Remarks by the President at Designation of Three New National Monuments

Gwendolyn Brooks College Preparatory Academy
Chicago, Illinois

2:00 P.M. CST

THE PRESIDENT:  Hello, Chicago!  (Applause.)  Everybody have a seat.  Everybody have a seat.  Settle down.  Also known as “Chiberia”!

AUDIENCE:  Yeah!

THE PRESIDENT:  It is good to be home.  (Applause.)  Even -- even in February.  (Laughter.)  It’s always been a dream of mine to be the first President to designate a national monument in subzero conditions.  (Laughter.)   

I want to thank your outstanding principal, D’Andre Weaver -- (applause) -- for his warm hospitality -- and his adorable daughter -- (laughter) -- and wonderful wife.  I had a chance to talk to D’Andre, and one of the youngest principals maybe ever in Chicago, and has just done extraordinary work.  And the students and teachers who are here, way to go -- because you guys are doing great.  (Applause.)  We’re so proud of you.

I want to recognize some other people who braved the cold to join us.  Governor Bruce Rauner is here.  (Applause.)  Our Secretary of the Interior, Sally Jewell, is here.  (Applause.)  Senator Mark Kirk is here.  (Applause.)  Outstanding members of the House of Representatives -- Robin Kelly, Bobby Rush, Mike Quigley, Bob Dold.  (Applause.)  We’ve got our Director of the National Parks Service, Jon Jarvis.  (Applause.)  And we have our mayor, Mr. Rahm Emanuel.  (Applause.)  

Now, before Rahm was a big-shot mayor, he was an essential part of my team at the White House during some very hard times for America.  And I relied on his judgment every day and his smarts every day, and his toughness every day.  And along with many of the local leaders and members of Congress, like Robin, who are this afternoon, Rahm hasn’t just fought for a National Park in Pullman, he’s fought for new opportunity and new jobs in Pullman, and for every Chicagoan, in every neighborhood, making sure every single person gets the fair shot at success that they deserve.  And I could not be prouder of him and the extraordinary service that he’s provided.

Now, it’s always fun coming home.  But this is special for me.  This exit right over here, either 111th or 115th -- depending on what was going on that day -- I took that just about every day for about three years.  I drove by this site every day on my way to Holy Rosary Church -- (applause) -- where my first office of my first job in Chicago was.  Right across from the park.  This was Mendel then.  (Applause.)  This is the neighborhood where I made lifelong friends.  This is the area where I became a man.  I learned so much about love and work and loyalty and friendship. 

And to be able to come back here today, a place where I cut my teeth in getting involved in politics and organizing; a place where my mother-in-law worked at what was then Heritage/Pullman Bank -- that means a lot.  The only difference is, back then, in weather like this, I had to shovel out my own car -- (laughter) -- and chip off my own ice, and try to warm up the car and stay warm, because the car didn’t heat up real well.  And I had a pretty raggedy coat.  So I travel here with a little more comfort and better transportation.  (Laughter.)  But it sure brings back a lot of good memories.

But I’m not here just to reminisce.  (Child screams.)  Yes!  (Laughter.)  I’m here because next year is the 100th birthday of the National Park Service.  For a century, rangers, and interpreters, and volunteers and visitors have kept alive what the writer Wallace Stegner once called “the best idea we ever had” -- our belief that the country’s most special places should belong not just to the rich, not just to the powerful, but belong to everybody -- not just now, but for all time. 

Conservation is a truly American idea.  The naturalists and industrialists and politicians who dreamt up our system of public lands and waters did so in the hope that, by keeping these places, these special places in trust -- places of incomparable beauty, places where our history was written -- then future generations would value those places the same way as we did.  It would teach us about ourselves, and keep us grounded and keep us connected to what it means to be American.  And it’s one of our responsibilities, as Americans, to protect this inheritance and to strengthen it for the future. 

And that’s why I’ve used my authority to set aside more public lands and waters than any President in history.  (Applause.)  And that’s why, starting next month, we’re going to encourage every American to “Find Your Park,” because chances are, there’s one closer than you think. 

And that’s why, starting this fall, we’re going to help a new generation of Americans experience our God-given grandeur by giving every fourth-grader in America what we’re calling an “Every Kid in a Park” pass -- a pass good for free admission to all public lands, for you and your family, for an entire year.  (Applause.)  We want every fourth-grader to have the experience of getting out and discovering America.  We want them to see the outside of a classroom too; see all the places that make America great.  Put down the smartphone for a second.  Put away the video games.  Breathe in some fresh air and see this incredible bounty that’s been given to us.

No matter who you are, no matter where you live, our parks and our monuments, our lands, our waters -- these places are the birthright of all Americans.

And today, right here in Chicago, I’m using my powers as President to announce America’s three newest national monuments, places that reflect our national history and our national heritage.  (Applause.)
 
Now, first, we’re announcing a new park in my home state -- before I was adopted by Illinois -- my home state of Hawaii.  And the Honouliuli was once an internment camp for Japanese-Americans during World War II.  Going forward, it’s going to be a monument to a painful part of our history so that we don’t repeat the mistakes of the past. 

Then there’s Browns Canyon, Colorado, which is an outdoor paradise with world-class fly-fishing, rafting, hiking, wildlife.  And from now on, it will be protected so that future generations can enjoy this land without threatening the things that make it so special. 

And there’s a reason why we’re here on the South Side, right next to the neighborhood known as Pullman.  It’s not as warm as it is in Hawaii, and the views aren’t as spectacular as in Colorado.  But what makes Pullman special is the role it’s played in our history.  And the mayor talked a little bit about this.  This place has been a milestone in our journey toward a more perfect union.

More than 150 years ago, a carpenter named George Pullman moved to Chicago from New York.  And he didn’t start out with much, but he built his railway car company into one of the largest of its day.  And as part of his empire, he built an entire town from scratch.  George Pullman wasn’t just the namesake of the place where his workers lived, he was also their boss, and their landlord, and their mayor, and their superintendent, and their sheriff.

Now, Pullman lived out America’s promise.  An extraordinary entrepreneur.  He lived out the notion that each of us deserves the chance to transcend circumstances of our birth, and make of our lives what we will.  But for all his success, Mr. Pullman and the other tycoons of that period, the Gilded Age, they weren’t always that keen about making sure their workers were able to live out the same promise. 

So in 1893, a recession struck America.  Pullman slashed his workers’ pay, some saw their wages fall dramatically. Pullman didn’t take a pay cut himself and he didn’t lower the rents in his company town.  So his workers organized for better pay and better working and living conditions.  A strike started here in Pullman, and it spread across the country.  Federal troops were called to restore order; and in the end, more than 30 workers were killed.

Eventually, they returned to their jobs.  But the idea they had sparked, the idea of organizing and collectively bargaining, couldn’t be silenced.  (Applause.)  Could not be silenced.  And so just six days after the strike ended, an act of Congress established Labor Day -- a day to honor working men and women of America.  And gradually, our country would add protections that we now take for granted:  a 40-hour work week, the weekend, overtime pay, safe workplace conditions, and the right to organize for higher wages and better opportunities.  (Applause.)  

So this site is at the heart of what would become America’s Labor Movement -- and as a consequence, at the heart of what would become America’s middle class.  And bit by bit, we expanded this country’s promise to more Americans.  But too many still lived on the margins of that dream. 

The white workers who built Pullman’s rail cars won new rights.  But those rights were not extended to the black porters who worked on these cars -- the former slaves, and sons and grandsons who made beds and carried luggage and folded sheets and shined shoes.   And they worked as many as 20 hours a day on less than three hours’ sleep just for a couple dollars a day.  Porters who asked for a living wage, porters who asked for better hours or better working conditions were told they were lucky to have a job at all.  If they continued to demand better conditions, they were fired.  It seemed hopeless to try and change the status quo.

But a few brave men and women saw things differently.  And one summer night in 1925, porters packed a hall in Harlem, and a young man there named A. Philip Randolph led the meeting.  (Applause.)  And what A. Philip Randolph said was, “What this is about,” he said, “is making you master of your economic fate.”  Making you master of your economic fate.  And so he and others organized the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters around the strategy that he would employ throughout his life:  “If you stand firm and hold your ground, in the long run you’ll win.” 

That was easier said than done.  Over the years, Brotherhood leaders and supporters were fired, they were harassed.  But true to A. Philip Randolph’s call, they stood firm, they held their ground.  And 12 years to the day after A. Philip Randolph spoke in that hall in Harlem, they won, and Pullman became the first large company in America to recognize a union of black workers.  (Applause.)   

And this was one of the first great victories in what would become the Civil Rights Movement.  It wouldn’t be the last victory.  It was his union that allowed A. Philip Randolph to pressure President Roosevelt to desegregate the defense industry.  It was those Pullman porters who gave the base by which A. Philip Randolph could convince President Truman to desegregate the Armed Forces.  It was those porters who helped lead the Montgomery Bus Boycott, who were the central organizers of the March on Washington. 

And on the day of that historic march, under the shadow of the President who had freed the slaves, A. Philip Randolph, who was now about 40 years older, a little grayer, but still standing just as firm -- it was A. Philip Randolph who was the first to speak at that March on Washington.  “We are the advanced guard,” he said, “of a massive, moral revolution for jobs and freedom.” 

“A massive, moral revolution for jobs and freedom.”  And that’s not just the story of a movement, that’s the story of America.  Because as Americans, we believe that workers’ rights are civil rights.  (Applause.)  That dignity and opportunity aren’t just gifts to be handed down by a generous government or by a generous employer; they are rights given by God, as undeniable and worth protecting as the Grand Canyon or the Great Smoky Mountains. 

And that’s why, throughout our history, we’ve marched not only for jobs, but also for justice; not just for the absence of oppression, but for the presence of opportunity.  And ultimately, that wasn’t just for African Americans any more than the original Pullman union was just for white workers.  Eventually, that principle would be embraced on behalf of women, and Latinos, and Native Americans; for Catholics and Jews and Muslims; for LGBT Americans; for Americans with mental and physical disabilities.  That's the idea that was embodied right here.

That's why we have acted to give our citizens a measure of protection from the cruelties of fate with Social Security and Medicare and Medicaid and, yes, the Affordable Care Act -- things that we now take for granted or we will take for granted someday.  It’s why we keep fighting to give every citizen a fair shot with schools and colleges and the Internet -- tools we need in order to go as far as our efforts will take us, tools that the young people here are going to need so that they then can lead this great country of ours.

It’s why we keep fighting to help working families feel more secure in a constantly changing world with child care and equal pay, a higher minimum wage, and paid sick days -- something I know that's on the ballot here in Chicago.  It’s why we have to keep fighting to treat these issues like the economic priorities they are.  But they're also ideas about justice and fairness and the worth of every individual.

That’s the story of this place -- that, together, we can do great things that we cannot accomplish alone.  That’s why today I’m designating Chicago’s Pullman District as America’s newest national monument.  (Applause.)  I want this younger generation, I want future generations to come learn about their past.  Because I guarantee you there are a lot of young people right here in Chicago, just a few blocks away, living in this neighborhood who may not know that history.

I want future generations to know that while the Pullman porters helped push forward our rights to vote, and to work, and to live as equals, their legacy goes beyond even that.  These men and women without rank, without wealth or title, became the bedrock of a new middle class.  These men and women gave their children and grandchildren opportunities they never had. 

Here in Chicago, one of those porter’s great-granddaughter had the chance to go to a great college and a great law school, and had the chance to work for the mayor, and had the chance to climb the ladder of success and serve as a leader in some of our cities’ most important institutions.  And I know that because today she’s the First Lady of the United States of America, Michelle Obama.  (Applause.)

So without this place, Michelle wouldn’t be where she was.  There’s a reason why I’ve got one of the original copies of the program for the March on Washington, a march for jobs and justice, with A. Philip Randolph’s name right there as the first speaker, framed in my office.  Because without Pullman, I might not be there.  Of course without Michelle, I’d definitely not be there.  (Laughter.)  Whoever she married would be there.  (Laughter and applause.)

So to the young people here today, that’s what I hope you take away from this place.  It is right that we think of our national monuments as these amazing vistas, and mountains, and rivers.  But part of what we’re preserving here is also history.  It’s also understanding that places that look ordinary are nothing but extraordinary.  The places you live are extraordinary, which means you can be extraordinary.  You can make something happen, the same way these workers here at Pullman made something happen.  (Applause.)

That’s not to tell you that life is always going to be fair, or even that America will always live up to its ideals.  But it is to teach us that no matter who you are, you stand on the shoulder of giants.  You stand on the site of great historic movements.  And that means you can initiate great historic movements by your own actions.

Generations before you fought and sacrificed, and some lost their jobs, and some lost their lives, to give you a better chance to be what A. Philip Randolph called the master of your fate.  And I think all they’d ask for in return is that you take advantage of that, and when your time comes, you’ll fight just as hard to give somebody else that chance. 

Because for all the progress that we’ve made -- and we have made a lot of progress -- our moral revolution is unfinished.  And it’s up to each of us to protect that promise of America, and expand that promise of opportunity for all people.  That long march has never be easy.  This place, historic Pullman, teaches us we have to keep standing firm and together.  That’s the story of who we are.  That’s the story of our past.  And I have no doubt that we will pass the torch from generation to generation so that it is the story of our future as well.

So thank you, everybody.  Thank you, Chicago.  Thank you, Pullman.  God bless you.  God bless the United States of America.  (Applause.) 

END 
2:24 P.M. CST

Remarks by the President in Closing of the Summit on Countering Violent Extremism

South Court Auditorium

4:20 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  (Applause.)  Thank you so much. Everybody, please have a seat. 

Well, thank you, Lisa, for the introduction.  Lisa is an example of the countless dedicated public servants across our government, a number of who are here today, who are working tirelessly every single day on behalf of the security and safety of the American people.  So we very much appreciate her.  And thanks to all of you for your attendance and participation in this important summit.

For more than 238 years, the United States of America has not just endured, but we have thrived and surmounted challenges that might have broken a lesser nation.  After a terrible civil war, we repaired our union.  We weathered a Great Depression, became the world’s most dynamic economy.  We fought fascism, liberated Europe.  We faced down communism -- and won.  American communities have been destroyed by earthquakes and tornadoes and fires and floods -- and each time we rebuild.        

The bombing that killed 168 people could not break Oklahoma City.  On 9/11, terrorists tried to bring us to our knees; today a new tower soars above New York City, and America continues to lead throughout the world.  After Americans were killed at Fort Hood and the Boston Marathon, it didn’t divide us; we came together as one American family.  

In the face of horrific acts of violence -- at a Sikh temple near Milwaukee, or at a Jewish community center outside Kansas City -- we reaffirmed our commitment to pluralism and to freedom, repulsed by the notion that anyone should ever be targeted because of who they are, or what they look like, or how they worship. 

Most recently, with the brutal murders in Chapel Hill of three young Muslim Americans, many Muslim Americans are worried and afraid.  And I want to be as clear as I can be:  As Americans, all faiths and backgrounds, we stand with you in your grief and we offer our love and we offer our support.

My point is this:  As Americans, we are strong and we are resilient.  And when tragedy strikes, when we take a hit, we pull together, and we draw on what’s best in our character -- our optimism, our commitment to each other, our commitment to our values, our respect for one another.  We stand up, and we rebuild, and we recover, and we emerge stronger than before.  That’s who we are.  (Applause.)    

And I say all this because we face genuine challenges to our security today, just as we have throughout our history.  Challenges to our security are not new.  They didn’t happen yesterday or a week ago or a year ago.  We've always faced challenges.  One of those challenges is the terrorist threat from groups like al Qaeda and ISIL.  But this isn't our challenge alone.  It's a challenge for the world.  ISIL is terrorizing the people of Syria and Iraq, beheads and burns human beings in unfathomable acts of cruelty.  We’ve seen deadly attacks in Ottawa and Sydney and, Paris, and now Copenhagen.

So, in the face of this challenge, we have marshalled the full force of the United States government, and we’re working with allies and partners to dismantle terrorist organizations and protect the American people.  Given the complexities of the challenge and the nature of the enemy -- which is not a traditional army -- this work takes time, and will require vigilance and resilience and perspective.  But I'm confident that, just as we have for more than two centuries, we will ultimately prevail.     

And part of what gives me that confidence is the overwhelming response of the world community to the savagery of these terrorists -- not just revulsion, but a concrete commitment to work together to vanquish these organizations. 

At the United Nations in September, I called on the international community to come together and eradicate this scourge of violent extremism.  And I want to thank all of you -- from across America and around the world -- for answering this call.  Tomorrow at the State Department, governments and civil society groups from more than 60 countries will focus on the steps that we can take as governments.  And I’ll also speak about how our nations have to remain relentless in our fight -- our counterterrorism efforts -- against groups that are plotting against our counties.      

But we are here today because of a very specific challenge  -- and that’s countering violent extremism, something that is not just a matter of military affairs.  By “violent extremism,” we don’t just mean the terrorists who are killing innocent people.  We also mean the ideologies, the infrastructure of extremists --the propagandists, the recruiters, the funders who radicalize and recruit or incite people to violence.  We all know there is no one profile of a violent extremist or terrorist, so there’s no way to predict who will become radicalized.  Around the world, and here in the United States, inexcusable acts of violence have been committed against people of different faiths, by people of different faiths -- which is, of course, a betrayal of all our faiths.  It's not unique to one group, or to one geography, or one period of time. 

But we are here at this summit because of the urgent threat from groups like al Qaeda and ISIL.  And this week we are focused on prevention -- preventing these groups from radicalizing, recruiting or inspiring others to violence in the first place.  I’ve called upon governments to come to the United Nations this fall with concrete steps that we can take together.  And today, what I want to do is suggest several areas where I believe we can concentrate our efforts.

First, we have to confront squarely and honestly the twisted ideologies that these terrorist groups use to incite people to violence.  Leading up to this summit, there’s been a fair amount of debate in the press and among pundits about the words we use to describe and frame this challenge.  So I want to be very clear about how I see it. 

Al Qaeda and ISIL and groups like it are desperate for legitimacy.  They try to portray themselves as religious leaders -- holy warriors in defense of Islam.  That’s why ISIL presumes to declare itself the “Islamic State.”  And they propagate the notion that America -- and the West, generally -- is at war with Islam.  That’s how they recruit.  That’s how they try to radicalize young people.  We must never accept the premise that they put forward, because it is a lie.  Nor should we grant these terrorists the religious legitimacy that they seek.  They are not religious leaders -- they’re terrorists.  (Applause.)  And we are not at war with Islam.  We are at war with people who have perverted Islam.  (Applause.)  

Now, just as those of us outside Muslim communities need to reject the terrorist narrative that the West and Islam are in conflict, or modern life and Islam are in conflict, I also believe that Muslim communities have a responsibility as well.  Al Qaeda and ISIL do draw, selectively, from the Islamic texts.  They do depend upon the misperception around the world that they speak in some fashion for people of the Muslim faith, that Islam is somehow inherently violent, that there is some sort of clash of civilizations. 

Of course, the terrorists do not speak for over a billion Muslims who reject their hateful ideology.  They no more represent Islam than any madman who kills innocents in the name of God represents Christianity or Judaism or Buddhism or Hinduism.  No religion is responsible for terrorism.  People are responsible for violence and terrorism.  (Applause.)   

And to their credit, there are respected Muslim clerics and scholars not just here in the United States but around the world who push back on this twisted interpretation of their faith.  They want to make very clear what Islam stands for.  And we’re joined by some of these leaders today.  These religious leaders and scholars preach that Islam calls for peace and for justice, and tolerance toward others; that terrorism is prohibited; that the Koran says whoever kills an innocent, it is as if he has killed all mankind.  Those are the voices that represent over a billion people around the world. 

But if we are going to effectively isolate terrorists, if we're going to address the challenge of their efforts to recruit our young people, if we're going to lift up the voices of tolerance and pluralism within the Muslim community, then we've got to acknowledge that their job is made harder by a broader narrative that does exist in many Muslim communities around the world that suggests the West is at odds with Islam in some fashion. 

The reality -- which, again, many Muslim leaders have spoken to -- is that there’s a strain of thought that doesn’t embrace ISIL’s tactics, doesn’t embrace violence, but does buy into the notion that the Muslim world has suffered historical grievances  -- sometimes that's accurate -- does buy into the belief that so many of the ills in the Middle East flow from a history of colonialism or conspiracy; does buy into the idea that Islam is incompatible with modernity or tolerance, or that it's been polluted by Western values. 

So those beliefs exist.  In some communities around the world they are widespread.  And so it makes individuals -- especially young people who already may be disaffected or alienated -- more ripe for radicalization.  And so we've got to be able to talk honestly about those issues.  We've got to be much more clear about how we're rejecting certain ideas.

So just as leaders like myself reject the notion that terrorists like ISIL genuinely represent Islam, Muslim leaders need to do more to discredit the notion that our nations are determined to suppress Islam, that there’s an inherent clash in civilizations.  Everybody has to speak up very clearly that no matter what the grievance, violence against innocents doesn't defend Islam or Muslims, it damages Islam and Muslims.  (Applause.) 

And when all of us, together, are doing our part to reject the narratives of violent extremists, when all of us are doing our part to be very clear about the fact that there are certain universal precepts and values that need to be respected in this interconnected world, that’s the beginnings of a partnership. 

As we go forward, we need to find new ways to amplify the voices of peace and tolerance and inclusion -- and we especially need to do it online.  We also need to lift up the voices of those who know the hypocrisy of groups like ISIL firsthand, including former extremists.  Their words speak to us today.  And I know in some of the discussions these voices have been raised: “I witnessed horrible crimes committed by ISIS.”  “It’s not a revolution or jihad…it’s a slaughter…I was shocked by what I did.”  “This isn’t what we came for, to kill other Muslims.”  “I’m 28 -- is this the only future I’m able to imagine?”  That's the voice of so many who were temporarily radicalized and then saw the truth.  And they’ve warned other young people not to make the same mistakes as they did.  “Do not run after illusions.”  “Do not be deceived.”  “Do not give up your life for nothing.”  We need to lift up those voices.      

And in all this work, the greatest resource are communities themselves, especially like those young people who are here today.  We are joined by talented young men and women who are pioneering new innovations, and new social media tools, and new ways to reach young people.  We’re joined by leaders from the private sector, including high-tech companies, who want to support your efforts.  And I want to challenge all of us to build new partnerships that unleash the talents and creativity of young people -- young Muslims -- not just to expose the lies of extremists but to empower youth to service, and to lift up people’s lives here in America and around the world.  And that can be a calling for your generation.     

So that’s the first challenge -- we've got to discredit these ideologies.  We have to tackle them head on.  And we can't shy away from these discussions.  And too often, folks are, understandably, sensitive about addressing some of these root issues, but we have to talk about them, honestly and clearly.  (Applause.)  And the reason I believe we have to do so is because I'm so confident that when the truth is out we'll be successful.     Now, a second challenge is we do have to address the grievances that terrorists exploit, including economic grievances.  Poverty alone does not cause a person to become a terrorist, any more than poverty alone causes somebody to become a criminal.  There are millions of people -- billions of people  -- in the world who live in abject poverty and are focused on what they can do to build up their own lives, and never embrace violent ideologies. 

Conversely, there are terrorists who’ve come from extraordinarily wealthy backgrounds, like Osama bin Laden.  What’s true, though, is that when millions of people -- especially youth -- are impoverished and have no hope for the future, when corruption inflicts daily humiliations on people, when there are no outlets by which people can express their concerns, resentments fester.  The risk of instability and extremism grow.  Where young people have no education, they are more vulnerable to conspiracy theories and radical ideas, because it's not tested against anything else, they’ve got nothing to weigh.  And we've seen this across the Middle East and North Africa.

And terrorist groups are all too happy to step into a void. They offer salaries to their foot soldiers so they can support their families.  Sometimes they offer social services -- schools, health clinics -- to do what local governments cannot or will not do.  They try to justify their violence in the name of fighting the injustice of corruption that steals from the people -- even while those terrorist groups end up committing even worse abuses, like kidnapping and human trafficking. 

So if we’re going to prevent people from being susceptible to the false promises of extremism, then the international community has to offer something better.  And the United States intends to do its part.  We will keep promoting development and growth that is broadly shared, so more people can provide for their families.  We’ll keep leading a global effort against corruption, because the culture of the bribe has to be replaced by good governance that doesn’t favor certain groups over others. 

Countries have to truly invest in the education and skills and job training that our extraordinary young people need.  And by the way, that's boys and girls, and men and women, because countries will not be truly successful if half their populations -- if their girls and their women are denied opportunity.  (Applause.)  And America will continue to forge new partnerships in entrepreneurship and innovation, and science and technology, so young people from Morocco to Malaysia can start new businesses and create more prosperity.  

Just as we address economic grievances, we need to face a third challenge -- and that's addressing the political grievances that are exploited by terrorists.  When governments oppress their people, deny human rights, stifle dissent, or marginalize ethnic and religious groups, or favor certain religious groups over others, it sows the seeds of extremism and violence.  It makes those communities more vulnerable to recruitment.  Terrorist groups claim that change can only come through violence.  And if peaceful change is impossible, that plays into extremist propaganda.

So the essential ingredient to real and lasting stability and progress is not less democracy; it’s more democracy.  (Applause.)  It’s institutions that uphold the rule of law and apply justice equally.  It’s security forces and police that respect human rights and treat people with dignity.  It’s free speech and strong civil societies where people can organize and assemble and advocate for peaceful change.  It’s freedom of religion where all people can practice their faith without fear and intimidation.  (Applause.)  All of this is part of countering violent extremism.

Fourth, we have to recognize that our best partners in all these efforts, the best people to help protect individuals from falling victim to extremist ideologies are their own communities, their own family members.  We have to be honest with ourselves.  Terrorist groups like al Qaeda and ISIL deliberately target their propaganda in the hopes of reaching and brainwashing young Muslims, especially those who may be disillusioned or wrestling with their identity.  That’s the truth.  The high-quality videos, the online magazines, the use of social media, terrorist Twitter accounts -- it’s all designed to target today’s young people online, in cyberspace.  

And by the way, the older people here, as wise and respected as you may be, your stuff is often boring -- (laughter) -- compared to what they’re doing.  (Applause.)  You're not connected.  And as a consequence, you are not connecting. 

So these terrorists are a threat, first and foremost, to the communities that they target, which means communities have to take the lead in protecting themselves.  And that is true here in America, as it's true anywhere else.  When someone starts getting radicalized, family and friends are often the first to see that something has changed in their personality.  Teachers may notice a student becoming withdrawn or struggling with his or her identity, and if they intervene at that moment and offer support, that may make a difference.

Faith leaders may notice that someone is beginning to espouse violent interpretations of religion, and that’s a moment for possible intervention that allows them to think about their actions and reflect on the meaning of their faith in a way that’s more consistent with peace and justice.  Families and friends, coworkers, neighbors, faith leaders -- they want to reach out; they want to help save their loved ones and friends, and prevent them from taking a wrong turn. 

But communities don’t always know the signs to look for, or have the tools to intervene, or know what works best.  And that’s where government can play a role -- if government is serving as a trusted partner.  And that’s where we also need to be honest.  I know some Muslim Americans have concerns about working with government, particularly law enforcement.  And their reluctance is rooted in the objection to certain practices where Muslim Americans feel they’ve been unfairly targeted. 

So, in our work, we have to make sure that abuses stop, are not repeated, that we do not stigmatize entire communities.  Nobody should be profiled or put under a cloud of suspicion simply because of their faith.  (Applause.)  Engagement with communities can’t be a cover for surveillance.  We can’t “securitize” our relationship with Muslim Americans -- (applause) -- dealing with them solely through the prism of law enforcement. Because when we do, that only reinforces suspicions, makes it harder for us to build the trust that we need to work together.  

As part of this summit, we’re announcing that we’re going to increase our outreach to communities, including Muslim Americans. We’re going to step up our efforts to engage with partners and raise awareness so more communities understand how to protect their loved ones from becoming radicalized.  We’ve got to devote more resources to these efforts.  (Applause.) 

And as government does more, communities are going to have to step up as well.  We need to build on the pilot programs that have been discussed at this summit already -- in Los Angeles, in Minneapolis, in Boston.  These are partnerships that bring people together in a spirit of mutual respect and create more dialogue and more trust and more cooperation.  If we’re going to solve these issues, then the people who are most targeted and potentially most affected -- Muslim Americans -- have to have a seat at the table where they can help shape and strengthen these partnerships so that we’re all working together to help communities stay safe and strong and resilient.  (Applause.)  

And finally, we need to do what extremists and terrorists hope we will not do, and that is stay true to the values that define us as free and diverse societies.  If extremists are peddling the notion that Western countries are hostile to Muslims, then we need to show that we welcome people of all faiths. 

Here in America, Islam has been woven into the fabric of our country since its founding.  (Applause.)  Generations of Muslim immigrants came here and went to work as farmers and merchants and factory workers, helped to lay railroads and build up America.  The first Islamic center in New York City was founded in the 1890s.  America’s first mosque -- this was an interesting fact -- was in North Dakota.  (Laughter.)   

Muslim Americans protect our communities as police officers and firefighters and first responders, and protect our nation by serving in uniform, and in our intelligence communities, and in homeland security.  And in cemeteries across our country, including at Arlington, Muslim American heroes rest in peace having given their lives in defense of all of us.  (Applause.)  

And of course that’s the story extremists and terrorists don’t want the world to know -- Muslims succeeding and thriving in America.  Because when that truth is known, it exposes their propaganda as the lie that it is.  It’s also a story that every American must never forget, because it reminds us all that hatred and bigotry and prejudice have no place in our country.  It’s not just counterproductive; it doesn’t just aid terrorists; it’s wrong.  It’s contrary to who we are.   

I’m thinking of a little girl named Sabrina who last month sent me a Valentine’s Day card in the shape of a heart.  It was the first Valentine I got.  (Laughter.)  I got it from Sabrina before Malia and Sasha and Michelle gave me one.  (Laughter.)  So she’s 11 years old.  She’s in the 5th grade.  She’s a young Muslim American.  And she said in her Valentine, “I enjoy being an American.”  And when she grows up, she wants to be an engineer -- or a basketball player.  (Laughter.)  Which are good choices. (Laughter.)  But she wrote, “I am worried about people hating Muslims…If some Muslims do bad things, that doesn’t mean all of them do.”  And she asked, “Please tell everyone that we are good people and we’re just like everyone else.”  (Applause.)  Now, those are the words -- and the wisdom -- of a little girl growing up here in America, just like my daughters are growing up here in America.  “We’re just like everybody else.”  And everybody needs to remember that during the course of this debate. 

As we move forward with these challenges, we all have responsibilities, we all have hard work ahead of us on this issue.  We can’t paper over problems, and we’re not going to solve this if we’re always just trying to be politically correct. But we do have to remember that 11-year-old girl.  That’s our hope.  That’s our future.  That’s how we discredit violent ideologies, by making sure her voice is lifted up; making sure she’s nurtured; making sure that she’s supported -- and then, recognizing there are little girls and boys like that all around the world, and us helping to address economic and political grievances that can be exploited by extremists, and empowering local communities, and us staying true to our values as a diverse and tolerant society even when we’re threatened -- especially when we’re threatened. 

There will be a military component to this.  There are savage cruelties going on out there that have to be stopped.  ISIL is killing Muslims at a rate that is many multiples the rate that they’re killing non-Muslims.  Everybody has a stake in stopping them, and there will be an element of us just stopping them in their tracks with force.  But to eliminate the soil out of which they grew, to make sure that we are giving a brighter future to everyone and a lasting sense of security, then we're going to have to make it clear to all of our children -- including that little girl in 5th grade -- that you have a place. You have a place here in America.  You have a place in those countries where you live.  You have a future.

Ultimately, those are the antidotes to violent extremism.  And that's work that we're going to have to do together.  It will take time.  This is a generational challenge.  But after 238 years, it should be obvious -- America has overcome much bigger challenges, and we’ll overcome the ones that we face today.  We will stay united and committed to the ideals that have shaped us for more than two centuries, including the opportunity and justice and dignity of every single human being. 

Thank you very much, everybody.  (Applause.) 

END
4:54 P.M. EST  

Weekly Address: Giving Every Child, Everywhere, a Fair Shot

WASHINGTON, DC — In this week’s address, the President laid out his plan to ensure more children graduate from school fully prepared for college and a career.  Our elementary and secondary schools are doing better, as demonstrated by the news this past week that our high school graduation rate has hit an all-time high, but there is still more that can be done to ensure every child receives a quality education.  That’s why the President wants to replace No Child Left Behind with a new law that addresses the overuse of standardized tests, makes a real investment in preschool, and gives every kid a fair shot at success.  He reminded everyone that when educating our kids, the future of our nation, we shouldn’t accept anything less than the best.

The audio of the address and video of the address will be available online at www.whitehouse.gov at 6:00 a.m. ET, February 14, 2015.

Remarks of President Barack Obama
Weekly Address
Palo Alto, California
February 14, 2015

Hi, everybody.  In my State of the Union Address, I laid out my ideas to help working families feel more secure and earn the skills required to advance in a world of constant change.

And in a new economy that’s increasingly built on knowledge and innovation, a core element of this middle-class economics is how well we prepare our kids for the future.

For decades, we threw money at education without making sure our schools were actually improving, or whether we were giving teachers the tools they need, or whether our taxpayer dollars were being used effectively.  And our kids too often paid the price.

Over the past few years, we’ve seen signs that our elementary and secondary school students are doing better.  Last year, our younger students earned the highest math and reading scores on record.  Last week, we learned that our high school graduation rate hit a new all-time high.

This is progress.  But in a 21st century economy, our kids will only do better than we did if we educate them better than we were educated.  So we have to do more to make sure they graduate from school fully prepared for college and a career.

This year, I want to work with both parties in Congress to replace No Child Left Behind with a smarter law that addresses the overuse of standardized tests, makes a real investment in preschool, and gives every kid a fair shot in the new economy.

Now, it’s pretty commonsense that an education bill should actually improve education.  But as we speak, there’s a Republican bill in Congress that would frankly do the opposite.

At a time when we should invest more in our kids, their plan would lock in cuts to schools for the rest of this decade.  We’d end up actually invest less in our kids in 2021 than we did in 2012.

At a time when we should give our teachers all the resources they need, their plan could let states and cities shuffle education dollars into things like sports stadiums or tax cuts for the wealthy.

At a time when we have to give every child, everywhere, a fair shot – this Congress would actually allow states to make even deeper cuts into school districts that need the most support, send even more money to some of the wealthiest school districts in America, and turn back the clock to a time when too many students were left behind in failing schools.

Denying a quality education to the children of working families is as wrong as denying health care or child care to working families.  We are better than this.

I have a different vision for the middle class.

In today’s world, we have to equip all our kids with an education that prepares them for success, regardless of what they look like, or how much their parents make, or the zip code they live in.

And that means trying new things, investing in what’s working, and fixing what’s not.

That means cutting testing down to the bare minimum required to make sure parents and teachers know how our kids and schools are doing from year to year, and relative to schools statewide.

That means giving the teachers and principals who do the hard work every day the resources they need to spend less time teaching to a test, and more time teaching our kids the skills they need.

Some of these changes are hard.  They’ll require all of us to demand more of our schools and more of our kids, making sure they put down the video games and iPhones, and pick up the books.  They’ll require us to demand that Washington treat education reform as the dedicated progress of decades – something a town with a short attention span doesn’t always do very well.

But I'm confident we can do this.  When it comes to education, we are not a collection of states competing against one another; we are a nation competing against the world.  Nothing will determine our success as a nation in the 21st century more than how well we educate our kids.  And we shouldn’t accept anything less than the best.

Thanks, and before I go – Happy Valentine’s Day, Michelle.  Have a great weekend, everybody.

Remarks by the President at Signing of the Clay Hunt SAV Act