work in jobs that didn’t even exist ten or twenty years ago – jobs at companies like Google, and eBay, and Tesla. 

So no one knows for certain which industries will generate the jobs of the future.  But we do know we want them here in America.  That’s why the third part of middle-class economics is about building the most competitive economy anywhere, the place where businesses want to locate and hire.

21^st century businesses need 21^st century infrastructure – modern ports, stronger bridges, faster trains and the fastest internet.  Democrats and Republicans used to agree on this.  So let’s set our sights higher than a single oil pipeline.  Let’s pass a bipartisan infrastructure plan that could create more than thirty times as many jobs per year, and make this country stronger for decades to come.

21^st century businesses, including small businesses, need to sell more American products overseas.  Today, our businesses export more than ever, and exporters tend to pay their workers higher wages.  But as we speak, China wants to write the rules for the world’s fastest-growing region.  That would put our workers and businesses at a disadvantage.  Why would we let that happen?  We should write those rules.  We should level the playing field.  That’s why I’m asking both parties to give me trade promotion authority to protect American workers, with strong new trade deals from Asia to Europe that aren’t just free, but fair. 

Look, I’m the first one to admit that past trade deals haven’t always lived up to the hype, and that’s why we’ve gone after countries that break the rules at our expense.  But ninety-five percent of the world’s customers live outside our borders, and we can’t close ourselves off from those opportunities.  More than half of manufacturing executives have said they’re actively looking at bringing jobs back from China.  Let’s give them one more reason to get it done.

21^st century businesses will rely on American science, technology, research and development.  I want the country that eliminated polio and mapped the human genome to lead a new era of medicine – one that delivers the right treatment at the right time.  In some patients with cystic fibrosis, this approach has reversed a disease once thought unstoppable.  Tonight, I’m launching a new Precision Medicine Initiative to bring us closer to curing diseases like cancer and diabetes – and to give all of us access to the personalized information we need to keep ourselves and our families healthier.

I intend to protect a free and open internet, extend its reach to every classroom, and every community, and help folks build the fastest networks, so that the next generation of digital innovators and entrepreneurs have the platform to keep reshaping our world.

I want Americans to win the race for the kinds of discoveries that unleash new jobs – converting sunlight into liquid fuel; creating revolutionary prosthetics, so that a veteran who gave his arms for his country can play catch with his kid; pushing out into the Solar System not just to visit, but to stay.  Last month, we launched a new spacecraft as part of a re-energized space program that will send American astronauts to Mars.  In two months, to prepare us for those missions, Scott Kelly will begin a year-long stay in space.  Good luck, Captain – and make sure to Instagram it.

Now, the truth is, when it comes to issues like infrastructure and basic research, I know there’s bipartisan support in this chamber.  Members of both parties have told me so.  Where we too often run onto the rocks is how to pay for these investments.  As Americans, we don’t mind paying our fair share of taxes, as long as everybody else does, too.  But for far too long, lobbyists have rigged the tax code with loopholes that let some corporations pay nothing while others pay full freight.  They’ve riddled it with giveaways the superrich don’t need, denying a break to middle class families who do.  

This year, we have an opportunity to change that.  Let’s close loopholes so we stop rewarding companies that keep profits abroad, and reward those that invest in America.  Let’s use those savings to rebuild our infrastructure and make it more attractive for companies to bring jobs home.  Let’s simplify the system and let a small business owner file based on her actual bank statement, instead of the number of accountants she can afford.  And let’s close the loopholes that lead to inequality by allowing the top one percent to avoid paying taxes on their accumulated wealth.  We can use that money to help more families pay for childcare and send their kids to college.  We need a tax code that truly helps working Americans trying to get a leg up in the new economy, and we can achieve that together.

Helping hardworking families make ends meet. Giving them the tools they need for good-paying jobs in this new economy.  Maintaining the conditions for growth and competitiveness.  This is where America needs to go.  I believe it’s where the American people want to go.  It will make our economy stronger a year from now, fifteen years from now, and deep into the century ahead. 

Of course, if there’s one thing this new century has taught us, it’s that we cannot separate our work at home from challenges beyond our shores. 

My first duty as Commander-in-Chief is to defend the United States of America.  In doing so, the question is not whether America leads in the world, but how.  When we make rash decisions, reacting to the headlines instead of using our heads; when the first response to a challenge is to send in our military – then we risk getting drawn into unnecessary conflicts, and neglect the broader strategy we need for a safer, more prosperous world.  That’s what our enemies want us to do.

I believe in a smarter kind of American leadership.  We lead best when we combine military power with strong diplomacy; when we leverage our power with coalition building; when we don’t let our fears blind us to the opportunities that this new century presents.  That’s exactly what we’re doing right now – and around the globe, it is making a difference.

First, we stand united with people around the world who’ve been targeted by terrorists – from a school in Pakistan to the streets of Paris.  We will continue to hunt down terrorists and dismantle their networks, and we reserve the right to act unilaterally, as we’ve done relentlessly since I took office to take out terrorists who pose a direct threat to us and our allies.  

At the same time, we’ve learned some costly lessons over the last thirteen years. 

Instead of Americans patrolling the valleys of Afghanistan, we’ve trained their security forces, who’ve now taken the lead, and we’ve honored our troops’ sacrifice by supporting that country’s first democratic transition.  Instead of sending large ground forces overseas, we’re partnering with nations from South Asia to North Africa to deny safe haven to terrorists who threaten America.  In Iraq and Syria, American leadership – including our military power – is stopping ISIL’s advance.  Instead of getting dragged into another ground war in the Middle East, we are leading a broad coalition, including Arab nations, to degrade and ultimately destroy this terrorist group.  We’re also supporting a moderate opposition in Syria that can help us in this effort, and assisting people everywhere who stand up to the bankrupt ideology of violent extremism.  This effort will take time.  It will require focus.  But we will succeed.  And tonight, I call on this Congress to show the world that we are united in this mission by passing a resolution to authorize the use of force against ISIL.

Second, we are demonstrating the power of American strength and diplomacy.  We’re upholding the principle that bigger nations can’t bully the small – by opposing Russian aggression, supporting Ukraine’s democracy, and reassuring our NATO allies.  Last year, as we were doing the hard work of imposing sanctions along with our allies, some suggested that Mr. Putin’s aggression was a masterful display of strategy and strength.  Well, today, it is America that stands strong and united with our allies, while Russia is isolated, with its economy in tatters. 

That’s how America leads – not with bluster, but with persistent, steady resolve.

In Cuba, we are ending a policy that was long past its expiration date.  When what you’re doing doesn’t work for fifty years, it’s time to try something new.  Our shift in Cuba policy has the potential to end a legacy of mistrust in our hemisphere; removes a phony excuse for restrictions in Cuba; stands up for democratic values; and extends the hand of friendship to the Cuban people.  And this year, Congress should begin the work of ending the embargo.  As His Holiness, Pope Francis, has said, diplomacy is the work of “small steps.”  These small steps have added up to new hope for the future in Cuba.  And after years in prison, we’re overjoyed that Alan Gross is back where he belongs.  Welcome home, Alan. 

Our diplomacy is at work with respect to Iran, where, for the first time in a decade, we’ve halted the progress of its nuclear program and reduced its stockpile of nuclear material.  Between now and this spring, we have a chance to negotiate a comprehensive agreement that prevents a nuclear-armed Iran; secures America and our allies – including Israel; while avoiding yet another Middle East conflict.  There are no guarantees that negotiations will succeed, and I keep all options on the table to prevent a nuclear Iran.  But new sanctions passed by this Congress, at this moment in time, will all but guarantee that diplomacy fails – alienating America from its allies; and ensuring that Iran starts up its nuclear program again.  It doesn’t make sense.  That is why I will veto any new sanctions bill that threatens to undo this progress.  The American people expect us to only go to war as a last resort, and I intend to stay true to that wisdom.

Third, we’re looking beyond the issues that have consumed us in the past to shape the coming century.

No foreign nation, no hacker, should be able to shut down our networks, steal our trade secrets, or invade the privacy of American families, especially our kids.  We are making sure our government integrates intelligence to combat cyber threats, just as we have done to combat terrorism.  And tonight, I urge this Congress to finally pass the legislation we need to better meet the evolving threat of cyber-attacks, combat identity theft, and protect our children’s information.  If we don’t act, we’ll leave our nation and our economy vulnerable.  If we do, we can continue to protect the technologies that have unleashed untold opportunities for people around the globe.

In West Africa, our troops, our scientists, our doctors, our nurses and healthcare workers are rolling back Ebola – saving countless lives and stopping the spread of disease.  I couldn’t be prouder of them, and I thank this Congress for your bipartisan support of their efforts.  But the job is not yet done – and the world needs to use this lesson to build a more effective global effort to prevent the spread of future pandemics, invest in smart development, and eradicate extreme poverty.

In the Asia Pacific, we are modernizing alliances while making sure that other nations play by the rules – in how they trade, how they resolve maritime disputes, and how they participate in meeting common international challenges like nonproliferation and disaster relief.  And no challenge – no challenge – poses a greater threat to future generations than climate change. 

2014 was the planet’s warmest year on record.  Now, one year doesn’t make a trend, but this does – 14 of the 15 warmest years on record have all fallen in the first 15 years of this century. 

I’ve heard some folks try to dodge the evidence by saying they’re not scientists; that we don’t have enough information to act.  Well, I’m not a scientist, either.  But you know what – I know a lot of really good scientists at NASA, and NOAA, and at our major universities.  The best scientists in the world are all telling us that our activities are changing the climate, and if we do not act forcefully, we’ll continue to see rising oceans, longer, hotter heat waves, dangerous droughts and floods, and massive disruptions that can trigger greater migration, conflict, and hunger around the globe.  The Pentagon says that climate change poses immediate risks to our national security.  We should act like it.

That’s why, over the past six years, we’ve done more than ever before to combat climate change, from the way we produce energy, to the way we use it.  That’s why we’ve set aside more public lands and waters than any administration in history.  And that’s why I will not let this Congress endanger the health of our children by turning back the clock on our efforts.  I am determined to make sure American leadership drives international action.  In Beijing, we made an historic announcement – the United States will double the pace at which we cut carbon pollution, and China committed, for the first time, to limiting their emissions.  And because the world’s two largest economies came together, other nations are now stepping up, and offering hope that, this year, the world will finally reach an agreement to protect the one planet we’ve got.

There’s one last pillar to our leadership – and that’s the example of our values. 

As Americans, we respect human dignity, even when we’re threatened, which is why I’ve prohibited torture, and worked to make sure our use of new technology like drones is properly constrained.  It’s why we speak out against the deplorable anti-Semitism that has resurfaced in certain parts of the world.  It’s why we continue to reject offensive stereotypes of Muslims – the vast majority of whom share our commitment to peace.  That’s why we defend free speech, and advocate for political prisoners, and condemn the persecution of women, or religious minorities, or people who are lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender.  We do these things not only because they’re right, but because they make us safer. 

As Americans, we have a profound commitment to justice – so it makes no sense to spend three million dollars per prisoner to keep open a prison that the world condemns and terrorists use to recruit.  Since I’ve been President, we’ve worked responsibly to cut the population of GTMO in half.  Now it’s time to finish the job.  And I will not relent in my determination to shut it down.  It’s not who we are.

As Americans, we cherish our civil liberties – and we need to uphold that commitment if we want maximum cooperation from other countries and industry in our fight against terrorist networks.  So while some have moved on from the debates over our surveillance programs, I haven’t.  As promised, our intelligence agencies have worked hard, with the recommendations of privacy advocates, to increase transparency and build more safeguards against potential abuse.  And next month, we’ll issue a report on how we’re keeping our promise to keep our country safe while strengthening privacy.

Looking to the future instead of the past.  Making sure we match our power with diplomacy, and use force wisely.  Building coalitions to meet new challenges and opportunities.  Leading – always – with the example of our values.  That’s what makes us exceptional.  That’s what keeps us strong.  And that’s why we must keep striving to hold ourselves to the highest of standards – our own.

You know, just over a decade ago, I gave a speech in Boston where I said there wasn’t a liberal America, or a conservative America; a black America or a white America – but a United States of America.  I said this because I had seen it in my own life, in a nation that gave someone like me a chance; because I grew up in Hawaii, a melting pot of races and customs; because I made Illinois my home – a state of small towns, rich farmland, and one of the world’s great cities; a microcosm of the country where Democrats and Republicans and Independents, good people of every ethnicity and every faith, share certain bedrock values.

Over the past six years, the pundits have pointed out more than once that my presidency hasn’t delivered on this vision.  How ironic, they say, that our politics seems more divided than ever.  It’s held up as proof not just of my own flaws – of which there are many – but also as proof that the vision itself is misguided, and naïve, and that there are too many people in this town who actually benefit from partisanship and gridlock for us to ever do anything about it.

I know how tempting such cynicism may be.  But I still think the cynics are wrong.

I still believe that we are one people.  I still believe that together, we can do great things, even when the odds are long.  I believe this because over and over in my six years in office, I have seen America at its best.  I’ve seen the hopeful faces of young graduates from New York to California; and our newest officers at West Point, Annapolis, Colorado Springs, and New London.  I’ve mourned with grieving families in Tucson and Newtown; in Boston, West, Texas, and West Virginia.  I’ve watched Americans beat back adversity from the Gulf Coast to the Great Plains; from Midwest assembly lines to the Mid-Atlantic seaboard.  I’ve seen something like gay marriage go from a wedge issue used to drive us apart to a story of freedom across our country, a civil right now legal in states that seven in ten Americans call home. 

So I know the good, and optimistic, and big-hearted generosity of the American people who, every day, live the idea that we are our brother’s keeper, and our sister’s keeper.  And I know they expect those of us who serve here to set a better example. 

So the question for those of us here tonight is how we, all of us, can better reflect America’s hopes.  I’ve served in Congress with many of you.  I know many of you well.  There are a lot of good people here, on both sides of the aisle.  And many of you have told me that this isn’t what you signed up for – arguing past each other on cable shows, the constant fundraising, always looking over your shoulder at how the base will react to every decision.

Imagine if we broke out of these tired old patterns.  Imagine if we did something different.

Understand – a better politics isn’t one where Democrats abandon their agenda or Republicans simply embrace mine. 

A better politics is one where we appeal to each other’s basic decency instead of our basest fears. 

A better politics is one where we debate without demonizing each other; where we talk issues, and values, and principles, and facts, rather than “gotcha” moments, or trivial gaffes, or fake controversies that have nothing to do with people’s daily lives. 

A better politics is one where we spend less time drowning in dark money for ads that pull us into the gutter, and spend more time lifting young people up, with a sense of purpose and possibility, and asking them to join in the great mission of building America.

If we’re going to have arguments, let’s have arguments – but let’s make them debates worthy of this body and worthy of this country. 

We still may not agree on a woman’s right to choose, but surely we can agree it’s a good thing that teen pregnancies and abortions are nearing all-time lows, and that every woman should have access to the health care she needs.

Yes, passions still fly on immigration, but surely we can all see something of ourselves in the striving young student, and agree that no one benefits when a hardworking mom is taken from her child, and that it’s possible to shape a law that upholds our tradition as a nation of laws and a nation of immigrants.

We may go at it in campaign season, but surely we can agree that the right to vote is sacred; that it’s being denied to too many; and that, on this 50^th anniversary of the great march from Selma to Montgomery and the passage of the Voting Rights Act, we can come together, Democrats and Republicans, to make voting easier for every single American.

We may have different takes on the events of Ferguson and New York.  But surely we can understand a father who fears his son can’t walk home without being harassed.  Surely we can understand the wife who won’t rest until the police officer she married walks through the front door at the end of his shift.  Surely we can agree it’s a good thing that for the first time in 40 years, the crime rate and the incarceration rate have come down together, and use that as a starting point for Democrats and Republicans, community leaders and law enforcement, to reform America’s criminal justice system so that it protects and serves us all.

That’s a better politics.  That’s how we start rebuilding trust.  That’s how we move this country forward.  That’s what the American people want.  That’s what they deserve.

I have no more campaigns to run.  My only agenda for the next two years is the same as the one I’ve had since the day I swore an oath on the steps of this Capitol – to do what I believe is best for America.  If you share the broad vision I outlined tonight, join me in the work at hand.  If you disagree with parts of it, I hope you’ll at least work with me where you do agree.  And I commit to every Republican here tonight that I will not only seek out your ideas, I will seek to work with you to make this country stronger.

Because I want this chamber, this city, to reflect the truth – that for all our blind spots and shortcomings, we are a people with the strength and generosity of spirit to bridge divides, to unite in common effort, and help our neighbors, whether down the street or on the other side of the world.

I want our actions to tell every child, in every neighborhood:  your life matters, and we are as committed to improving your life chances as we are for our own kids.

I want future generations to know that we are a people who see our differences as a great gift, that we are a people who value the dignity and worth of every citizen – man and woman, young and old, black and white, Latino and Asian, immigrant and Native American, gay and straight, Americans with mental illness or physical disability. 

I want them to grow up in a country that shows the world what we still know to be true:  that we are still more than a collection of red states and blue states; that we are the United States of America.

I want them to grow up in a country where a young mom like Rebekah can sit down and write a letter to her President with a story to sum up these past six years: 

“It is amazing what you can bounce back from when you have to…we are a strong, tight-knit family who has made it through some very, very hard times.”

My fellow Americans, we too are a strong, tight-knit family.  We, too, have made it through some hard times.  Fifteen years into this new century, we have picked ourselves up, dusted ourselves off, and begun again the work of remaking America.  We’ve laid a new foundation.  A brighter future is ours to write.  Let’s begin this new chapter – together – and let’s start the work right now.

Thank you, God bless you, and God bless this country we love.

Remarks by President Obama and Prime Minister Cameron of the United Kingdom in Joint Press Conference

East Room

12:37 P.M. EST

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Good afternoon, everybody.  This month marks a notable anniversary -- 200 years since the Battle of New Orleans.  Here in America, we call it a great victory over a mighty United Kingdom.  Our British friends call it a technicality.  The treaty ending the war was signed weeks before.

Either way, we’ve long since made up.  On this 200th anniversary of a great American victory, we count the United Kingdom as one of our greatest friends and strongest allies.  And today it’s a great pleasure to welcome Prime Minister David Cameron back to the White House.

Now, as many of you know, David recently noted how comfortable the two of us are working together.  This sent some commentators into a tizzy.  Some explored the linguistic origins of the word “bro.”  Others debated its definition.  Several analyzed how this term has evolved over time.  Some seemed confused and asked -- what does Obama mean?

And so, let me to put this speculation to rest.  Put simply, David is a great friend.  He’s one of my closest and most trusted partners in the world.  On many of the most pressing challenges that we face, we see the world the same way.  We recognize that, as I’ve said before, when the United States and United Kingdom stand together, our nations are more secure and our people are more prosperous, and the world is safer and more just.  Great Britain is our indispensable partner, and David has been personally an outstanding partner, and I thank you for your friendship.

With both of our economies growing and unemployment falling, we used our working dinner last night to discuss how we can help create more jobs for our people.  We believe that this needs to be the year when the United States and the European Union make real progress toward the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership.  And we share the view that boosting demand in Europe can also keep our economies growing.

As innovative economies in this information age, we’re expanding our collaboration on digital technologies to improve how our governments serve our citizens and businesses.  Given the urgent and growing danger of cyber threats, we’ve decided to expand our cooperation on cybersecurity to protect our critical infrastructure, our businesses and the privacy of our people.  And as leaders in the global fight against climate change, we believe that a strong commitment to reducing greenhouse gases will be an essential element of any ambitious climate agreement that we seek in Paris this year and that this actually will help spur the creation of more clean energy jobs on both sides of the Atlantic.   

With regard to security, American-British unity is enabling us to meet challenges in Europe and beyond.  We agree on the need to maintain strong sanctions against Russia until it ends its aggression in Ukraine, and on the need to support Ukraine as it implements important economic and democratic reforms.  We agree that the international community needs to remain united as we seek a comprehensive diplomatic solution to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon.  And I’d add that additional sanctions on Iran at this time would undermine that international unity and set back our chances for a diplomatic solution.  And as the two leading contributors to the global response to Ebola in West Africa, we urge the world to continue stepping up with the resources that are required so that we don’t simply stop this disease, we do more to prevent future epidemics.

Now, much of our discussion obviously focused on the continuing threat of terrorism.  And in the wake of the vicious attacks in Paris, as well as the news surfacing out of Belgium, today we continue to stand unequivocally not only with our French friends and allies, but with also all of our partners who are dealing with this scourge.  I know David joins me when I say that we will continue to do everything in our power to help France seek the justice that is needed and that all our countries are working together seamlessly to prevent attacks and to defeat these terrorist networks. 

With our combat mission in Afghanistan over, we’re also focused with our NATO allies on advising and assisting and equipping Afghan forces to secure their own country and deny to al Qaeda any safe haven there.  We’ll continue to count on our British allies as our -- one of our strongest counterterrorism partners, whether it’s helping countries fight back against al Qaeda affiliates or Boko Haram in Nigeria.      

We reviewed our coalition’s progress against ISIL.  We are systematically taking out their fighters, we’re destroying their infrastructure, we are putting them on the defensive and helping local forces in Iraq push these terrorists back.  And David and I agree that we need to keep stepping up the training of Iraqi forces, and that we’re not going to relent until this terrorist organization is destroyed. 

The Paris attacks also underscored again how terrorist groups like al Qaeda and ISIL are actively trying to inspire and support people within our own countries to engage in terrorism.  I led a special session of the United Nations Security Council last fall to rally the world to meet the threat of foreign terrorist fighters, including coming from Syria.  David and the United Kingdom continue to be strong partners in this work, including sharing intelligence and strengthening border security.

At the same time, we both recognize that intelligence and military force alone is not going to solve this problem.  So we’re also going to keep working together on strategies to counter the violent extremism that radicalizes, recruits and mobilizes people, especially young people, to engage in terrorism.  And local communities -- families, neighbors, faith leaders -- have a vital role to play in that effort. 

We also look forward to welcoming our British friends to our summit next month on countering violent terrorism.  Because whether in Europe or in America, a critical weapon against terrorism is our adherence to our freedoms and values at home -- including the pluralism and the respect and tolerance that defines us as diverse and democratic societies.    

And finally, I want to take this opportunity to publicly congratulate David on last month’s Stormont House Agreement.  It’s a tribute to the courage and determination of everyone involved, especially the leaders of Northern Ireland as well as the governments of Ireland and the United Kingdom.  The United States was pleased to play a small role in achieving this agreement, and we’re going to keep doing what we need to do to support the peace process and a better future for the people of Northern Ireland. 

So with that, let me turn it over to my good friend, David Cameron.

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  Well, thank you very much, Barack.  And thank you for welcoming me again to the White House.  You are a great friend to Britain and to me personally.  As leaders, we share the same values and, as you said, on so many issues, we see the world in the same way.  And most of the time, we speak the same language.  (Laughter.)

In the last six years since you became President, and in the nearly five since I’ve been Prime Minister, we’ve faced some big issues on our watch.  And those challenges have boiled down to one word:  Security.  Economic security -- the jobs and the living standards of our citizens -- and national security -- the ability of our peoples to live safely and in peace.

And at the heart of both issues are the values that our countries cherish:  Freedom of expression, the rule of law, and our democratic institutions.  Those are the things that make both our countries strong and which give us confidence that even in the midst of the most violent storms, with strong leadership, we will come through to safer, to calmer and to brighter days.

During your presidency, you’ve had to deal with the aftermath of a massive banking crisis and a deep recession.  When I became Prime Minister, Britain had the highest budget deficit in its peacetime history, our economy was in grave peril.  Five years ago, we had 110,000 troops serving together in Afghanistan.  Thanks to their efforts, today it is Afghan forces taking responsibility for security in their country. 

But we continue to face difficult times for the world.  First and foremost, we have to deal with the warning lights flashing in the global economy.  Wheat growth in the eurozone has slowed down in emerging markets.  That is why it is vital for our shared prosperity that we both stick to the long-term economic plans that we’ve set out. 

We agreed that 2015 should be a pivotal year for an ambitious and comprehensive EU-U.S. trade deal which could benefit the average household in Britain by 400 pounds a year.  The U.K. is now the top destination for American and foreign investment, with 500 projects last year providing 32,000 jobs.  And America is the U.K.’s biggest trade partner, with exports worth nearly 90 billion pounds.  We want to build on this. 

So our message on the economy today is simple:  We are going to stick to the course.  Because seeing through our economic plans is the only sustainable way to create jobs, to raise living standards, and to secure a better future for hardworking people.

Now, Britain and America both face threats to our national security from people who hate what our countries stand for and who are determined to do us harm.  In recent weeks, we’ve seen appalling attacks in Paris, in Peshawar, in Nigeria.  The world is sickened by this terrorism, so we will not be standing alone in this fight.  We know what we’re up against, and we know how we will win.

We face a poisonous and fanatical ideology that wants to pervert one of the world’s major religions, Islam, and create conflict, terror and death.  With our allies, we will confront it wherever it appears.  In Iraq, the U.K. is the second largest contributor to the anti-ISIL coalition.  RAF aircraft have conducted over 100 strikes and will continue to play a leading role.  We will deploy additional intelligence and surveillance assets to help Iraqi forces on the ground, and we will ensure they are better trained and equipped to counter explosive devices.

But most important of all, we must also fight this poisonous ideology starting at home.  In the U.K., we’re passing a law so that every public body must combat extremism.  And this morning, we have agreed to establish a joint group to identify what more we can do to counter the rise of domestic violent extremism, and to learn from one another.

In Europe, Russia has chosen to tear up the international rulebook and trample over the affairs of a sovereign state.  This threatens our stability and our prosperity.  It is important that every country understands that, and that no one in Europe forgets our history.  We cannot walk on by.  So we will continue to put pressure on Russia to resolve this crisis diplomatically, and at the same time, we will continue our efforts to support Ukraine on the path of reform, including with financial assistance.  We also reaffirmed our obligations as NATO partners to stand by our allies, and we’ll be contributing an additional thousand troops for exercises in Eastern Europe this year.

On Iran, we remain absolutely committed to ensuring that Iran cannot develop a nuclear weapon.  The best way to achieve that now is to create the space for negotiations to succeed.  We should not impose further sanctions now; that would be counterproductive and it could put at risk the valuable international unity that has been so crucial to our approach.

     We also have to keep pace with new threats, such as cyber attacks.  We’ve discussed that in the last two days, and we’ve today agreed to deepen our cybersecurity cooperation to better protect ourselves. 

Finally, we face -- the entire world faces a growing threat from diseases.  Today, our fight is against Ebola.  In the future, it could be against a global flu pandemic.  Through our action in Sierra Leone, the U.S. action in Liberia, France and Guinea, we are beginning to turn the corner, but we must get better at responding to these global health emergencies and make sure we can master them before they master us. 

     So reforming the WHO, the World Health Organization; establishing a team of experts to be on standby to deploy anywhere in the world; a new international platform to stimulate the design and development of new drugs -- all of these things are needed.  And let 2015, the year we must crack Ebola, also be the year we tackle extreme poverty and climate change. 

     On poverty, we must set new, clear goals to eradicate extreme poverty, to fight corruption and to build strong institutions.  And on climate change, we want an outcome in Paris that keeps our goal of limiting global warming by 2050 to two degrees within reach.  These two things -- and they go together -- have the potential to give security to future generations to come.

     For almost two centuries, after those little difficulties we were discussing earlier, America and Britain have stood as kindred spirits in defending our freedoms and advancing our shared prosperity.  Today, as we survey a world in flux, our alliance stands strong, rooted in its long history, and reinvigorated by the challenges we face today.  If our forebears could join us here in the White House today, they might find the challenges that we’re facing from ISIL to Ebola, from cyberterrorism to banking crises, they might find those hard to comprehend, but they would surely recognize the ties that bind us across the Atlantic and the values that our peoples hold so dear.

     We’ve stood together so often, not just because we faced common threats but because we fundamentally believe in the same things.  That is as true today as it has always been, and it hugely benefits our countries and the people that we’re here to serve. 

Thank you very much. 

PRESIDENT OBAMA:   Thank you, David.  We’re going to take a few questions.  We’re going to start with Jonathan Karl of ABC.

     Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  You mentioned your opposition to the sanctions bill on Iran, and this is obviously a bipartisan bill supported by some very senior top members of your own party in Congress.  Why do you oppose a bill that would only impose sanctions if you fail to reach an agreement?  And if the Iranians fail to agree to take steps to curtail their nuclear program, would you go so far as to veto a bill supported by top Democrats in Congress on this issue? 

And to Mr. Prime Minister, I understand you’ve been making phone calls to senators on this issue of the Iran sanctions bill, is that correct?  Are you actually lobbying the U.S. Congress on this? 

And if I may, Mr. President, I’d really like to hear your reaction to the news that Mitt Romney is thinking about running for President again.  (Laughter.)       

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  On your last question -- (laughter) -- I have no comment.  (Laughter.)

     Q    None at all?

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  On your first question, when I came into office, I made a commitment that Iran would not obtain a nuclear weapon, that we would do everything we could to prevent that.  And that is important for our security and it’s important for the world’s security.  If Iran obtained a nuclear weapon, then it would trigger an arms race in the Middle East, make our job in terms of preventing the proliferation of nuclear materials much more difficult.  Given their missile capabilities, it would threaten directly our closest allies, including Israel, and ultimately could threaten us.

     And so what we did was systematically, with the help of Congress, construct the most forceful, most effective sanctions regime in modern history.  And what was remarkable was that when I came into office, the world was divided around this issue, and Iran was united.  And through some very strong diplomatic work, we united the world and isolated Iran.  And it’s because of that work that we brought them to the negotiating table -- not for posturing, not for meetings that lead nowhere, but to a very hard-nosed, nuts-and-bolt discussion of their nuclear program.

     Now, the interim deal that we entered into also froze progress on their nuclear program, rolled back in some cases the stockpiles of material that they had already accumulated, and provided us insight into their program that was unprecedented.  We have people on the ground who are able to verify and inspect and tell us what exactly is going on.  That's not just our assessment, that's the assessment of intelligence services around the world, including the Israelis.

So the agreement has held, and the negotiations have been serious.  We have not lost ground.  Iran has not accelerated its program during the time these negotiations have taken place.  In fact, Iran’s program has not only been in abeyance, but we’ve actually made gains in rolling back some of the stockpiles that they had.

Now, we have on the table currently a series of negotiations over the next several months to determine whether or not Iran can get to yes.  And what’s been remarkable is the unity that we have maintained with the world in isolating Iran and forcing them to negotiate in a serious way.  The P5-plus-1 includes not only China, but also includes Russia.  And they have continued to cooperate with us in setting forth positions that would give us assurances that Iran was not developing a nuclear weapon. 

Now, I’ve always said that the chances that we can actually get a diplomatic deal are probably less than 50/50.  Iran is a regime that is deeply suspicious of the West, deeply suspicious of us.  In the past, they have surreptitiously and secretly advanced aspects of this program.  We have huge differences with them on a whole range of issues.  But if, in fact, we still have an opportunity to get a diplomatic deal that provides us verifiable assurances that they are not developing a nuclear weapon, that is the best possible outcome that we can arrive at right now.

And the question I had for members of Congress, including those folks in my own party is:  Why is it that we would have to take actions that might jeopardize the possibility of getting a deal over the next 60 to 90 days?  What is it precisely that is going to be accomplished? 

I can tell you what the risks are, and I think David shares my assessment here.  Under the interim deal that brought Iran to the table, we were not supposed to initiate new sanctions.  Now, you’ll hear arguments -- well, these technically aren’t new sanctions, they're simply laws putting in place the possibility of additional sanctions.  I assure that is not how Iran would interpret it or our partners would interpret it. 

So the likelihood of the entire negotiations collapsing is very high.  And if that happens, there is no constraint on Iran at that point going back and doing exactly what it had been doing before they came to the table:  Developing a heavy water reactor that, once built, is extraordinarily difficult to dismantle and very difficult to hit military; going back at underground facilities that are very hard to reach militarily; accelerating advanced centrifuges that shorten the time span in which they can achieve breakout capacity. 

And they would be able to maintain that the reason that they ended negotiations was because the United States was operating in bad faith and blew up the deal, and there would be some sympathy to that view around the world -- which means that the sanctions that we have in place now would potentially fray, because imposing these sanctions are a hardship on a number of countries around the world.  They would love to be able to buy Iranian oil.  And the reason that they’ve hung in there, despite it being against their economic interest, is because we have shown that we are credibly trying to solve this problem and avert some sort of military showdown.

    

     Now, in that context, there is no good argument for us to try to undercut, undermine the negotiations until they’ve played themselves out.  Now, if Iran ends up ultimately not being able to say yes, if they cannot provide us the kind of assurances that would lead myself and David Cameron and others to conclude that they are not obtaining a nuclear weapon, then we’re going to have to explore other options.  And I will be the first one to come to Congress and say we need to tighten the screws. 

And, by the way, that’s not the only options that are going to be available.  I’ve consistently said we leave all options on the table.  But Congress should be aware that if this diplomatic solution fails, then the risks and likelihood that this ends up being at some point a military confrontation is heightened, and Congress will have to own that as well, and that will have to be debated by the American people.  And we may not be able to rebuild the kind of coalition we need in that context if the world believes that we were not serious about negotiations.

So I take this very seriously.  And I don’t question the good faith of some folks who think this might be helpful.  But it’s my team that’s at the table.  We are steeped in this stuff day in, day out.  We don’t make these judgments blindly.  We have been working on this for five, six, seven years.  We consult closely with allies like the United Kingdom in making these assessments.  And I am asking Congress to hold off, because our negotiators, our partners, those who are most intimately involved in this, assess that it will jeopardize the possibility of resolving -- providing a diplomatic solution to one of the most difficult and long-lasting national security problems that we’ve faced in a very long time.  And Congress needs to show patience.

So with respect to the veto, I said to my Democratic caucus colleagues yesterday that I will veto a bill that comes to my desk, and I will make this argument to the American people as to why I’m doing so.  And I respectfully request them to hold off for a few months to see if we have the possibility of solving a big problem without resorting potentially to war.  And I think that’s worth doing.  We’ll see how persuasive I am, but if I’m not persuading Congress, I promise you I’m going to be taking my case to the American people on this.

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  I think the big picture is very clear.  The sanctions that America and the European Union put in place have had an effect.  That has led to pressure.  That pressure has led to talks.  And those talks at least have a prospect of success.  And I would argue with the President, how much better is that than the other potential outcomes?  And that is what we should be focusing on.

But to answer you very directly, yes, I have contacted a couple of senators this morning and I may speak to one or two more this afternoon -- not in any way as British Prime Minister to tell the American Senate what it should or shouldn’t do; that wouldn’t be right -- but simply to make the point as a country that stands alongside America in these vital negotiations, that it’s the opinion of the United Kingdom that further sanctions or further threat of sanctions at this point won’t actually help to bring the talks to a successful conclusion and they could fracture the international unity that there’s been, which has been so valuable in presenting a united front to Iran.

And I say this as someone who played quite, I think, a strong role in getting Europe to sign up to the very tough sanctions, including oil sanctions, in the first place.  And I would just simply make this point:  Those sanctions have had an effect.  And to those who said, if you do an interim deal, if you even start discussing with the Iranians any of these things, the sanctions will fall apart, the pressure will dissipate, no one will be able to stick at it.  That has demonstrably been shown not to be true.

So the pressure is still there.  And as the President says, if the Iranians say no and there is no deal, then by all means let’s sit down and work out what extra sanctions to put in place.  Because I think we’re absolutely united in a simple thought, which is a deal that takes Iran away from a nuclear weapon is better than either Iran having a nuclear weapon or military action to prevent it.  In the end, it comes down to that simple choice.  And so will I do what I can to help as one of the country’s negotiating?  Sure I will. 

Q    Do you acknowledge a less than 50/50 --

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  I think the way the President put it, I wouldn’t disagree with.  It’s very hard to know what the Iranian thinking is about this.  I’m the first British Prime Minister in 35 years I think to meet with an Iranian President, and it’s very hard to know what their thinking is. 

But there is a very clear offer there, which is to take Iran away from a nuclear weapon and to conclude an agreement with them which would be mutually beneficial.  That’s what should happen. 

I think we’ve got a question from Nick Robinson at the BBC.

Q    Mr. Nick Robinson, BBC News.  Prime Minister, with extra security being put in place today for the Jewish community and also for police officers, would people be right to conclude that the threat of an attack on the streets of Britain is now all but imminent? 

And, Mr. President, you’ve spoken of the threat posed by fighters coming back from Syria.  Do you ever worry that this is a legacy of the decision of the United States and the United Kingdom to in effect stand on the sidelines during Syria’s bloody civil war? 

And if I may briefly, if you’ll forgive me, on the economy, you said you agree.  Is he right?  Is it time to stick to the plan?

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  Well, first of all, look, we do face a very serious Islamist extremist terrorist threat in Europe, in America, across the world.  And we have to be incredibly vigilant in terms of that threat.  We’ve got to strengthen our police and security.  We ought to make sure we do everything we can to keep our country safe.  And that involves an incredibly long-term, patient, disciplined approach. 

There is no single, simple thing that needs to be done.  It means closing down the ungoverned spaces that the terrorists operate in.  It means working against ISIL in Iraq and Syria.  It means countering this poisonous, fanatical death cult of a narrative that is perverting the religion of Islam.  It means working together with our oldest and best partners so that we share intelligence and security and we try and prevent terrorist atrocities from taking place.  It means all of these things, and it is going to be a long, patient and hard struggle. 

I’m quite convinced we will come through it and we will overcome it, because in the end, the values that we hold to of freedom, of democracy, of having open and tolerant societies -- these are the strongest values there can be.  And in the end, we will come through.   But like some of the challenges our countries have faced together in the past, it will take great discipline, great patience, great, hard work. 

You asked specifically the question about imminence.  We have a system in the United Kingdom where threat levels are set by the Joint Terrorism Assessment Centre.  They’re not set by politicians.  They have judged that the threat we face is severe.  That means, in their words, that an attack is highly likely.  If ever there is an imminent threat of attack, it goes to the next level up, which is critical.  But it’s their decision, not mine.  My responsibility is to make sure we marshal everything we have as a country in order to defeat the threat.

     Q    On the Jewish community?

     PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  And on the Jewish community, I think it’s good that the metropolitan police have announced that they’ll be stepping up on patrols.  I met with the Jewish Leadership Council earlier this week.  We already provide through their security organization, the Community Security Trust, we already provide government money to help protect Jewish schools.  But I think this is -- we have to recognize in fighting terrorism, as we found in Britain before, you cannot simply rely on policing and security.  This is a job for everyone.  This is a role that we’re all going to have to play in the vigilance and in making sure that we keep our community safe.

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  With respect to Syria and the connection to foreign fighters, there is no doubt that in the chaos and the vacuum that’s been created in big chunks of Syria, that that’s given an opportunity for foreign fighters to both come in and come back out.  And I chaired a U.N. Security Council meeting, and we are now busy working with our partners to implement a series of actions to identify who may be traveling to Syria in order to get trained, to fight, or to hatch plots that would be activated upon return to their home countries.  So it's a very serious problem. 

The notion that this is occurring because the United States or Great Britain or other countries stood on the sidelines I think is -- first of all, mischaracterizes our position.  We haven’t been standing on the sidelines; it's true we did not invade Syria.  If the assertion is, is that had we invaded Syria we would be less prone to terrorist attacks, I’ll leave it to you to play out that scenario and whether that sounds accurate. 

     We’ve been very active in trying to resolve a tragic situation in Syria -- diplomatically; through humanitarian efforts; through the removal of chemical weapons from Syria that had been so deadly.  And now as ISIL has moved forward, we’ve been very active in degrading their capabilities inside of Syria, even as we’re working with partners to make sure that the foreign fighter situation is resolved. 

But I think David’s point is the key one.  This phenomenon of violent extremism -- the ideology, the networks, the capacity to recruit young people -- this has metastasized and it is widespread, and it has penetrated communities around the world.

     I do not consider it an existential threat.  As David said, this is one that we will solve.  We are stronger, we are representing values that the vast majority of Muslims believe in -- in tolerance and in working together to build rather than to destroy.  And so this is a problem that causes great heartache and tragedy and destruction, but it is one that ultimately we’re going to defeat.  But we can’t just defeat it through weapons.

     One of the things that we spoke about is how do we lift up those voices that represent the vast majority of the Muslim world so that that counter-narrative against this nihilism is put out there as aggressively and as nimbly as the messages coming out from these fanatics.  How do we make sure that we are working with local communities and faith leaders and families -- whether in a neighborhood in London or a neighborhood in Detroit, Michigan -- so that we are inoculating ourselves against this kind of ideology.  And that's going to be slow, plodding, systematic work, but it’s work that I’m confident we're going to be able to accomplish, particularly when we’ve got strong partners like the United Kingdom doing it.

     Q    On the economy --

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  On the economy, I would note that Great Britain and the United States are two economies that are standing out at a time when a lot of other countries are having problems, so we must be doing something right.

     Major Garrett.

     Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  Good afternoon, Mr. Prime Minister.  Good afternoon to you, sir. 

     Questions for all -- for both of you.  I want to make sure we heard what you were trying to say.  You clearly are directing a message to Congress in the context of Iranian negotiations.  Were you also sending a message -- both of you -- to Iran that if the sanctions talks fail, that war footing is the next most likely alternative for this country and those who are allied with us in this common pursuit?

And atrocities in Paris, raids and threats either in Belgium and Netherlands, I’d like to ask you both:  Do you believe Europe is at a turning point now in its recognition of what its threats are and its own mobilization in terms of new laws, security footing, larger budgets?  And you both talked about cybersecurity.  There is a crucial issue for both countries -- backdoors in encryption to protect people and also privacy.  I’d like your comments on that.  Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I am not -- repeat, not -- suggesting that we are in immediate war footing should negotiations with Iran fail.  But as David put it very simply -- if, in fact, our view is that we have to prevent Iran from getting a nuclear weapon, then we have to recognize the possibility that should diplomacy fail, we have to look at other options to achieve that goal.

And if you listen sometimes to the rhetoric surrounding this issue, I think there is sometimes the view that this regime cannot be trusted; that, effectively, negotiations with Iran are pointless.  And since these claims are being made by individuals who see Iran as a mortal threat and want as badly as we do to prevent them from getting a nuclear weapon, the question then becomes:  Well, what other alternatives exactly are available?

That is part of what we have to consider as to why it’s so important for us to pursue every possible avenue to see if we can get a deal.  Now, it’s got to be good deal, not a bad deal.  I’ve already shown myself willing to walk away from a bad deal.  And the P5-plus-1 walked away with us.  And so nobody is interested in some document that undermines our sanctions and gives Iran the possibility of, whether covertly or gradually, building up its nuclear weapons capacity.  We're not going to allow that.  And anything that we do, any deal that we arrive at -- if we were to arrive at one -- would be subject to scrutiny across the board, not just by members of Congress, but more importantly, by people who actually know how the technical aspects of nuclear programs can advance and how we can effectively verify in the most rigorous way possible that the terms of the deal are being met.

So the bottom line is this:  We may not get there, but we have a chance to resolve the nuclear issue peacefully.  And I should point out also, by the way, that if -- even if we get a nuclear deal and we are assured that Iran doesn’t possess nuclear weapons, we’ve still got a whole bunch of problems with Iran on state-sponsored terrorism, their rhetoric towards Israel, their financing of Hezbollah.  We’ve got differences with respect to Syria.  It’s not as if suddenly we’ve got a great relationship with Iran.  It solves one particular problem that is urgent, and it solves it better than the other alternatives that might present themselves.

So my main message to Congress at this point is, just hold your fire.  Nobody around the world, least of all the Iranians, doubt my ability to get some additional sanctions passed should these negotiations fail.  That’s not a hard vote for me to get through Congress.  And so the notion that we need to have additional sanctions, or even the possibility of sanctions hanging over their head to force them to a better deal, I think the Iranians know that that is certainly in our back pocket if the negotiations fail.

With respect to violent extremism, my impression is that Europe has consistently taken this seriously.  During the course of my presidency, we have worked collaboratively and with great urgency and a recognition that not only do you have foreigners who may be trying to hatch plots in Europe, but that, given large immigrant populations, it’s important to reach out to and work with local communities and to have a very effective intelligence and counterterrorism cooperation between countries and between the United States and Europe.

There’s no doubt that the most recent events has amplified those concerns.  I think one of the things that I’ve learned over the last six years is that there’s always more that we can do.  We can always do it better.  We learn from mistakes.  Each incident that occurs teaches our professionals how we might be able to prevent these the next time. 

And I’m confident that the very strong cooperation that already exists with Europe will get that much better in the months and years to come. 

Q    Do you believe that Europe has been as sensitized as the United States and Great Britain has?

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Here’s where I actually think that Europe has some particular challenges, and I said this to David.  The United States has one big advantage in this whole process, and it’s not that our law enforcement or our intelligence services, et cetera, are so much better -- although ours are very, very good, and I think Europeans would recognize that we’ve got capabilities others don’t have.  Our biggest advantage, Major, is that our Muslim populations, they feel themselves to be Americans.  And there is this incredible process of immigration and assimilation that is part of our tradition that is probably our greatest strength.  Now, it doesn’t mean that we aren’t subject to the kinds of tragedies that we saw at the Boston Marathon.  But that, I think, has been helpful. 

There are parts of Europe in which that’s not the case, and that’s probably the greatest danger that Europe faces -- which is why, as they respond, as they work with us to respond to these circumstances, it’s important for Europe not to simply respond with a hammer and law enforcement and military approaches to these problems, but there also has to be a recognition that the stronger the ties of a North African -- or a Frenchman of North African descent to French values, French Republic, a sense of opportunity -- that’s going to be as important, if not more important, in over time solving this problem.  And I think there’s a recognition of that across Europe, and it’s important that we don’t lose that.

The last point I’ll make, and then I’ll turn it over to David, is with respect to the issue of intelligence-gathering, signal intelligence, encryptions, this is a challenge that we have been working on since I’ve been President.  Obviously, it was amplified when Mr. Snowden did what he did.  It’s gone off the pages of -- the front pages of the news, but we haven’t stopped working on it.  And we’ve been in dialogue with companies and have systematically worked through ways in which we can meet legitimate privacy concerns, but also meet the very real concerns that David has identified and my FBI Director, Jim Comey, identified.

Social media and the Internet is the primary way in which these terrorism organizations are communicating.  Now, that’s no different than anybody else, but they’re good at it.  And when we have the ability to track that in a way that is legal, conforms with due process, rule of law, and presents oversight, then that’s the capability that we have to preserve. 

And the biggest damage that was done as a consequence of the Snowden disclosures was I think, in some cases, a complete undermining of trust.  Some would say that was justified.  I would argue that although there are some legitimate concerns there, overall, the United States government and, from what I’ve seen, the British government, have operated in a scrupulous and lawful way to try to balance these security and privacy concerns.  And we can do better, and that’s what we’re doing. 

But we’re still going to have to find ways to make sure that if an al Qaeda affiliate is operating in Great Britain or in the United States, that we can try to prevent real tragedy.  And I think the companies want to see that as well.  They’re patriots.  They have families that they want to see protected.  We just have to work through in many cases what are technical issues.  So it’s not so much that there’s a difference in intent, but how to square the circle on these issues is difficult.  And we’re working with partners like Great Britain and the United Kingdom, but we’re also going to be in dialogue with the companies to try to make that work.

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  On the Iranian issue, I won’t add much to what the President said.  I’d just make this point, that I don’t think you can characterize it as, if there's a deal then the pressure is off Iran, and if there isn’t a deal, new pressure has to be applied to Iran.  I mean, even if there is a deal, the key to that deal will be transparency and verification and making sure that this country isn’t developing a nuclear weapon.  And that will mean repeated pressure, even after a deal is done.  I think that’s very important. 

And I would absolutely back up what Barack says about recognizing that in so many other ways, we have some major disagreements with what the Iranians have been doing.  I mean, Britain has suffered particularly from the appalling way that our embassy and our staff were treated in that country.  So we approach this with a huge amount of skepticism and concern.  But the goal of an Iran without a nuclear weapon makes these talks worthwhile.

On the issue -- your question, has -- is this a turning point for Europe in terms of terrorism, I would argue that we turned some time ago.  Maybe Britain in particular because of the appalling attacks that took place in 2005, but there have been attacks elsewhere in Europe.  I mean, since I’ve been Prime Minister, there’s probably been at least one major plot every year of quite a significant nature that we have managed to intercept, stop and prevent.  So the awareness of the scale of the challenge we face is absolutely there across government, across parliament, across the different political parties in the police and intelligence services.

     I think there is an opportunity for countries in Europe, who perhaps up to now have been less affected, to work with them and make sure that we share knowledge and skills.  Because when you say, have you -- the turning point is making sure your legislation is up to date, making sure your police and security services have the capabilities they need, making sure you've got programs that can channel extremists away and de-radicalize them, making sure that you're better integrating your communities.  It means doing all of those things.

     I very much agree with what Barack says about the importance of building strong and integrated societies.  I made a speech about this at Munich a couple of years ago, saying that it had been a mistake in the past when some countries had treated different groups and different religious groups as sort of separate blocks rather than trying to build a strong, common home together.  That is what we should be doing, and that is what our policy is directed to.

     And, of course, you need to have -- as I believe we are -- a multiracial, multiethnic society of huge opportunity where in one generation or two generations you can come to our country and you can be in the Cabinet; you can serve at the highest level in the armed forces; you can sit on the bench as a judge.  I’ve got in my Cabinet someone just like that, who in two generations his family has gone from arriving in Britain to sitting -- that's vitally important, as is combatting unemployment, combatting poverty. 

     But here’s I think the really determining point:  You can have, tragically, people who have had all the advantages of integration, who have had all the economic opportunities that our countries can offer, who still get seduced by this poisonous, radical death cult of a narrative.  We’ve seen in recent weeks people who have gone to fight in Syria and who may threaten us here back at home who have had every opportunity and every advantage in life in terms of integration.  So let’s never lose sight of the real enemy here, which is the poisonous narrative that's perverting Islam.  That is what we have to focus on, recognizing that of course we help ourselves in this struggle if we create societies of genuine opportunity, if we create genuine integration between our communities.  But let’s never lose sight of the real -- the heart of the matter.

     As for the issue on the techniques necessary for our intelligence services to help keep us safe, all I would say -- and the President and I had a good discussion about this earlier -- I don't think either of us are trying to annunciate some new doctrine.  The doctrine that I approach this -- what?

     Q    (Off-mic.) 

     PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  Well, I’m sorry to disappoint you,  but I take a very simple approach to this, which is ever since we’ve been sending letters to each other or making telephone calls to each other, or mobile phone calls to each other, or indeed contacting each other on the Internet, it has been possible in both our countries, in extremis -- in my country by a signed warrant by the Home Secretary -- to potentially listen to a call between two terrorists to stop them in their activity.  In your country, a judicial process.  We’ve had our own -- we're not asking for backdoors.  We believe in very clear front doors through legal processes that should help to keep our countries safe.

     And my only argument is that as technology develops, as the world moves on, we should try to avoid the safe havens that can otherwise be created for terrorists to talk to each other.  That's the goal that I think is so important, because I’m in no doubt, as having been Prime Minister for four and a half years, having seen how our intelligence services work, I know that some of these plots that get prevented, the lives that get saved, there is a very real connection between that and the capabilities that our intelligence services within the law use to defend our people.

     I think the final question is from Robert Moore from ITN. 

     Q    Thank you.  Yes, Robert Moore with the British network, ITV News.  Prime Minister, it’s clear there is a sort of security alert underway at the moment around the Jewish community in Britain.  Can I just be clear, is that based on specific intelligence?  Should people be concerned about doing their daily activities this weekend?  And do you regard a terrorist attack on British soil as almost inevitable? 

And, Mr. President, you say there is a dialogue underway with the big American tech companies, but do you share the Prime Minister’s view that the current threat environment is so severe that there does need to be a swing of the pendulum a little bit, maybe from privacy towards counterterrorism, and that this area of private encrypted communications is a very dangerous one, potentially in terms of facilitating dialogue between terrorist groups?

     PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  On the issue of the threat that we face, as I said, the level has been set at severe.  That is set by an independent expert organization, so people can have full confidence that these things aren’t ever done for any other motives than literally to look at the evidence that is there about terrorist threats and to set the level accordingly.  When the level, as it is as the moment, is set at severe, that means that the authorities believe an attack is highly likely.  If we believed it was imminent, then you would move to the next level, which is critical. 

     And we clearly do face a very real threat in our country.  I mean, in recent months, as I was discussing with the President, we’ve had a number of potential attacks averted, for instance, on British police officers.  So that is the threat picture.  It's regularly reviewed, regularly updated, but it shouldn’t be moved unless there is real evidence to do so. 

     In terms of the protection to the Jewish community and indeed other communities, and indeed to police officers themselves, this is based on what has happened in France, on the whole picture that we see.  And it is sensible, precautionary measures to make sure we do what we can to reassure those communities -- communities who are all too aware of the threat that they face.  And this is a bigger challenge for us. 

I think one of the most moving sights in Paris was to see so many people holding up signs saying “Je suis flic,” I'm a cop; “Je suis juif,” I’m a Jew.  And I thought that was incredibly moving, that people wanted to stand together with one community that had been singled out, and singled out not because of anything other than the fact they were Jewish.  So I think it's very important that we speak up and stand up for those communities and give them the protection that they deserve.

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Obviously, in the wake of Paris, our attention is heightened.  But I have to tell you, over the last six years threat streams are fairly constant.  David deals with them every day, I deal with them every day.  Our CT, our counterterrorism professionals deal with them every day.  So I don’t think there’s a situation in which because things are so much more dangerous, the pendulum needs to swing.  I think what we have to find is a consistent framework whereby our publics have confidence that their government can both protect them, but not abuse our capacity to operate in cyberspace.  And because this is a whole new world, as David said, the laws that might have been designed for the traditional wiretap have to be updated.

     How we do that needs to be debated, both here in the United States and in the U.K.  I think we’re getting better at it.  I think we’re striking the balance better.  I think the companies here in the United States at least recognize that they have a responsibility to the public, but also want to make sure that they’re meeting their responsibilities to their customers that are using their products.  And so the dialogue that we’re engaged in is designed to make sure that all of us feel confident that if there is an actual threat out there, our law enforcement and our intelligence officers can identify that threat and track that threat at the same time that our governments are not going around phishing into whatever text you might be sending on your smartphone.  And I think that’s something that can be achieved.

    

     There are going to be situations where there are hard cases.  But for the most part, those who are worried about Big Brother sometimes obscure or deliberately ignore all the legal safeguards that have been put in place to assure people’s privacy and to make sure that government is not abusing these powers.  And on the other hand, there are times where law enforcement and those of us whose job it is to protect the public aren’t thinking about those problems because we’re trying to track and prevent a particular terrorist event from happening.  And it’s useful to have civil libertarians and others tapping us on the shoulder in the midst of this process and reminding us that there are values at stake as well.  And I think that David and I welcome that kind of debate.

    

     The technologies are evolving in ways that potentially make this trickier.  If we get into a situation in which the technologies do not allow us at all to track somebody that we’re confident is a terrorist; if we find evidence of a terrorist plot somewhere in the Middle East that traces directly back to London or New York, we have specific information and we are confident that this individual or this network is about to activate a plot, and despite knowing that information, despite having a phone number, or despite having a social media address or email address -- that we can’t penetrate that, that’s a problem. 

     And so that’s the kind of dialogue that we’re having to have with these companies.  Part of it is a legal issue, part of it is a technical question.  But overall, I’m actually confident that we can balance these imperatives, and we shouldn’t feel as if because we’ve just seen such a horrific attack in Paris, that suddenly everything should be going by the wayside.  Unfortunately, this has been a constant backdrop and I think will continue to be for any Prime Minister or President for some time to come, and we’ve got to make sure that we don’t overreact but that we remain vigilant and are serious about our responsibilities there.

     Thank you very much, everybody.  Appreciate it.  Thank you.

                                  END           1:39 P.M. EST