The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by the President on the Economy in Bladensburg, Maryland

Ernest Maier, Inc. Bladensburg, Maryland

11:40 A.M. EDT

     THE PRESIDENT:  Good morning, everybody.  It is good to be here at Ernest Maier Block.  I just had a chance to take a quick tour, a look around with Brendan Quinn, President and CEO of Ernest Maier, and it’s a remarkable story.  Brendan came here initially to help a family business, turn it around; it was experiencing losses.  He ended up purchasing the company and now has grown it enormously, has terrific employees here.  He provides full health insurance to them.  They are supporting their families, and even during this difficult downturn he hasn’t had to lay anybody off and is still confident about his growth.  So we’re just very proud of him and what this company has accomplished.

These are the guys that build serious stuff –- concrete blocks, bricks for walls that are thick, difficult to move, and can stop anything in their path -- sort of like the way I feel about Congress sometimes.  But this is a family business that’s been here over 80 years.  They believe in investing in their workers.  They care about the environment, so they collect and process using cooking oil from local restaurants to power some of their equipment.  Their community cares about them, so business is growing.  Brendan has hired folks this year and with the smart investments he’s made, he hopes to continue that growth.

Small businesses like this one are the bricks and blocks of our entire economy.  And over the past two years, my administration has been doing everything we can to help encourage more success stories like this -- because it is small businesses that will power our growth and put our people back to work.

This morning, we learned that in the month of September, our economy gained 64,000 jobs in the private sector.  July and August private sector job numbers were revised upwards.  So we’ve now seen nine straight months of private sector job growth –- in all, more than 850,000 private sector jobs gained this year, which is in sharp contrast to the almost 800,000 jobs that we were losing when I first took office.  But that news is tempered by a net job loss in September, which was fueled in large measure by the end of temporary Census jobs and by layoffs in state and local governments.

I should point out that these continuing layoffs by state and local governments -- of teachers and police officers and firefighters and the like -- would have been even worse without the federal help that we’ve provided to states over the last 20 months –- help that the Republicans in Congress have consistently opposed.  I think the Republican position doesn’t make much sense, especially since the weakness in public sector employment is a drag on the private sector as well.  So we need to continue to explore ways that we can help states and local governments maintain workers who provide vital services.

At the same time, we have to keep doing everything we can to accelerate this recovery.  Yes, the trend line in private sector job growth is moving in the right direction.  But I’m not interested in trends or figures as much as I am interested in the people behind them -- the millions of honest, hardworking Americans swept up in the most devastating recession of our lifetimes.  As I’ve said before, the only piece of economic news that folks still looking for work want to hear is, “you’re hired.”  And everything we do is dedicated to make that happen.

Last week, for example, I signed into law the Small Business Jobs Act -- a small business bill that does some big things.  And I want to mention three of them today.

Within the 11 days since it took effect, more than 2,000 small business owners have already received more than a billion dollars’ worth of new loans -– with more to come.  And beginning today, the Small Business Administration is offering larger loans for folks who need them.

Second, it expands the tax cut for all the equipment investment small businesses make this year -– something that Brendan is planning to take advantage of here at Maier Block.  And we were just talking about his belief that the more we can accelerate depreciation, the more likely we’re going to see businesses like his make these investments.

It’s going to help small business owners upgrade their plants and equipment, it will encourage large corporations to get off the sidelines and start putting their profits back into the economy, and it will accelerate $55 billion in tax cuts for businesses that make job-creating investments over the next year.

Third, it creates a new initiative to strengthen state programs that spur private sector lending to small businesses -– a step that will support $15 billion in new small business loans across the country.  Maryland, for example, will be able to support $250 million in new lending for businesses that are expanding and creating jobs in communities like this one.

Thousands of small business owners across America had been waiting for months for this bill to pass -– for the loans and tax cuts they have badly needed to grow their businesses and hire new employees.  Unfortunately, it was held up all summer by a partisan minority until a few courageous Republican senators put politics aside.  Just imagine the difference it could have made for small businesses and our economy had it happened months before.

Putting the American people back to work, expanding opportunity, rebuilding the economic security of the middle class is the moral and national challenge of our time.  It is too important to fall prey to pure partisanship or blind ideology.  This bill’s rapid results prove that when we work together, we can get a lot done.  And that’s what the great debate we’re having today is all about.

I believe that instead of extending tax loopholes that encourage investments in overseas jobs, we should permanently extend the tax credit that goes to companies for all the research and innovation they do right here in America. 

I believe that instead of borrowing another $700 billion we don’t have to give tax cuts to the wealthiest 2 percent of Americans who don’t need them, we should permanently extend the tax cuts for middle-class families.  They’re the folks who saw their wages and incomes flat-line over the past decade, and they’re the ones who deserve a break.

And I believe that instead of sitting still, we should invest in rebuilding America’s roads and railways and runways. Too many American workers have been out of work for months, even years –- and that doesn’t do anybody any good when there is so much of America to rebuild.  Our infrastructure is falling far behind what the rest of the world is doing, and upgrading it is vital to our economy and our future competitiveness.  This is a project worthy of America’s efforts.  It’s something that engineers, economists, governors and mayors of every political stripe support, and many of them issued a sobering report about this challenge last week.  And on Monday, I will be meeting with some of them at the White House to discuss how we can put Americans to work doing what they do best –- building America.

As I’ve said many times before, it took us a long time to get out of where we are right now.  And the damage left by this recession is so deep that it’s going to take a long time to get out.  It will take determination, persistence, and, most importantly, the will to act -– all elements that the American people have in abundance.  And if we summon that spirit now, if we keep moving forward, I’m absolutely convinced that we will rebuild our economy, we will put our people back to work, and we’ll come through these tough days to better and brighter days ahead. 

And I want to thank Brendan not only for his hospitality here today but somebody who’s got the courage and the foresight and the skills to create a terrific business that’s supporting so many families.  Thank you very much.

END
11:49 A.M. EDT

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by the President at Reception for Alexi Giannoulias

Drake Hotel, Chicago, Illinois

6:15 P.M. CDT
 
      THE PRESIDENT:  Hello, Chicago!  (Applause.)  Oh, it’s good to be home!  (Applause.)  It is good to be home.  Got all my friends -- all my friends in the house.  (Applause.)  Long time no see. 
 
      It is wonderful to see -- I see so many familiar faces here.  Just a couple of people I've got to make mention of.  First of all, he may be in my remarks, but I just want to say that there is nobody who was a better partner to me when I was in the United States Senate, nobody who is a better friend to working families here in Illinois, and nobody who is a better debater on the floor of the United States Senate than the man to my left -- Dick Durbin.  (Applause.)  So love Dick Durbin.  Love Dick Durbin.  (Applause.)  I love Loretta Durbin more -- (laughter.)  But Dick Durbin I love.
 
      We also -- if I'm not mistaken, we've got the junior senator from Illinois, Roland Burris, in the house.  Where’s Roland?  There he is right there.  (Applause.)  Appreciate Roland for his outstanding service.   
 
      We've got the next lieutenant governor of the great state of Illinois -- Sheila Simon.  (Applause.)  Who, by the way, knows a little bit about good senators.  Congressman Danny Davis is in the house.  (Applause.)  Congresswoman Jan Schakowsky is here.  (Applause.)  Love Jan.  Attorney General Lisa Madigan is here. (Applause.)  Comptroller Dan Hynes is here.  (Applause.)  Senator President John Cullerton is here.  (Applause.)  The next treasurer, Robin Kelly is in the house.  (Applause.)  The next comptroller, David Miller is in the house.  (Applause.) 
 
      Now, I see everybody else here.  (Laughter.)  But if I started naming everybody I know I'm in trouble.  So I've just got to stop.  (Laughter.)  Except to say that it’s also nice to be standing here with the next senator from the great state of Illinois, Alexi Giannoulias.  (Applause.)   
 
      Alexi is my friend.  I know his character.  I know how much he loves this country.  I know how committed he is to public service.  He has been a great advocate on behalf of the people of Illinois, and he’s in this for the right reasons.  He’s not in it for the special interests; he’s in it for your interests.  You may not always agree with him, but you always know where he stands.  He’s comfortable in his own skin.  He doesn’t shift with the wind.  He doesn’t pretend to be something that he’s not.  You know that who he is today and who he’ll be tomorrow –- and that’s important.  You can trust him.  You can count on him. 
      ]
      And let me just also say -- because I play basketball with him -- (laughter) -- and I have still some sore ribs to prove it -- he’s a competitor.  And we've seen that in this campaign.  He just keeps on plowing ahead because he knows that he wants to serve.  In some very tough circumstances, in a tough political season, he has not wavered.  And that's the kind of person that you want.  That's the kind of person that you know when the going gets tough in Washington will be fighting for you.  (Applause.) 
 
      So I hope you’re fired up in these last few weeks.  (Applause.)  I need you to be fired up.  Fired up and ready to go.  I need it.  (Applause.)  I need that because there is an election -- there is an election -- in case you were curious -- (laughter) -- on November 2nd -- an election -- you can begin voting next week -- that’s going to say a lot about the future –- your future and the future of our country.  So you’ve got to be fired up.
 
      Now, this is Chicago, so I know politics is -- this is sport right here.  (Laughter.)  I mean, I know everybody is paying attention.  By the way, have you seen my chief of staff?  (Laughter.)  I was like, looking around, it’s like, what happened?  (Laughter.)
 
      Two years ago, you defied the conventional wisdom in Washington -- because they said you couldn't overcome the cynicism of our politics.  You couldn't overcome the special interests.  You can’t make big progress on big issues.  Can't happen.  They said, no, you can’t. 
 
      What did you say?
 
      AUDIENCE:  Yes, we can!
 
      THE PRESIDENT:  You said, yes, we can. 
 
      But sometimes I feel as if we had such a high on election night and then there was the inauguration and Bono was singing and Beyoncé and (laughter) -- everybody from Chicago went to Washington and was having a big party.  But I have to remind you that the victory in that campaign didn’t deliver the change that we needed.  It just gave us the chance to make change happen.  That was the start, not the finish, of the journey.  (Applause.) And it made each of you a shareholder in the mission of rebuilding our country and reclaiming our future.  And I’m back today because two years later, the success of that mission is at stake.
 
      After that last election, it was my hope that we could pull together, Democrats and Republicans, and start dealing with the worst crisis we had seen since the Great Depression.  That was my fervent hope because we may be proud Democrats, but we’re prouder to be Americans.  And there are Republicans across the country who feel the same way.  
 
      But the Republicans in Washington, they had a different idea.  They knew it was going to take more than two years to climb out of this mess that they had created.  They knew that by the time of this election, the midterm election, that there would still be people out of work; that people would be frustrated.  And they figured if they just sat on the sidelines and just said no, opposed every idea I offered, or Dick offered, or Jan offered, or Danny offered -- if they spent all their time attacking Democrats instead of attacking our problems, then they’d have a chance to prosper at the polls.  That was their calculation. 
 
      And they just spent the last 20 months saying no –- even to policies that they had supported in the past.  They said no to middle-class tax cuts.  They said no to help for small businesses.  They said no to a bipartisan deficit reduction commission that they had cosponsored.  And when I was for it, suddenly they were against it.  If I said the sky was blue, they said no.  (Laughter.)  If I said there were fish in the sea -- no.  Their calculation was if Obama fails, we win.  They were very explicit about it.   
 
      Now, they figured that that political game would get them through an election.  But I knew it wasn’t going to get America through the crisis.  So I made a different calculation.  I made a different choice.  I took whatever steps were necessary to stop the economic freefall –- with the help of people like Dick, with the help of people like Jan and Danny -- even if those measures were not popular, even if they were not easy.  Because you did not send me to Washington to do what was easy.  You didn’t send me to put my finger out to the wind and measure which way the wind was blowing and try to figure out how to stay in office.  You elected me to do what was right.  (Applause.)  That's why you sent me. 
 
      So 20 months later, we no longer face the possibility of a second depression.  Our economy is growing again.  The private sector has created jobs for eight months in a row.  There are 3 million Americans who wouldn’t be working today if it weren’t for the economic plan we put into place.  (Applause.)
 
      When we came in -- when I flew in on Air Force One and we landed at O’Hare, there were a group of folks greeting us there. And there were a group of folks who had gotten jobs directly as a consequence of the Recovery Act.  And so we know that we did the right thing.   
 
      But, look, we’ve still got a long way to go.  Because the hole that we’re climbing out of is so deep, there are still millions of Americans without work.  The six months before I was sworn in we had lost 4 million jobs.  We lost 750,000 the month I was sworn in, 600,000 the two months subsequent after that.  And so most of the 8 million jobs we lost were before any of our economic plans took effect.  And that means we've got a big hole to fill.  There are still millions of families who can barely pay the bills or make a mortgage.  Middle-class families who were struggling to get by before the crisis hit are still treading water. 
 
      So of course people are frustrated.  Of course people are impatient.  I'm impatient.  But the other side decided, we're just going to try to ride that anger, that frustration, to the ballot box -- without offering any serious ideas about how to solve our problems.  And now the pundits are saying, well, the other party’s supporters, they’re more excited.  They say all of you who worked so hard in 2008 might not be as excited this time; you might not be as energized; you might not care as much; that you don't mind if the same politicians and policies that created this mess, left the economy in a shambles, return to Washington. That's what the pundits are predicting.  They’re basically counting on you all having amnesia.  (Laughter.) 
 
      But I think they’re wrong, Chicago.  And it’s up to you to prove them wrong.  It’s up to you to defy the conventional wisdom once again.  It’s up to you to show the pundits that you love this country too much to let it fall backwards –- you are ready to move forward.  You’ve got to show them that you’re ready to fight for our future. 
 
      Because this election is a choice.  Don't -- no mistaking the situation here.  The choice could not be clearer.  Because it’s not as if the Republicans, they went off into the desert and meditated after 2008, and they said, boy, what did we do wrong?  We got this -- as a consequence of our stewardship, the whole economy is in meltdown.  That's not what they did.  They didn’t come back with a set of new ideas.  They haven't changed their agenda since the last time they ran Washington.  The chairman of one of their campaign committees promised that if Republicans take control of Congress, they will follow -- and I'm quoting -- “the exact same agenda” they pursued during the last administration. 
 
      And we know what that agenda was:  You cut taxes, mostly for millionaires and billionaires.  You cut regulations for special interests.  You cut investments in education and clean energy, in research and development and technology.  So basically, you just put blind faith in the market; we let corporations play by their own rules; we leave everybody else to fend for themselves, and somehow America is going to prosper.
 
      Here’s the thing, though.  We know what happened.  It’s not as if we didn’t try that.  We tried it for eight years.  It didn’t work.  It didn’t work for middle-class families who saw their incomes fall -- wages went down 5 percent between 2001 and 2009 -- when they were in power.  That's not according to me; that's according to the Wall Street Journal.  Job growth was slower during that period than any decade since World War II. 
 
      These guys are talking about jobs now?  They had eight years and it didn’t work.  They took a record surplus left by President Bill Clinton and it became a record deficit by the time I took office -- a big $1.3 trillion present they left me as I walked in the Oval Office.  They set up a free-for-all on Wall Street that led to a crisis that we’re still grappling with today.  
 
      Now, I bring up all these things not to re-litigate the past.  I just don’t want to re-live the past.  (Applause.)  And I bring this up because that is the philosophy that Republicans like Alexi’s opponent intend to bring back if they win in November.  Now, they might have a new name for it –- they call it the “The Pledge to America.”  (Laughter.)  The Pledge to America -- it’s the same stuff they’ve been peddling for years.  (Laughter.)  They’re trying to hoodwink you once again.   
 
      Let’s take a look at the “Pledge to America.”  Some of you may not have examined it.  (Laughter.)  Now, for starters, it turns out that part of the pledge was actually written by a former lobbyist for AIG and Exxon-Mobil.  You cannot -- yes.  (Laughter.)  You can’t make this stuff up.  (Laughter.)  So that gives you a clue of who they’re making the pledge to. 
 
      Then the centerpiece of this pledge is a $700 billion tax cut for the wealthiest 2 percent of Americans.  That is their big idea.  Now, these are the folks who lecture us on fiscal responsibility, so I have to point out we don’t have $700 billion.  We’d have to borrow $700 billion -- from the Chinese or the Saudis -- and then use it to provide tax cuts worth an average of $100,000 to millionaires and billionaires. 
 
      When you ask them, well, where are you going to find the $700 billion, they don’t have an answer.  But when you look at the fine print, it turns out that a small portion of the tax cut they want to pay for by cutting education by 20 percent -– 20 percent, which would translate into reduce financial aid for eight million college students.  At a time when education is the biggest predictor of a country’s economic success, they think it’s more important to provide these tax breaks to folks who don’t need them, weren’t asking for them, than it is to make sure that our young people can get to college -- which makes me want to ask our Republican friends, do you think China is cutting back on education?  Do you think South Korea is making it harder for its citizens to get a college education?  These countries are not playing for second place.  And the United States of America does not play for second place.  We play for first.  That's what this election is about.  (Applause.)  That's what this election is about.   
 
      See, Alexi and I have a different idea about what the next two years should look like.  It’s an idea rooted in our belief about how this country was built.  We know government doesn’t have all the answers to all of our problems.  We don’t believe government’s main role is to create jobs or prosperity.  We believe government should be lean and efficient and that the private sector should be creating jobs.  We want to reduce the deficit, which is why we’ve proposed a three-year spending freeze and we set up that bipartisan fiscal commission to deal with our deficit that the other side voted against. 
 
      But we also believe in America we reward hard work and responsibility.  We believe this is a country where we look after one another; that we are our brother’s keeper, our sister’s keeper.  That’s the America I know.  (Applause.)  That’s the choice in this election.  (Applause.) 
  
      So instead of tax cuts for millionaires and billionaires, we want to make permanent tax cuts for middle-class Americans -– because folks who work hard every day, they deserve a break.  (Applause.)  Instead of the Republican plan to keep tax breaks for companies that are shipping jobs overseas, we want to give tax breaks to companies that are investing here in the United States of America.  (Applause.)  To small businesses and American manufacturers and clean energy companies.  (Applause.)  I don't want solar panels and wind turbines and electric cars made in Europe and Asia.  I want them built here, in the United States, by American workers.  (Applause.) 
 
      If Republicans take back Congress, they will try their hardest to give back power to the same special interests that me and Dick and Jan and Danny have been fighting for the last 20 months.  We can’t let them do that.  We can’t go back to the days when insurance companies could drop your health insurance when you got sick.  We can't go back to the day when credit cards could jack up your rates for no reason.  We can't go back to the days of taxpayer-funded bailouts.  We can’t allow special interests to take free rein again.
 
      That’s why I’m proud to be standing next to Alexi.  He’s made it clear he’ll fight for you in the United States Senate.  (Applause.)  He’s not funding his campaign with federal PACs or lobbyist money.  On his first day in office, he enacted the most sweeping ethics reforms of any Illinois state treasurer, ensuring that contractors and banks couldn’t pay-to-play for state business.  He took on credit card companies and banned them from aggressively marketing on college campuses, so that our kids don’t graduate with credit card debt on top of tuition debt.  (Applause.) 
 
      And a lot of you know -- a lot of you know what he did for Hartmarx -- which, by the way, made this suit.  (Applause.) It’s a company that’s employed people in this state for more than a hundred years.  And when it fell on hard times, and a big bank threatened to pull its credit, risking more than 600 jobs, Alexi stepped in. He told that bank if they did that they’d no longer manage the money of Illinois taxpayers.  He helped save that company, those jobs.  They can testify about who he’s going to fight for, who he cares about.  (Applause.) 
 
      That’s the kind of person you want in the United States Senate –- somebody who doesn’t forget where they came from, why they’re in this, who they’re fighting for.  Somebody who does not stop fighting, period -- because there’s too much at stake right now to give up the fight.
 
      So it comes down to this, Chicago.  There are a lot of folks in the other party who are running today who are the same folks who drove this economy into the ditch.  And me and the rest of the Democrats here in Washington, we climbed down into that ditch.  We put on our boots; it was muddy, it was hot.  (Laughter.)  There’s bugs.  (Laughter.)  But we pushed and we pushed and we pushed.  And every once in a while we’d look up and see the Republicans up there, looking comfortable, fanning themselves -- (laughter) -- sipping on Slurpees.  (Laughter.)  And we’d say, why don't you come down and help?  And they’d say, “No!  But you're not pushing hard enough.  You're not pushing the right way.”  (Laughter.)  And we just kept on pushing.  And finally we got the -- finally we got the car up on level ground.  (Applause.)  Finally we got it on level ground.
 
      Now, it’s gone through some trauma, so the fender is all dented, needs a tune-up.  (Laughter.)  But it’s on level ground, it’s pointing in the right direction.  And suddenly we feel this tap on our shoulder, and we look back and it’s the Republicans.  And we say, what do you want?  They say, “We want the keys back.” (Laughter.) 
 
      And you tell them, no, you can’t have the keys back.  You don’t know how to drive!  (Applause.)  You do not know how to drive.  You can join us.  You can hop in the backseat.  (Laughter.)  But we're not giving you the keys back. 
 
      Have you ever noticed when you drive, you want to go forward, what do you do?  You put the car in “D.”  If you want to go backwards, you put it in “R.”  (Laughter.)  That's not a coincidence.  (Applause.)  That's not a coincidence.  Not a coincidence.   
 
      But whether they get the keys back is ultimately up to you. They see a chance to get back in the driver’s seat -- with the special interests riding shotgun.  And thanks to a recent Supreme Court decision, they’re being helped along by special interest groups that are spending unlimited amounts of money all on attack ads, and they don't disclose who’s behind them.  It could be the oil industry, could be an insurance industry, could be Wall Street -– you don't know.  Almost every one of them is run by Republican operatives.  They’re posing as nonprofits, nonpolitical groups.  They’ve got these innocuous-sounding names like Americans for Prosperity, or the Committee for Truth in Politics.  (Laughter.)  Or Moms for Motherhood.  (Laughter.)  I made that last one up.  (Laughter.)  But you wouldn't know.  (Laughter.) 
 
      According to one recent report, conservatives -- conservative groups like these have outspent Democratic seven to one.  Right here in Illinois, in this Senate race, two groups funded and advised by Karl Rove have outspent the Democratic Party two to one in an attempt to beat Alexi -- two to one.  Funded and advised by Karl Rove.  Just this week, we learned that one of the largest groups paying for these ads regularly takes in money from foreign sources.
 
      So the question for the people of Illinois is, are you going to let special interests from Wall Street and Washington and maybe places beyond our shores come to this state and tell us who our senator should be?
 
      AUDIENCE:  No!
 
      THE PRESIDENT:  That’s not just a threat to Democrats.  That’s a threat to our democracy.  (Applause.)  The American people deserve to know who’s trying to sway their election.  And if we just stand by and allow special interests to silence anybody who’s got the guts to stand up against them, our country is going to be a very different place.  That's not how our democracy operates. 
 
      So that’s why we’ve got to work even harder in this election.  That’s why we need to fight their millions of dollars with millions of voices who are ready to finish what we started in 2008.  Because if everybody who fought for change in 2008 shows up to vote in 2010, we will win.  (Applause.)  And by the way, most of the polls say the same thing.  Alexi will win.  Pat Quinn will win.  The entire ticket will win.  (Applause.)   
 
      So they are counting on you staying home and being apathetic.  They’re counting on your silence.  They are counting on your amnesia.  That's what they’re counting on.  
 
      So, Chicago, prove them wrong.  Let’s show Washington one more time change doesn’t come from the top –- it doesn’t come from millions of dollars of attack ads.  (Applause.)  Change happens from the bottom up.  Change happens because of you.  (Applause.)   
 
      And if you get fired up one more time, if you're knocking on doors and making phone calls and talking to your friends and going to in the barbershops, going in the beauty shops, I promise you we will have Alexi as the next senator from the great state of Illinois.  (Applause.) 
 
      Thank you very much.  God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.  (Applause.) 
 
                                   END                      6:42 P.M. CDT

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by the President at Rally for Maryland Governor Martin O'Malley

Bowie State University, Bowie, Maryland

3:25 P.M. EDT
 
      THE PRESIDENT:  Hello, Bowie!  (Applause.)  Oh, it is good to see you all.  (Applause.)  Thank you.  Thank you so much.  It is -- (applause) --
 
      AUDIENCE:  Obama, Obama, Obama.  (Applause.)  
 
      THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  Thank you.  Thank you, BSU.  Thank you.  (Applause.)  Thank you so much.  It’s good to be back in Maryland.  (Applause.) 
 
      It is an honor to be standing here with one of the best governors in the United States of America, Martin O’Malley.  (Applause.)  It’s great to be with someone who has always had my back, your congressman and our Majority Leader, Steny Hoyer, in the House.  (Applause.)  I’m proud to be here with your outstanding Senators, Barbara Mikulski and Ben Cardin -- (applause) -- some of your outstanding Congressmen, Chris Van Hollen and Elijah Cummings and Donna Edwards and John Sarbanes.  (Applause.)  I’m proud to be here with Lieutenant Governor Anthony Brown.  (Applause.)
 
      Anthony and I went to law school together.  He looks younger than me, though.  (Laughter.)  Doesn’t have as much grey hair. (Laughter.) 
 
      And I want to thank the President of Bowie State, Mickey Burnim.  Thank you so much for your hospitality.  (Applause.) 
 
      Now, let me say up front a few words about Martin.  Here is a man who made tough choices in tough times to move Maryland forward.  His rock-solid support for public education has made Maryland schools the best in America two years in a row, the best in America -- not the best on the East Coast, not the best in the Mid-Atlantic states, the best in America.  (Applause.) 
 
      His innovative policies have helped drive violent crime down to its lowest level since 1975.  (Applause.)  His smart leadership helped turn around Chesapeake Bay.  And thanks to decisions that he made, along with my good friend, Tim Kaine, in Virginia, the blue crab population is up 60 percent over last year.  (Applause.)  And that’s good news to folks who make their living on the Bay, and it’s good news to folks who like good eating.  (Applause.)
 
      So Martin has been a great governor for a great state -- which is why I hope you are fired up in these last few weeks.  (Applause.)  I hope you’re ready to fight for Martin so he can keep fighting for you.  Because there’s an election coming up that’s going to say a lot about the future -- your future, but also the future of this country.
 
      AUDIENCE:  We love you, Obama!
 
      THE PRESIDENT:  I love you back.  (Applause.)  But I’ve got a good -- but I want to talk about this election now.  (Laughter.)  I do love you, though. 
 
      Two years ago, you defied the conventional wisdom in Washington.  You remember.  They said, you can’t overcome the cynicism of our politics.  You can’t overcome the power of the special interests.  You can’t make progress on the big challenges of our time.
 
      AUDIENCE:   Yes, we can!
 
      THE PRESIDENT:  You can’t elect an African American with a funny name.  (Applause.)  They said, no, you can’t. 
 
      AUDIENCE:  Yes, we can!
 
      THE PRESIDENT:  I’m sorry, what did you say?
 
      AUDIENCE:  Yes, we can!
 
      THE PRESIDENT:  You said, yes, we can.
 
      AUDIENCE:  Yes, we can!  Yes, we can!  Yes, we can! 
 
      THE PRESIDENT:  Now, here’s the thing, though, here’s the trick.  Because I know everybody here remembers the inauguration, and even though it was cold, everybody was having a great time.  And Beyoncé was singing and -- (applause) -- and Bono.  And everybody thought this is great.   
 
      But our victory in that campaign, that wasn’t the end of the road.   That was the beginning.  The campaign by itself didn’t deliver the change that we needed.  It just gave us the chance to make change happen.  And it made each of you shareholders in the mission of rebuilding our country and reclaiming our future.  And I’m back today, two years later, because the success of that mission is at stake.  We've got a lot at stake right now.  On November 2nd, I'm going to need you just as fired up as you were in 2008.  (Applause.)  Just as fired up.   
 
      I want to just go down Memory Lane here for the last 20 months, so we understand where we've been, what we have to do, and where we're going.  After that last election, it was my hope that we could pull people together, Democrats and Republicans, because we had to confront the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression -- the worst by far in most of our lifetimes.  Because although we’re proud to be Democrats, we’re prouder to be Americans.  We wanted to bring everybody together.  And I know there are plenty of Republicans who feel the same way in this country.  
 
      But, unfortunately, when we arrived in Washington, the Republicans in Congress, they had a different idea.  They knew it would take more than a couple of years to climb out of this unbelievable recession that they had created.  They knew that by the time the midterm rolled around that people would still be out of work; that people would still be frustrated.  And they figured that if we just sat on the sidelines and opposed every idea, every compromise that I offered, if they spent all their time attacking Democrats instead of attacking problems, that somehow they would prosper at the polls. 
 
      So they spent the last 20 months saying no -– even to policies that they’d supported in the past.  No to middle class tax cuts.  No to help for small businesses.  No to a bipartisan deficit reduction commission that they had once sponsored.  I said yes; they said no.  I’m pretty sure if I said the sky was blue, they’d say no.  (Laughter.)  If I said there are fish in the sea, they’d say no.  See, their calculation was if Obama fails, then we win.
 
      AUDIENCE:  Booo!
 
      THE PRESIDENT:  That was their calculation.  Well, they might have thought that playing political games would get them through an election, but I knew it wasn’t going to get America through our crisis.  So I made a different choice.  Instead of playing politics, I took whatever steps were necessary to stop an economic freefall –- (applause.)  I did what we needed to do even if it wasn’t popular, even if it wasn’t easy.  Because you all  did not elect me to do what was easy.  You didn’t elect me to spend all day looking at the polls and figuring out how to keep me in office.  You elected me to do what was right.  That's why you elected me, to do what’s right.  (Applause.)   
 
      And 20 months later, 20 months later, we no longer face the possibility of a second depression.  Our economy is growing again.  The private sector jobs have grown eight months in a row. Thanks to Martin O’Malley’s leadership, Maryland has gained over 33,000 jobs since January -– the best start of a year since 2000 -- which, by the way, was the last time Democrats were in charge. (Applause.) There are 3 million Americans who wouldn’t be working today if it weren’t for the economic plan we put in place. 
 
      But the truth is we’ve still got a long way to go -- we all know that.  The hole we were in was so deep.  There are still millions of Americans without work.  There are still millions of families who can barely pay the bills or make a mortgage.  Middle-class families, who were struggling even before the crisis hit, and now they’re just treading water. 
 
      So, of course people are frustrated.  People are impatient with the pace of change.  They want things to move a little quicker.  I understand that.  I'm impatient, too.  But the other side, they don't have an answer.  All they have decided to do is to ride that frustration and that anger all the way to the ballot box.  And right now you’ve got pundits who are saying, well, the other party’s supporters are more excited.  They’re saying they’re going to turn out at higher levels. 
 
      AUDIENCE:  Nooo!
 
      THE PRESIDENT:  They say that all of you who worked so hard in 2008, you might not be as pumped up, might not be as energized. 
 
      AUDIENCE:  Nooo!
 
      THE PRESIDENT:  You might not care as much -- that you might be willing to let the other folks who left the economy in a shambles go back to Washington and go back to Annapolis.
 
      AUDIENCE:  Nooo!
 
      THE PRESIDENT:  Well, Maryland, I think the pundits are wrong.  (Applause.)  But it’s up to you to prove them wrong.  Don't make me look bad, now.  (Laughter.)  I'm betting on you, not on them.  (Applause.)  But it’s up to you to defy the conventional wisdom.  It’s up to you to show the pundits that you care too much to let this country fall backwards.  You want it to keep moving forward; that you’re ready to fight for our future.
 
      So, make no mistake.  This election is a choice.  And that choice could not be clearer.  I mean, think about it.  This is not as if candidates in the other party were offering new ideas. They didn’t go meditate and say, boy, we really messed up, let’s try to figure out if we can do some things better.  That's not what happened.  It’s not as if they’ve changed their agenda since the last time they ran Washington or the last time they ran Annapolis. 
 
      In fact, the chairman of one of their campaign committees promised that if Republicans take control of Congress, they will follow “the exact same agenda” they pursued during the last administration. 
 
      AUDIENCE:  Booo!
 
      THE PRESIDENT:  That's what they said.  And we all know what that agenda was.  Basically, you’ve been there, done that.  (Laughter.)  Basically, what they’re saying is we’re going to cut taxes, mostly for millionaires and billionaires.  Then we’re going to cut regulations for special interests.  We’re going to cut back on investments in education and clean energy, in research and technology.  And basically, the idea is if we just put blind faith in the marketplace and if we let corporations play by their own rules, and we leave everybody else to fend for themselves, then America is going to somehow grow and prosper.  What did this young lady say?  Been there, done that.  (Applause.) 
 
      I mean, there is a problem with their approach, which is we tried it, and it didn’t work.  It didn’t work for middle-class families who saw their incomes fall by 5 percent when they were in power.  Middle class incomes fell.  That's not -- don't take my word for it.  That's the Wall Street Journal.  Meanwhile, your costs for everything from health care to college tuition went up -- when they were in charge.  Job growth, when they were in charge, was slower than any time since World War II.  Think about that.  They weren’t creating jobs.  They’re going around talking about jobs now.  They had eight years.  They took a record surplus left by President Bill Clinton -- they came back with a record deficit by the time I took office.  Now, they’re out there talking about deficit reduction.  We saw what you had to do with the deficit.  It didn’t work when there was a free-for-all on Wall Street that led to a crisis that we’re still struggling through today.
 
      Now, I bring this up not to re-litigate the past.  I just don't want to relive the past.  (Applause.)  I don't want to go through that mess again.  (Applause.)  That's the philosophy the other side wants to bring to Washington and wants to bring to Annapolis if they win in November.  That's the philosophy that Martin’s opponent espouses.  Republicans might have given it a new name -– they called it “The Pledge to America” -– but it’s the same old snake oil they’ve been peddling for years.  (Applause.)  Same old stuff.  Same old stuff.
 
      Now, I want everybody to take a look at this “Pledge to America.”  It’s interesting -- they put it out with great fanfare, but now nobody is really talking about it.  But let’s examine their Pledge.  For starters, it turns out the Pledge was actually written in part by a former lobbyist for AIG and Exxon-Mobil.
 
      AUDIENCE:  Booo!
 
      THE PRESIDENT:  You can’t make this stuff up.  (Laughter.)  So they helped write this thing.  The centerpiece of the Pledge, their big idea, is a $700 billion tax cut for the wealthiest 2 percent of Americans.  That’s their big idea.  So how many folks here make more than $250,000 a year?  Just a show of hands here. All right.  You need to donate to Martin O’Malley’s campaign.  (Applause and laughter.)  For the rest of you, their idea isn’t much.  I mean, these are the folks who want to lecture us on fiscal responsibility.  They want to borrow $700 billion, and then they want to give out tax cuts worth an average of $100,000 to millionaires and billionaires. 
 
      And when you ask them, well, where are going to get this $700 billion, they don't have an answer.  They don't have an answer.  They don't know.  I guess we’d have to borrow it from China.  (Laughter.)
 
      But when you look at the “Pledge to America,” it turns out they do have an idea about how to pay for a small portion of it. They want to cut education by 20 percent.
 
      AUDIENCE:  Booo!
 
      THE PRESIDENT:  That's a cut that would reduce financial aid for 8 million college students, including a whole bunch of college students right here at BSU.
 
      AUDIENCE:  Booo!
 
      THE PRESIDENT:  Now, I want to just focus on this for a minute, because here in Maryland, you know understand how important education is to our economy, how important it is to our future.  Martin O’Malley knows that, too.  His opponent raised college tuition in this state by 40 percent when he was in charge.  This is at a time when the economy was doing better.  Now, even in the toughest of times, over the last two years, Martin O’Malley froze in-state tuition, so he kept the cost of this school and other schools affordable for Maryland’s families. (Applause.)  And thanks to his unprecedented investment in Maryland’s education, as I said before, you’ve been ranked the best when it comes to public schools the last two years in a row. That's what Martin O’Malley does.  (Applause.)  He walks the walk, doesn’t just talk the talk.
 
      But we can’t maintain this progress if our opponents have their way.  At a time when the education of our country’s citizens is one of the biggest predictors of economic success, they think it’s more important to give another tax break to folks who don’t need it and weren’t even asking for them than to invest in our young people. 
 
      Let me ask you -- I want to ask my Republican friends a question here:  Do you think China is cutting back on education right now? 
 
      AUDIENCE:  No!
 
      THE PRESIDENT:  Do you think South Korea is making it harder for its citizens to get a college education? 
 
      AUDIENCE:  No!
 
      THE PRESIDENT:  Those countries aren’t playing for second place.  And guess what.  The United States does not play for second place.  We play for first place.  We’re going to make investments in you.  (Applause.) 
 
      As long as I am President, and as long as Martin O’Malley is your governor, we will not allow politicians in Washington or Annapolis sacrifice your education for tax cuts we can’t afford. That is the choice in this election.  (Applause.)    
 
      Martin, me, Barbara, Steny, the rest of the folks up on this stage, we’ve got a different idea about what the next two years should look like, and it’s an idea rooted in our belief about how this country was built.  We know government doesn’t have all the answers to our problems.  We don’t believe that government’s main role is to create jobs or prosperity.  We think government should be lean, we think it should be efficient. 
 
      That’s why Martin actually cut spending by $5 billion.  He’s reduced the size of government in this state.  (Applause.)  That’s why I’ve proposed a three-year freeze and set up a bipartisan fiscal commission to deal with our deficit. 
 
      But what we also understand, in the words of the first Republican President, Abraham Lincoln, is that government should do for the people what they cannot do better for themselves.  (Applause.)
 
      I think we might have had somebody faint down here.  So if we got the paramedics -- right here up front, everybody is pointing at him.  Now -- they’ll be all right, just make sure you give him some space.  And if somebody has a bottle of water, you might want to get it to him.
 
      Look, we believe in a country that rewards hard work and responsibility.  We believe in a country where we look after one another; where say, I am my brother’s keeper, I am my sister’s keeper.  (Applause.)  That’s the America I know.  That’s the America Martin cares about.  That’s the choice in this election. (Applause.)
 
      Instead of tax breaks for millionaires and billionaires, we want to make permanent the tax cuts we gave to middle-class Americans -- because you deserve a break.  (Laughter.)  Instead of the other side’s plan to keep tax breaks for companies that ship jobs overseas, we want to give tax breaks to companies that invest right here in the United States of America, to small businesses, American manufacturers, American clean energy companies.  (Applause.)  I don’t want solar panels and wind turbines and electric cars built in Asia or built in Europe.  I want them made right here in the United States of America by American workers.  (Applause.)
 
      AUDIENCE:  USA!  USA!  USA! 
 
      THE PRESIDENT:  Instead of cutting education, cutting student aid, we want to make permanent our new college tax credit.  This is a credit worth $10,000 in tuition relief for every young person going to four years of college.  (Applause.)  That means you, Bowie State.  (Applause.)
 
      We will fight to keep the reforms we’ve made to the student loan system.  Thanks to those reforms, tens of billions of dollars in taxpayer subsidies that would have gone to big banks are now going to where they should -- to students like you.  (Applause.) 
 
      If the other side wins, they’ll try their hardest to give free rein back to the insurance companies and the credit card companies and the Wall Street banks that we’re finally holding accountable.  We can’t let them do that.  We can’t go back to the days of taxpayer-funded bailouts, or when credit card companies could just jack up your rates without reason.  We can’t go back to the days when insurance companies could just drop your coverage because you’re sick.  We’ve got to keep in place the new law that says if you’re out there looking for a job or have one that don’t offer you coverage, you should be able to stay on your parents’ insurance policy until you’re 26 years old.  (Applause.)
 
      That’s the choice in this election.  That’s what’s at stake right now.  So, Maryland, it comes down to this:  A lot of folks running in the other party, these are the exact same people who spent the last decade driving this economy into a ditch.  And so, for the last 20 months, me and Martin and Steny and Barbara and all these folks, we have gotten down into the ditch, put on our boots.  We’re down there.  It’s hot.  We were sweating.  Bugs everywhere.  (Applause.)  We’re down there pushing, pushing, pushing on the car.  Every once in a while we’d look up and see the Republicans standing there.  They’re just standing there fanning themselves -- (laughter) -- sipping on a Slurpee.  (Laughter.)  And we’d say, “Come on down and help.”  They’d say, “No, that’s all right.”  (Laughter.)  They say, “You’re not pushing the right way.  You got to push faster.” 
 
      And we just kept on pushing and pushing.  And finally we got this car up on level ground.  (Applause.)  Finally we got it up on level ground.  (Applause.)  Now, this car is a little beat up now because they drove it into the ditch.  It’s got some dents, needs a tune-up.  But it’s pointing in the right direction.  (Applause.) 
 
      We want to start back on that road to prosperity, but suddenly we feel this tap on our shoulder -- we look back, who is it?  It’s the Republicans.  And they say, “We want the keys back.”  And we got to tell them, you can’t have the keys back because you don’t know how to drive.  (Applause.)  You don’t know how to drive.  We’ll give you a ride if you want, but you got to sit in the backseat.  (Applause.)  We’ll take you to prosperity but you got to sit in the backseat because you don’t know how to drive.  (Applause.) 
 
      Have you ever noticed, when you get in your car if you want to go forward, what do you do?  You got to put it in “D.”  If you want to go backwards, what do you do?  You put it in “R.”  That is not a coincidence.  We don’t want to go backwards.  (Applause.)
 
      But it’s up to you to make sure they don’t get the keys back.  See, the other side sees a chance to get back in the driver’s seat.  And, by the way, thanks to a recent Supreme Court decision, they are being helped this year like we’ve never seen before by special interest groups that are spending unlimited amounts of money on attack ads.  And then they don’t disclose who is behind them.  Because of the Supreme Court law, they don’t have to disclose who is behind it. 
 
      It could be the oil companies.  It could be the insurance industry.  It could be Wall Street.  You don’t know.  Their lips are sealed.  The floodgates are open, though.  And almost every one of these independent organizations is run by Republican operatives.  They’re posing as nonprofit, non-political groups.  They’ve got names like “Americans for Prosperity,” or the “Committee for Truth in Politics,” or Moms for Motherhood.  Actually, the last one I made up.  (Laughter.) 
 
      But you’d think -- there was a recent report that in recent weeks, conservative groups like this have outspent Democratic groups by seven to one. 
 
      There’s another one up here who got a little hot.  Let him sit down.  Let him sit down.  All right, you got another bottle of water?  If we can get another bottle of water up here and a medic up here.  (Applause.) 
 
      Now, I want you to remember, next time you guys come out here, make sure you drink something and eat something before you’re standing here, especially when you got a bunch of politicians talking.  (Laughter.)  
 
      But I want you to understand this, because this is important.  It is estimated that Democratic groups are being outspent seven to one.  In Indiana’s Senate race, it’s nearly six to one.  In a House race there, a conservative group has spent nearly as much as both parties combined.  In Colorado, they’re outspending the Democratic Party nearly two to one.  In Missouri, the Republicans’ Senate Committee hasn’t spent a dime, but outside groups have dropped $2 million of negative ads to help the Republican candidate.
 
      Just this week, we learned that one of the largest groups paying for these ads regularly takes in money from foreign corporations.  So groups that receive foreign money are spending huge sums to influence American elections, and they won’t tell you where the money for their ads come from. 
 
      So this isn’t just a threat to Democrats.  All Republicans should be concerned.  Independents should be concerned.  This is a threat to our democracy.  The American people deserve to know who’s trying to sway their elections.  (Applause.)  And if we just stand by and allow the special interests to silence anybody who’s got the guts to stand up to them, our country is going to be a very different place.
 
      So here’s the bottom line.  We’re going to need to work even harder in this election.  We’re going to need to fight their millions of dollars with millions of voices -- everybody here who is ready to finish what we started in 2008.  Because if everybody who fought for change in 2008 shows up on November 2nd, I am absolutely confident we will win.  (Applause.)
 
      What the other side is counting on, the other side is counting on, is that this time around you’re going to stay home. They’re counting on your silence.  They’re counting on amnesia.  They’re counting on your apathy, especially the young people here.  They don't believe you’re going to come out and vote.  They figure Obama is not on the ballot; you’re not going to come out and vote. 
 
      Maryland, you’ve got to prove them wrong.  Let’s show Washington one more time change doesn’t come from the top.  It doesn’t come from millions of dollars of attack ads funded by special interests.  Change happens from the bottom up.  Change happens because of you.  (Applause.)
 
      So I know times are tough.  And I know we’re a long way from the hope and the excitement we all felt on election night and inauguration day.  But we always knew this was going to take time.  We always knew it was going to be hard.  I said it was going to be hard.  Change has always been hard. 
 
      From the first days of our nation, every time Americans have tried to bring about real, meaningful change, we faced setbacks and disappointments.  From the founding of this country -- George Washington experienced setbacks and disappointments.  We’ve had to face fear and doubt.  Harriet Tubman had fear and doubt.  But as Americans, we have always moved forward.  We have always kept fighting.  We’ve always remembered that in the United States of America, our destiny is not written for us; it is written by us. (Applause.)  That’s how we got through war.  That’s how we got through depression.  That’s what civil rights workers understood. That’s how we got women’s rights and workers’ rights.  And that’s what’s being tested right now.  (Applause.)
 
      And if we’ve got the courage to keep moving forward, even in the face of difficulty, even in the face of uncertainty, I guarantee if all of you are out there knocking on doors and making phone calls, and voting for Martin O’Malley and Barbara Mikulski and the rest of the Democratic ticket, then we are not just going to win this election, but we are going to make sure that the American Dream is alive and well for future generations. (Applause.) 
 
      Thank you, everybody.  God bless you.  And God bless the United States of America.  (Applause.)
 
                             END                                 4:00 P.M. EDT

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by the President at a DNC Dinner in Cresskill, New Jersey

The Kempner Residence, Cresskill, New Jersey

October 6, 2010
6:15 P.M. EDT
 
      THE PRESIDENT:  A couple people I want to first of all acknowledge.  Tim Kaine is here from the Democratic Committee.  (Applause.)  John Wisniewski is here, the New Jersey Democratic Chairman.   (Applause.)
 
      Obviously, my main thanks go to Michael and Jackie, Zack, Melissa, Olivia for opening up their spectacular home, for being such incredible friends.
 
      Michael basically took all the words out of my mouth.  (Laughter.)  I don't really know what to say.  (Laughter.)  Those of you who are interested in the Randy Moss trade -– (laughter.)
 
      Look, one of the wonderful things about these events is I get the chance to spend some time just sitting with you individually, so I’m not going to give a long speech. 
 
      But let me just echo a couple of themes that Michael raised.  You know, we’re in a very tough election season.  And we’re in a tough election season because the country is going through a very difficult time.  It’s hard I think sometimes to appreciate the magnitude of what we faced when we came into office.
 
      But this was the worst recession by far since the Great Depression.  In fact, if you add up the recession in ’91, the recession in 2000, the recession when Ronald Reagan came into office -- the three previous recessions -- this one had a bigger impact than all three of those combined.  We lost 4 million jobs in the six months before I took office; 750,000 the month I was sworn in; 600,000 in the two subsequent months.  We had lost most of the 8 million jobs that we lost before any of our economic policies were put into place.
 
      And so our first job was to stop the crisis.  And we’ve done that.  The economy is now growing again.  We’ve had eight consecutive months of private sector job growth.  The credit markets are now functioning.  World trade is now expanding again.
 
      And so, as Michael said, we’re moving in the right direction.  But one of the reasons I ran for President was not just to put a tourniquet around the crisis.  It was the fact that for a long time, I think everybody had a sense that we weren’t doing everything we needed to make sure we can compete in a new 21st century economy, that we had lost ground, and that there was a foundation that had to be rebuilt just to make sure that the next generation, and the generation after that, can continue to live in the strongest economy in the world.
 
      I want the 21st century to be the American Century just like the 20th century was the American Century.  And in order to do that, we’ve had to make some tough choices -- not all of which were popular.  We had to fix a broken health care system because it was bankrupting the government.  It was bankrupting families and bankrupting businesses.
 
      To change a system that large takes time, but we are now moving in the right direction.  To change it, we had to change a financial system that, frankly, if we did not reregulate, stood to create another round of crises. 
 
      This last one was the worst one, but keep in mind that we had seen every four or five years a world financial crisis.  And we had to initiate, both in this country and internationally, a strategy so that risk-taking and the dynamism of our capitalist system is healthy and strong, but we weren’t going to be facing crises in which taxpayers had a choice of either bailing out the system or watching it collapse.
 
      We had to revamp our education system.  And we are now in the process of making more changes across the country with our Race to the Top program than we’ve seen in decades, making sure that every young person has a chance to graduate from high school.  They can read; they can write; they can do arithmetic; they’re going on to college.
 
      We used to be number one in college graduation rates; we’re now number nine.  We are going to reverse that, so that by 2020, we’re back on top.
 
      We had to make sure that we’re reinvesting in research and development and all the things that encourage innovation in our economy because that's going to be the basis of our long-term competiveness.  So we’ve had to make a lot of tough decisions.  But I am extraordinarily confident that we’re moving in the right direction.
 
      And as Michael indicated, many of you are a testament to the continuing strength and vitality of American democracy and the American economy.  But in order for us to continue going in the right direction, we’ve got to sustain it.  And the election right now is really a choice between the policies that got us into the mess and the policies that have started to bring us out.
 
      Now, when unemployment is still at 9.5, 9.6 percent, that gives an enormous advantage to whoever is not in power because they can simply point at the status quo regardless of causation and say, you know what, it’s the folks who are in power that are at fault.  And so that gives sort of a natural momentum behind their arguments.
 
      What we have to do is to make sure that we maintain our focus on the long game; that we’re not just thinking tactically, that we’re not just thinking about what’s convenient for us next month or in the next election, but what’s good for the next generation.  That's what we’ve tried to do over the last 20 months, and we’ve got to make that argument robustly over the remaining four weeks of this midterm.
 
      I was joking at I think a dinner that Michael was at.  One of the strengths of the Democrats is that we don't walk -- march in lockstep.  You know, we like to have internal dissent and arguments.  We’ve very self-critical.  We tend to look at the glass as half empty.  And that makes us better because we’re always asking ourselves tough questions.  But that's also a weakness, particularly four weeks before an election.  And right now all the reports out there are that the main challenge we have is closing an enthusiasm gap between the Democrats and the Republicans. 
 
      Well, Michael just listed the reasons you should be enthusiastic.  We didn't just save this economy from a great depression.  We also moved forward substantially on everything that we’ve said Democrats stood for, for years.
 
      And we’re not finished -- unless we lose sight of that long game and we start sulking and sitting back and not doing everything we need to do in terms of making sure that our folks turn out. 
 
      Joe Biden has a useful saying.  He says, don't compare me to the Almighty, compare me to the alternative.  (Laughter.)  And I think -- I think Democrats would be well-served right now to just keep that uppermost in their minds.  If everyone here, and your friends and neighbors and coworkers and colleagues, are constantly focused on the choice before us and understanding that we’re not finished, but unless we are able to maintain Democrats in the House and the Senate, then we’re going to be stalled for two years or four years and we could even start going backwards -- as long as people keep that in mind, then I’m absolutely confident that we’re going to do fine. 
 
      And so I just want to again thank Mike and Jackie for hosting us.  I want to thank all of you for coming here.  And I want you guys to make sure that you understand this country is the greatest country on Earth.  We still have the best workers on Earth, the best universities on Earth, the most innovative economy on Earth.  We’re the most diverse on Earth.  There’s no advanced economy that has the same constant influx of energy from immigrants and new ideas and the same core freedoms that we enjoy.  There is not another country on Earth that would not willingly trade places with us right now.
 
      But we do have some tough decisions to make.  I’m willing to make them.  I need help in Congress in order to make them.  And they need your help in order for us to be able to move forward. 
 
      So, thank you so much, everybody.  (Applause.)
 
 
                           END                      6:25 P.M. EDT

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by the President Awarding the Medal of Honor to Staff Sergeant Robert Miller

East Room

1:52 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Please be seated.  Good afternoon.  And on behalf of Michelle and myself, welcome to the White House.  And thank you, General Carver, for that beautiful invocation. 

We are a nation of more than 300 million Americans.  Of these, less than 1 percent wears the uniform of our Armed Services.  And of these, just a small fraction has earned the badges of our Special Operations Forces.

In the finest military the world has ever known, these warriors are the best of the best.  In an era that prizes celebrity and status, they are “quiet professionals” -- never seeking the spotlight.  In a time of war, they have borne a burden far beyond their small numbers -- training foreign militaries to stand on their own; bringing schools and medicine to remote villages; and taking to the terrorists and insurgents who plot against us. 

Few Americans ever see their service, but all Americans are safer because of it.  And our hearts swell with pride just hearing their names, including the legendary Green Berets.  Today, it is my privilege to present our nation’s highest military decoration -- the Medal of Honor -- to one of these remarkable soldiers, Staff Sergeant Robert J. Miller.

To do so, we are joined by Vice President Biden, and from the Miller’s family’s home state of Florida, a leader who helped make this day possible, Congresswoman Suzanne Kosmas. 

We are joined by leaders from across my administration, including Secretary of Defense Robert Gates; Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Mike Mullen; and leaders from our Armed Forces, including Army Secretary John McHugh and Chief of Staff General George Casey, as well as Commander of Special Operations Command, Admiral Eric Olson.

We are honored to be joined by Rob’s fellow soldiers in whose ranks he served -- his teammates from Alpha Company, 3rd Battalion, 3rd Special Forces Group from Fort Bragg, and those who now welcome him into their ranks, members of the Medal of Honor Society.

Most of all, we welcome more than 100 of Rob’s friends and family, especially his father Phil, his mother Maureen and his many brothers and sisters.

It has been said that courage is not simply one of the virtues, but the form of every virtue at the testing point.  For Rob Miller, the testing point came nearly three years ago, deep in a snowy Afghan valley.  But the courage he displayed that day reflects every virtue that defined his life.

Rob was wise beyond his years.  Growing up in Wheaton, Illinois, outside of Chicago, he was the boy in school who penned a poem about American GI’s in World War II, men -- like the soldier Rob would become himself —- who he said fought day and night, fighting for what they thought was right.

Rob was born to lead -— the high school gymnast who trained so hard his coach had to kick him out at night so they could close the gym.  He was the Army recruit who pushed himself to his limits -— both physically and mentally -— to earn the title Green Beret.  He was the Special Forces soldier who, on his first tour in Afghanistan, earned two Army Commendation Medals for his valor.    

Devotion to duty.  An abiding sense of honor.  A profound love of country.  These were the virtues that found their ultimate expression when Rob -— just 24 years old and on his second tour -— met his testing point on January 25, 2008.

Rob and his team were in the remote northwest of Afghanistan.  Their mission:  clear a valley of insurgents who had been attacking Afghan forces and terrorizing villagers.  So when they came across an insurgent compound, Rob and his men made their move, unleashing their fire and calling in airstrikes.

Now, they were on foot, heading over to that destroyed compound, to assess the damage and gather intelligence.  It was still dark, just before dawn.  It was freezing cold -- and silent, except for the crackle of their radios and the crunch of snow under their boots.  Like so many times before, Rob was up front -- leading a patrol of two dozen Afghans and Americans on a narrow trail along the valley floor, the steep mountains towering over them.

First, it was just a single insurgent, jumping out from behind a boulder.  Then, the whole valley seemed to explode with gunfire.  Within seconds, Rob and his patrol were pinned down, with almost no cover -- bullets and rocket-propelled grenades raining down from every direction.  And when enemy reinforcements poured in, the odds were overwhelming.  Rob’s small patrol of two dozen men was nearly surrounded by almost 150 insurgents. 

With the enemy just feets away -- some so close he could see their faces -- Rob held his ground.  Despite the chaos around him, he radioed back enemy positions.  As the only Pashto speaker on his team, he organized the Afghan soldiers around him.  But the incoming fire, in the words of one soldier, was simply “astounding.”

Rob made a decision.  He called for his team to fall back.  And then he did something extraordinary.  Rob moved in the other direction -- toward the enemy, drawing their guns away from his team and bringing the fire of all those insurgents down upon himself.

The fighting was ferocious.  Rob seemed to disappear into clouds of dust and debris, but his team could hear him on the radio, still calling out the enemy’s position.  And they could hear his weapon still firing as he provided cover for his men.  And then, over the radio, they heard his voice.  He had been hit.  But still, he kept calling out enemy positions.  Still, he kept firing.  Still, he kept throwing his grenades.  And then they heard it -- Rob’s weapon fell silent.

This is the story of what one American soldier did for his team, but it’s also a story of what they did for him.  Two of his teammates braved the bullets and rushed to Rob’s aid.  In those final moments, they were there at his side -- American soldiers there for each other. 

The relentless fire forced them back, but they refused to leave their fallen comrade.  When reinforcements arrived, these Americans went in again -- risking their lives, taking more casualties -- determined to bring Rob Miller out of that valley.  And finally, after fighting that raged for hours, they did.

When the dust settled and the smoke cleared, there was no doubt Rob Miller and his team had struck a major blow against the local insurgency.  Five members of his patrol had been wounded, but his team had survived.  And one of his teammates surely spoke for all of them when he said of Rob, “I would not be alive today if not for his ultimate sacrifice.”

This is the valor that America honors today.  To Rob’s family and friends, I know that no words can ease the ache in your hearts.  But I also know this -- Rob’s life and legacy endures.

Rob endures in the pride of his parents.  Phil and Maureen, you raised a remarkable son.  Today and in the years to come, may you find some comfort in knowing that Rob gave his life doing what he loved -- protecting his friends and defending his country.  You gave your oldest son to America, and America is forever in your debt. 

Rob endures in the love of his brothers and sisters, all seven of whom join us today.  Your brothers laid down his life so you could live yours in security and freedom.  You honor him by living your lives to the fullest, and I suspect Rob would be especially proud of his younger brother Tom, who, inspired by his big brother, is now training to be a Green Beret himself.

Rob endures in the Afghans that he trained and he befriended.  In valleys and villages half a world away, they remember him -- the American who spoke their language, who respected their culture and who helped them defend their country.  They welcomed him into their homes and invited him to their weddings.  And in a sign of their lasting gratitude, they presented Rob’s parents with a beautiful Afghan flag -- Afghan rug, which hangs today in the Miller home, a symbol of the partnership between the people of America and Afghanistan.

Rob Miller endures in the service of his teammates -- his brothers in arms who served with him, bled with him and fought to bring him home.  These soldiers embody the spirit that guides our troops in Afghanistan every day -- the courage, the resolve, the relentless focus on their mission:  to break the momentum of the Taliban insurgency, and to build the capacity of Afghans to defend themselves, and to make sure that Afghanistan is never again a safe haven for terrorists who would attack our country.  That is their mission, that is our mission, and that is what we will do.  And I would ask Rob’s team, who were with him that day, to please stand and be recognized.  (Applause.) 

Finally, Rob Miller -- and all those who give their lives in our name -- endure in each of us.  Every American is safer because of their service.  And every American has a duty to remember and honor their sacrifice. 

If we do -- if we keep their legacy alive, if we keep faith with the freedoms they died to defend -- then we can imagine a day, decades from now, when another child sits down at his desk, ponders the true meaning of heroism and finds inspiration in the story of a soldier -- Staff Sergeant Robert J. Miller and a generation that “fought day and night, fighting for what they thought was right.”

That is the meaning of this medal.  And that is our summons today, as a proud and grateful nation.  So please join me in welcoming Phil and Maureen Miller for the reading of the citation.  (Applause.) 

MILITARY AIDE:  The President of the United States of America, authorized by act of Congress, March 3rd, 1863, has awarded, in the name of the Congress, the Medal of Honor to Staff Sergeant Robert J. Miller, United States Army, for conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity at the risk of life above and beyond the call of duty. 

Staff Sergeant Robert J. Miller distinguished himself by extraordinary acts of heroism while serving as the weapons sergeant in Special Forces Operational Detachment Alpha 3312, Special Operations Task Force 33, Combined Joint Special Operations Task Force Afghanistan, during combat operations against an armed enemy in Kunar Province, Afghanistan, on January 25th, 2008.

While conducting a combat reconnaissance patrol through the Gowardesh Valley, Staff Sergeant Miller and his small element of U.S. and Afghan National Army soldiers engaged a force of 15 to 20 insurgents occupying prepared fighting positions.  Staff Sergeant Miller initiated the assault by engaging the enemy positions with his vehicle’s turret-mounted Mk 19 40-millimeter automatic grenade launcher, while simultaneously providing detailed descriptions of the enemy positions to his command, enabling effective, accurate close air support.

Following the engagement, Staff Sergeant Miller led a small squad forward to conduct a battle damage assessment.  As the group neared the small, steep, narrow valley that the enemy had inhabited, a large, well-coordinated insurgent force initiated a near ambush, assaulting from elevated positions with ample cover.

Exposed and with little available cover, the patrol was totally vulnerable to enemy rocket-propelled grenades and automatic weapons fire.

As a point man, Staff Sergeant Miller was at the front of the patrol, cut off from supporting elements and less than 20 meters from enemy forces.  Nonetheless, with total disregard for his own safety, he called for his men to quickly move back to cover positions as he charged the enemy over exposed ground and under overwhelming enemy fire in order to provide protective fire for his team.

While maneuvering to engage the enemy, Staff Sergeant Miller was shot in the upper torso.  Ignoring the wound, he continued to push the fight.  Moving to draw fire from over 100 enemy fighters upon himself, he then again charged forward through an open area in order to allow his teammates to safely reach cover.

After killing at least 10 insurgents, wounding dozens more and repeatedly exposing himself to withering enemy fire while moving from position to position, Staff Sergeant Miller was mortally wounded by enemy fire.  His extraordinary valor ultimately saved the lives of seven members of his own team and 15 Afghan National Army soldiers.

Staff Sergeant Miller’s heroism and selflessness above and beyond the call of duty and at the cost of his own life are in keeping with the highest traditions of military service and reflect great credit upon himself and the United States Army. 

[The medal is presented.]  (Applause.)

END
2:10 P.M. EDT

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by the President at the 2010 Fortune Most Powerful Women Summit

Mellon Auditorium, Washington, D.C.

7:58 P.M. EDT
 
    THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you very much.  Thank you, everybody.  Please, please have a seat.  Thank you. 
 
    Well, I am just thrilled to be here tonight with some of the most brilliant, accomplished, influential women in this country.  As Michelle Obama’s husband, I feel very much at home.  (Laughter.)
 
    I have three tall, good-looking, strong-willed women.  That’s just on the second floor.  Then I’ve got my mother-in-law on the third floor.  (Laughter.) 
 
    So it’s a thrill to be here.  I want to thank Ann for that kind -- and brief -- introduction -- (laughter) -- and for her extraordinary leadership.  And I want to thank all the people who helped to organize this spectacular event.
 
    And I’m especially pleased to see the young people who are here.  We are thrilled -- thrilled to have you.  (Applause.) 
 
    I also see that my friend Warren Buffett is here.  (Applause.)  I understand that even though he is a man, he has been invited back year after year –- (laughter) –- because he knows that the surest path to success is to surround yourself with brilliant women.  (Applause.)  He’s a smart guy.
 
    I happen to share that belief.  And I’m pleased to see some of the extraordinary women in my administration who are also here tonight, because I rely on their wise advice every single day, and I’m tremendously grateful for their service.
 
    But being here isn’t just meaningful to me as President.  It’s also meaningful to me personally.  As some of you know, I was raised in part by my grandmother.  She just passed away a couple of years ago.  When I was born, she got a job as a secretary to help provide for our family.  Now, she only had a high school education.  She had grown up in a generation where women weren’t necessarily encouraged to pursue a college degree, and certainly not after they had gotten married and had had a child.  But she had an incredible mind and sound judgment.  And so over the years she worked her way up -- without a college degree, just a high school degree -- to become one of the first woman bank vice presidents in the state of Hawaii.  And that was an amazing accomplishment, but that position was also her glass ceiling.  For nearly two decades, she watched as men no more qualified than she was -- in fact, usually men who she had trained would get promoted up the corporate ladder ahead of her.
 
    Now, I know that if given the chance, she would have run that bank better than anybody.  But she never got that opportunity.  And she never complained.  She hardly ever took a vacation.  She just kept getting up and giving her best every single day. 
 
    So tonight, I’m inspired to be with so many women who have reached the pinnacles of their professions.  That’s a credit to all of you and your individual drive and fortitude, because I know you’ve overcome plenty of obstacles of your own.  And while we still have a ways to go, it’s also a testament to the progress that we’ve made as a country -- certainly since my grandmother was a young woman.
 
    The 75 young leaders who are here tonight are another testament to that progress, because as you know -- (applause) -- as you know, these young women went through a citywide selection process to attend this event.  And on their applications, they were asked to list their career aspirations.  And I’ve got a list of what they said.  See, we’ve got “cultural anthropologist.”  (Applause.)  That’s a good choice.  My mother was an anthropologist, so thumbs up on that.  “Classical singer.”  (Applause.)  “U.S. senator.”  (Applause.)  There’s some people saying like, “Oh, I don’t know.”  (Laughter.)  “Professional race car driver.”  One stated that she intends to become “the next Bill Gates.”  I don’t know why Buffett was skipped over, but -- (laughter.)
 
    Another wrote “environmental scientist and work on ways to find new fuel resources.”  Important.  And one -- this is my favorite -- one said, “doctor, lawyer and an engineer.” (Applause.)  This young lady said, “I know this is ambitious but not impossible.”  (Laughter.)
 
    So when we talk about the theme of this year’s conference -- “building a legacy” -- that’s exactly what we’re talking about.  That’s what’s at stake.  That spark.  That passion.  All those ambitions and aspirations expressed by these young people. 
 
    And the question is, what are we doing to nurture that promise?  How do we ensure that 10 or 20 or 30 years from now, these young women will be sitting where all of you are sitting tonight, with their own mentees, passing the torch to a next generation?  What are we doing to build a dynamic, competitive, opportunity-rich economy so that they have successful lives and careers of their own?
 
    Now, as some of our nation’s top business leaders and nonprofit leaders and leaders in so many different fields, the answers to these questions are going to be largely determined by you, because as part of the competitiveness of America’s economy, the richness of its cultural life, it’s always depended on the innovation and enterprise of American businesses and American institutions and organizations -- on the products you develop and the jobs you create and the growth that you drive. 
 
    Now, this doesn’t relieve government of its responsibility to create the conditions for businesses to succeed.  That’s what government does best -- those things that no individual or business will do on their own, but that create an environment where everybody can compete.  So that means funding the basic research that drives new discoveries and sparks new industries.  It means upgrading our infrastructure -- including things like high-speed rail and Internet -- so that you can get your products and services to your customers.  It means promoting exports, because the more our businesses export, the more they produce -- and the more jobs they create. 
 
    And it means making sure that our people have what it takes to actually do those jobs.  That’s what we’ve been discussing during the conference today, and it’s what I’d like to focus on tonight, because you know, as I do, that our businesses, our institutions, our economy cannot compete unless our workforce can compete -- unless we harness the potential of every American and ensure that their skills match up to the work of the future. 
 
    And that starts with education -- especially in fields like science and technology and engineering and math.  We cannot sustain -- oops -- was that my?  (Laughter.)  Oh, goodness.  That’s all right.  (Laughter.)  All of you know who I am.  (Laughter and applause.)  But I’m sure there’s somebody back there that’s really nervous right now.  (Laughter.)  Don’t you think?  They’re sweating bullets back there right now.  (Laughter.) 
 
    Where were we?  (Laughter.)  We cannot sustain high-tech, high-wage jobs here in America when our young people are lagging far behind competitors around the world.  That’s one of the reasons we launched a national competition called Race to the Top, designed to raise standards in our schools.  And it’s based on a simple idea:  Instead of funding the status quo, we’re only going to invest in reform. 
 
    And with the help of business leaders like Ursula Burns, the CEO of Xerox, we’ve created a new partnership called “Change the Equation,” which is a coalition of more than 100 CEOs from our nation’s largest companies who’ve committed to bringing innovative math and science programs to at least 100 high-need communities over the course of the next year.  And it includes a special focus on girls, who are often underrepresented in our scientific fields.  (Applause.)  And I know, by the way, from talking to Malia and Sasha, it’s just a matter of giving them a little bit of confidence, and they will thrive and succeed in math and science.  But somebody’s got to be there to say to them, you know what, you can do this. 
 
    We also know that in today’s economy, every American will need more than a high school diploma.  And back when I took office, I set a goal:  By 2020, America will once again have the highest proportion of college graduates in the world.  That’s why we’ve increased student aid and tuition tax credits, and we’ve eliminated tens of billions of dollars in wasteful subsidies, and we’re now using that money to make college more affordable to millions of students.  We’ve made historic investments in community colleges, which are a pathway to opportunity not just for children of so many working families, but for millions of women returning to the workforce or who are raising children of their own and so need some flexibility in terms of a course of study and advancing careers.
 
    And just yesterday, we launched a new initiative called Skills for America’s Future to connect students looking for jobs with businesses looking to hire.  And the idea is very simple: Businesses and community colleges work together to match the curricula in the classroom with the needs of the boardroom.  Companies then hire the graduates, who show up on their first day with precisely the skills that you need, and that they need, to succeed.  We’ve already got businesses from PG&E to United Technologies to the Gap who are supporting this initiative, as have business leaders like my friend who is helping to spearhead this, Penny Pritzker, and the Aspen Institute’s Walter Isaacson.  So we want to get these partnerships going in all 50 states -- and I hope that companies that are represented here all decide to be a part of this program.
 
    Now, let’s not forget that most of your businesses did not start out as national or multinational corporations.  They began as tiny startups, dreamed up in garages and around kitchen tables by folks who were willing to take a chance on an idea.  So when we’re talking about building a more competitive workforce, that doesn’t just mean developing more competitive workers.  It also means developing more competitive entrepreneurs.  It means helping them translate those good ideas into successful businesses that create jobs and strengthen our economy. 
 
    And as any entrepreneur will tell you, one of the biggest roadblocks they face is access to capital.  It turns out that’s particularly true for women.  A recent study by the Kauffman Foundation found that women high-tech entrepreneurs raised nearly 70 percent less capital when starting their firms than men did.  For all we know, one of those women could have the idea for the next Google or Apple or HP.  But that doesn’t mean much if she can’t get the cash to bring the idea to market.
 
    So Theresa Daytner knows what that’s like.  She’s one of the entrepreneurs that you’re honoring this year.  Is she here?  Theresa?  Where are you?  (Applause.)  Way back there.  Hey, you.  I love Theresa’s story.  She struggled at first to get capital for her construction company, partly because she was providing for her six kids and caring for her aging parents.  So eventually she ran out of options.  She applied for a home equity loan.  And this resonates with me, this story.  She handed her husband the application, and she said to him, “Here, honey, sign this but don’t read it.”  (Laughter.)   
 
    Now, her company took off, bringing in more than $16 million in revenue so far this year.  (Applause.)  So we’re very proud of what you’ve accomplished.  But folks like Theresa, they shouldn’t have to mortgage their family home to build their family business.  That’s why we’re working to help entrepreneurs like Theresa with new tax cuts and more loans. 
 
    Yesterday, the White House Council on Women and Girls hosted a Women’s Entrepreneurship Summit to seek solutions to some of the challenges that women face.  And I’m pleased that the Small Business Administration, under the leadership of Karen Mills, has announced a new effort to level the playing field for women entrepreneurs in industries where they’re underrepresented -- from computer technology to telecommunications to scientific research.
 
    So we’re working to support our entrepreneurs.  We’re working to better train and educate our workers.  But as we seek to harness the talents and skills of the American people, there’s another factor that I believe is too often overlooked, and that’s the structure of our workplaces -- whether our workplaces are mobile and flexible and accommodating enough to give people the opportunities they need to contribute and raise a family.
 
    And I want to talk to all of you about this, not as women, not as women business leaders, but simply as business leaders, because while this issue may disproportionately affect women, I don’t think it makes sense to label it as a woman’s issue.  Not just because plenty of men wish they had flexibility to be better fathers to their kids or better sons to their aging parents, but because we know that companies with flexible work arrangements can actually have lower turnover and absenteeism and higher productivity.  So this is not just a woman’s issue.  It’s not just a work-family balance issue.  It’s an economic competitiveness issue. 
 
    That’s why so many of your companies are already leading the way, embracing things like telecommuting and flextime and onsite childcare.  And my administration is committed to supporting efforts like these.  Not just by investing in paid leave programs and childcare tax credits, but also by making the federal government a model for the policies that we’re encouraging.
 
    We’re creating mobile workplaces and flexible work schedules, and we’re judging employees by the results they get, not the face time they log, because this doesn’t just provide a better experience for our employees, it helps us attract and retain the top talent and provide better service for the American people. 
 
    In the end, that’s really our goal here -- to get all our people doing the very best work that they can.  That’s how we’ve always moved forward in this country:  breaking down barriers, being inclusive, setting aside the outdated assumptions that keep us from appreciating what each of us has to offer. 
 
    And obviously that work’s not finished.  I’m not naïve about that.  But I also know that thanks to decades of struggle and sacrifice, a lot of it quiet, a lot of it behind the scenes, many of the obstacles that my grandmother faced no longer exist.
 
    Today, women make up half of America’s workforce.  They are primary or co-breadwinners in two-thirds of our families.  Their contributions are vital to the success of our economy.  Today, girls like my daughters, young women like the ones at this dinner, have opportunities that my grandmother never dreamed of for herself.
 
    So I want to conclude by telling you a little bit about one of these young women -- I believe she may be here, Markela Izlar.  Is Markela here?  She’s a senior -- well, stand up, wave.  (Applause.)  She’s a senior at Ballou High School. 
 
    Now, Markela has faced some pretty serious challenges in her life.  Her father was killed in an act of violence before she was born.  And in her essay, she wrote, “Life growing up in Southeast D.C. hasn’t been easy.”  She says, “I recently lost count of how many friends and family members I had to say goodbye to before it seemed like it was time.” 
 
    But it turns out Markela loves math -- and I hear you’re pretty good at math.  And she is determined to one day become either an engineer or an algebra teacher.  And she concluded her essay by saying, “When I think about the disadvantages I have in my life, it motivates me to be successful.  Because I understand that in life” -- (applause) -- she says, “I understand that in life everyone has a purpose and a plan, and every day, I see myself getting closer and closer to college, and one day, a career.”
 
    So, Markela, we are proud of you.  We’re proud of all the young women who are here in this room.  And I want to make sure that our legacy to them is an America where they can fulfill every last bit of their promise, and pursue every last one of their dreams, and become powerful, accomplished women.  And so many of you are setting such a great example for them.
 
    So thank you.  God bless you.  God bless the United States of America.  Thank you.  (Applause.)
 
                            END           8:20 P.M. EDT

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by the President at Reception for the Diplomatic Corps

East Room

5:00 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Hello, everybody.  Good afternoon, and welcome on behalf of Michelle and myself.  We are thrilled to have you at the White House.  It’s good to see all of you, including the Dean of the Diplomatic Corps, from Djibouti, Ambassador Olhaye.  It’s wonderful to see you again. 

Like our reception last year, this is an opportunity to thank you for your partnership, for the cooperation between our nations, and for the hospitality that your countries show our diplomats each and every day.

As ambassadors, I know you all have a very difficult job.  You have to understand the complexities of other cultures and countries -— unlike diplomats of a century ago who -- for example, there was a diplomat who, when planning an international ceremony, invited Switzerland to send its navy.  (Laughter.) 

You have to adapt to quickly changing events around the world -— unlike President Jefferson, who said of an American ambassador to Europe, “We haven’t heard from him in two years.  If we don’t hear from him next year, I’ll have to write him a letter.”  (Laughter.) 

Today, our nations and peoples are more interconnected than at any time in human history.  We’ve got extraordinary opportunities to advance our national interests and our common interests, which can reinforce each another.  We can advance the aspirations of our people, who, despite any differences, basically seek the same things —- to live in security and dignity, to seek progress and justice, and to realize a better future for their children.

And that’s why, since I've taken office, I’ve pursued a new era of engagement with the world —- a new commitment to diplomacy and partnership based on mutual interest and mutual respect.  Today, I want to thank you and your countries for joining us and for the progress that we’ve made together. 

Together, we’ve strengthened old alliances; we have forged new partnerships; we have pursued an international order where the rights and responsibilities of all nations are upheld.  We’ve put the global economy back on the path of growth so we can create jobs and opportunity for all of our people. 

Together, we’re working to confront violent extremism, to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, and to secure vulnerable nuclear materials.  We’re engaged in the hard work of pursuing peace, from the Middle East to Sudan, and promoting development to give people and nations a path out of poverty.  In short, we are doing together what none of us can achieve by ourselves.
 
But, as I’ve said in my visits around the world, building the future we seek cannot be the work of governments and diplomats alone.  It must also be the work of our societies and our people.  That’s why we’re expanding partnerships and exchanges between our business leaders and entrepreneurs, students and scientists, civil society and faith communities. 

And it’s why I am so pleased that many of you are embracing the opportunity to experience America beyond Washington, visiting cities and towns across our country -- like Atlanta next week, just like I understand that you visited my hometown of Chicago.  I understand that you took in the incredible architecture, the culture, the people —- even our world-famous Chicago-style hot dogs.  (Laughter.)  They are hard to resist.  I noticed, though, that you did not go in January to experience our wonderful January weather in Chicago.  (Laughter.)  That is easy to resist. (Laughter.) 

The spirit you felt across America is the spirit we need in our work —- the idea that no matter where you come from or who you are, we can come together and work together.  It’s the same spirit I’ve seen in all the young people that I’ve met, from Strasbourg to Ankara to Cairo to Shanghai; in civil society leaders in Moscow and the extraordinary young African leaders that I welcomed to this very room here in the White House. 

     One of them -- a young woman -- stood up and looked at me and asked just how committed the United States is to this new era of partnership.  I want to conclude by telling you exactly what I told her.  I said, yes, as President of the United States, my first responsibility is to look out for the people and interests of the United States.  And I always will.  But I also said America wants all of you to succeed as well, whether it’s in Africa or in Latin America, in Europe or in Asia -- because when your nations and people succeed and prosper, it’s not only in your interests, it’s in America’s interests.  And that’s why our commitment to this new era of engagement will remain a cornerstone of my foreign policy.

So in that spirit, Michelle and I are honored to welcome all of you.  I’m mindful of that old saying about diplomacy —- that sometimes more can be accomplished at one party than 20 serious conversations. (Laughter.)  So have a wonderful evening, have a wonderful party, and I look forward to all that we can accomplish together, tonight and beyond.

Thank you very much, everybody.  (Applause.)

END
5:07 P.M. EDT

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by the President and Dr. Jill Biden at White House Summit on Community Colleges

East Room

12:17 P.M. EDT

DR. BIDEN:  Hello.  Good afternoon, and welcome to the first ever White House Summit on Community Colleges.  I’m Jill Biden, and I’m proud to stand here today as a community college professor.

This is an historic and exciting opportunity for all of us in the community college world.  For years I have said that community colleges are one of America’s best-kept secrets.  Well, with the President of the United States shining a light on us, I think that secret is out.  (Laughter.)

Today’s summit is an important next step in our efforts to meet the President’s goal of having the best-educated, most competitive workforce in the world by the end of this decade.

As we meet here today, families all across our country are struggling.  We see that struggle firsthand in community colleges.  We see people who are determined to build a better life for themselves and their families, no matter how hard it is.  Today, community colleges are the largest, fastest-growing, most affordable segment of America’s higher education system.  For generations, these schools have been an option for many students who didn’t have other options:  recent immigrants, working adults, or students who could not afford or were not quite ready for a four-year institution.

Community colleges are uniquely American -- places where anyone who walks through the door is one step closer to realizing the American Dream.  These schools are flexible and innovative.  For that reason, countries around the world are looking at community colleges as a model to increase workforce preparedness and college graduation among their own citizens.

Community colleges are uniquely positioned to provide the education and training that will prepare students for the jobs in the 21st century.

Schools are forming partnerships with businesses in their communities, ensuring that students are trained for jobs that need to be filled. 

Getting Americans back to work is America’s great challenge.  And community colleges are critically important to preparing graduates for those jobs.  We are here today because community colleges are entering a new day in America, and here’s why:  For more and more people, community colleges are the way to the future.  They’re giving real opportunity to students who otherwise wouldn’t have it.  They’re giving hope to families who thought the American Dream was slipping away.  They are equipping Americans with the skills and expertise that are relevant to the emerging jobs of the future.  They’re opening doors for the middle class at a time when the middle class has seen so many doors close to them.

As the President said, the nations that out-educate us today will out-compete us tomorrow.  That is why he is committed to increasing the number of college graduates in America, so that we will once again lead the world in the percentage of our citizens with a college degree.

Community colleges are absolutely critical to reaching this goal, and to ensuring out country’s economic prosperity in the future.  That is why the President has also challenged all of us to graduate an additional 5 million community college graduates by 2020.

Reaching that goal will take the commitment of everyone in this room, and all of the hardworking community college leaders, faculty and students you represent.

Community college students and graduates across the country are working in jobs that will enable us to expand our green economy, provide Americans with the excellent health care they deserve, and rebuild our country’s infrastructure. 

These are the students like the ones I visited in their state-of-the-art radiology lab last spring at Delgado Community College in New Orleans.  Or the woman I met who, after 16 years as a lab tech, came to Kingsborough Community College in New York for retraining, and graduated in nursing with a job offer waiting.

I meet students and learn about industry partnerships on every campus I visit that reinforce what we in this room know well:  Community colleges are at the center of Americans’ effort to educate our way to a better economy. 

I’ve been a teacher for nearly three decades, and I have spent the past 17 years teaching at a community college.  I know the power of community colleges to change lives.

I have seen the wisdom of Yeats who said that, “Education is not the filling of the pail, but the lighting of a fire.”  All of the teachers here today know the magic of lighting that fire in the soul of a student. 

But as I work hard every day to inspire students, it is ultimately they who inspire me.  I’m inspired by students who overcome significant odds just to show up, workers who have returned to school to improve their job prospects, mothers who juggle jobs and childcare while preparing for a new career, and students who spend two years at a community college before transferring to a four-year school.

At the President’s request, I have visited community colleges around the country to see innovative job partnerships and creative student support programs.  At each school, I hear stories about the perseverance of community college students to make a better life for themselves and their families -- students like Albert, who inspire me and who I am thrilled to welcome here today.  You’re amazing, Albert. 

The programs are different, the students are different, but the aspirations are the same.  These students are working hard to get the training and education they need to make their lives better.  They know that education can open the door to a world of new opportunities. 

They are students like the mother who shared her experience with us on the White House website of working towards a degree while raising three children and straddling financial challenges.  Now employed and the holder of a Bachelor’s and a Master’s degree, she wrote, “Community colleges didn’t just change my life, they gave me my life.” 

Community colleges do that every day.  With the support and the attention of the people in this room, we can serve more students and serve them better than ever.

Our challenge is not just to get students into college, but to keep them there and to graduate them faster with the skills they need to succeed in the American workforce.  This is the moment for community colleges to shine. 

Teaching is my life’s work.  I am grateful and tremendously proud to work with a President and Vice President who value that work.  President Obama is committed to restoring the promise of the American education system.  He recognizes the value of community colleges and is investing in them so that they are the best that they can be.  His leadership is inspiring to all of us who believe that each and every American deserves the opportunity to realize his full potential. 

I am honored to introduce a leader who shares our belief in the power of the community college, President Barack Obama.  (Applause.)

THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  Thank you very much.  Thank you so much.  Thank you, everybody.  Thank you very much.  Everybody please have a seat.  Thank you so much.

I want to acknowledge some of the folks who are here who are making an incredible contribution to this effort.  First of all, our Secretary of Education, Arne Duncan, is here.  (Applause.)  Our Secretary of Labor, Hilda Solis, is here.  (Applause.)  Someone who cares deeply about our veterans and the education that they receive, our Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Admiral Mike Mullen, and his wife, Ms. Mullen, are here.  (Applause.)  Representative Brett Guthrie, Republican of Kentucky, is in the house, and has been doing great work on this.  And obviously I am thrilled to not only see Jill Biden here but also Albert Ojeda, who introduced Jill Biden, because I think the story he tells is representative of so many incredible stories all across the country.

I’m so grateful for Jill being willing to lead today’s summit, first of all because she has to spend time putting up with Joe.  (Laughter.)  And that’s a big enough task.  Then to take this one on, too, on behalf of the administration is extraordinarily significant.  I do not think she’s doing it for the administration.  She’s doing it because of the passion she has for community colleges.

Jill has devoted her life to education.  As she said, she’s been a teacher for nearly three decades, although you can’t tell it by looking at her -- (laughter) -- a community college professor for 17 years.  I want it on the record Jill is not playing hooky today.  The only reason she’s here is because her college president gave her permission to miss class.  (Laughter.)  And this morning, between appearing on the Today Show, receiving briefings from her staff and hosting the summit, she was actually grading papers in her White House office.  (Laughter.) 

So I think it’s clear why I asked Jill to travel the country visiting community colleges -– because, as she knows personally, these colleges are the unsung heroes of America’s education system.  They may not get the credit they deserve.  They may not get the same resources as other schools.  But they provide a gateway to millions of Americans to good jobs and a better life.

These are places where young people can continue their education without taking on a lot of debt.  These are places where workers can gain new skills to move up in their careers.  These are places where anyone with a desire to learn and to grow can take a chance on a brighter future for themselves and their families -- whether that’s a single mom, or a returning soldier, or an aspiring entrepreneur. 

And community colleges aren’t just the key to the future of their students.  They’re also one of the keys to the future of our country.  We are in a global competition to lead in the growth industries of the 21st century.  And that leadership depends on a well-educated, highly skilled workforce.

We know, for example, that in the coming years, jobs requiring at least an associate’s degree are going to grow twice as fast as jobs that don’t require college.  We will not fill those jobs -– or keep those jobs on our shores –- without community colleges.

So it was no surprise when one of the main recommendations of my Economic Advisory Board -– who I met with yesterday -– was to expand education and job training.  These are executives from some of America’s top companies.  Their businesses need a steady supply of people who can step into jobs involving a lot of technical knowledge and skill.  They understand the importance of making sure we’re preparing folks for the jobs of the future.

In fact, throughout our history, whenever we’ve faced economic challenges, we’ve responded by seeking new ways to harness the talents of our people.  And that’s one of the primary reasons that we have prospered.  In the 19th century, we built public schools and land grant colleges –- transforming not just education, but our entire economy.  In the 20th century, we passed the G.I. Bill and invested in math and science –- helping to unleash a wave of innovation that helped to forge the great American middle class. 

But in recent years, we’ve failed to live up to this legacy, especially in higher education.  In just a decade, we’ve fallen from first to ninth in the proportion of young people with college degrees.  That not only represents a huge waste of potential; in the global marketplace it represents a threat to our position as the world’s leading economy. 

As far as I’m concerned, America does not play for second place, and we certainly don’t play for ninth.  So I’ve set a goal:  By 2020, America will once again lead the world in producing college graduates.  And I believe community colleges will play a huge part in meeting this goal, by producing an additional 5 million degrees and certificates in the next 10 years.

That’s why last year I launched the American Graduation Initiative.  I promised that we would end wasteful subsidies to big banks for student loans, and instead use that money to make college more affordable, and to make a historic investment in community colleges.  And after a tough fight, we passed those reforms, and today we’re using this money towards the interest of higher education in America.

And this is helping us modernize community colleges at a critical time -– because many of these schools are under pressure to cut costs and to cap enrollments and scrap courses even as demand has soared.  It’s going to make it possible for colleges to better harness technology in the classroom and beyond.  And it’s going to promote reform, as colleges compete for funding by improving graduation rates, and matching courses to the needs of local businesses, and making sure that when a graduate is handed a diploma it means that she or he are ready for a career.

We’re also helping students succeed by making college more affordable.  So we’ve increased student aid by thousands of dollars.  We’ve simplified the loan application process.  And we’re making it easier for students to pay back their loans by limiting payments to 10 percent of their income.  But reaching the 2020 goal that I’ve set is not just going to depend on government.  It also depends on educators and students doing their part.  And it depends on businesses and non-for-profits working with colleges to connect students with jobs. 

So that’s why we’re holding this summit.  That’s why I’m asking my Economic Advisory Board to reach out to employers across the country and come up with new ways for businesses and community colleges to work together.  Based on this call to action, yesterday we announced a new partnership called Skills for America’s Future.  And the idea is simple:  Businesses and community colleges work together to match the work in the classroom with the needs of the boardroom.  And already, businesses from PG&E, to UTC, to the Gap have announced their support, as have business leaders like my friend Penny Pritzker, and the Aspen Institute’s Walter Isaacson.  I hope that the companies, schools and nonprofits that all of you lead will take part.

Today, we can also announce the Gates Foundation is starting a new five-year initiative to raise community college graduation rates.  This is critically important because more than half of those who enter community colleges fail to either earn a two-year degree or transfer to a earn a four-year degree.  So we want to thank Melinda Gates, who’s here, for that terrific contribution.  And the Aspen Institute and several leading foundations are launching a competitive prize for community college excellence.  It’s going to shine a spotlight on community colleges delivering truly exceptional results –- places that often don’t get a lot of attention, but make a tremendous difference in their students’ lives.

So we’re investing in community colleges.  We’re making college more affordable.  And we’re bringing together businesses, nonprofits and schools to train folks for the jobs of a new century.  Now, all of this will help ensure that we continue to lead the global economy -– but only if we maintain this commitment to education that’s always been central to our success.

That’s why I so strongly disagree with the economic plan that was released last week by the Republican leaders in Congress, which would actually cut education by 20 percent.  It would reduce or eliminate financial aid for 8 million college students.  And it would leave community colleges without the resources they need to meet the goals we’ve talked about today. 

Instead, this money would help pay for a $700 billion tax cut that only 2 percent of the wealthiest Americans would ever see –- an average of $100,000 for every millionaire and billionaire in the country.  And that just doesn’t make sense -– not for students, not for our economy.

Think about it.  China isn’t slashing education by 20 percent right now.  India is not slashing education by 20 percent.  We are in a fight for the future -– a fight that depends on education.  And cutting aid for 8 million students, or scaling back our community -- our commitment to community colleges, that’s like unilaterally disarming our troops right as they head to the frontlines.

So we obviously have to get serious about our deficit.  That’s why, after decades of profligacy, my administration report pay-as-you-go rules, proposed a three-year freeze on non-security spending.  That’s why we’ve formed a bipartisan deficit reduction commission.

But what we can’t do is fund tax cuts for those who don’t need it by slashing education for those who do.  There’s a better way for us to do this.  And I want to work together with everybody concerned -- Republican and Democrat -- to figure that out.

To use an expression familiar to those of you who are from the Midwest:  You don’t eat your seed corn.  (Laughter.)  We can’t accept less investment in our young people if our country is going to move forward.  It would mean giving up on the promise of so many people who might not be able to pursue an education, like the millions of students at community colleges across this country. 

So I just want to use as an example Derek Blumke, who’s here today.  Where’s Derek?  Right here.  Derek spent six years in the Air Force, three deployments in the Afghan theater, putting his life at risk to keep this country safe.  And when he returned, he started classes at his local community college in northern Michigan.  Now, apparently, what I’m told is, he wasn’t sure whether he was smart enough to do the work, and he also was concerned that he wouldn’t get the support that he needed. 

And he was wrong on both fronts.  His professors not only helped him transition from the military -– even as he continued to serve in the Michigan Air National Guard -– but also helped him to earn his associate’s degree with honors.  Then he transferred to the University of Michigan -- Go Blue -- (laughter) -- where he graduated just a few weeks ago.  And while he was there, he co-founded Student Veterans of America to help returning veterans like himself.  So congratulations, Derek.  (Applause.) 

Or we can look to the example set by Albert Ojeda, who just spoke to you.  He didn’t have any advantages in life -- grew up in a tough neighborhood in Phoenix, lost his father to violence, lost his mother to prison.  But that didn’t stop him from pursuing an education.  It didn’t stop him from attending community college, become an honor student, become the first member of his family to graduate from college. 

There are so many folks out there like Derek and Albert.  And I think about the many community college students who’ve written letters to me or emails through whitehouse.gov about how important community college has been to them.  One person said he had been laid off and decided to return to school after 17 years.  And attending community college “literally helped save my life” -- that’s what he said.  “I can not only see an associate’s degree next year, but a new future filled with possibilities for the first time.”

A new future filled with possibilities.  That’s why we’re here today.  That’s the promise of an education not just for any one student, but for our entire country.  And that’s why it’s so important that we work together on behalf of community colleges -– and an education system that harnesses the talents and hard work of every single American. 

So thank you for the incredible work that each and every one of you do out there in schools, business folks who are supporting these community colleges, the students who are doing so much to contribute to our country.  Let’s get busy.  Thank you very much.

END
12:40 P.M. EDT

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks for Gen. James L. Jones, National Security Advisor at the Sochi Security Council Gathering, Sochi Russia

As Prepared for Delivery
 
Good afternoon ladies and gentlemen.  It is a privilege to be here with so many colleagues and partners from around the world who share a commitment to our mutual security.
 
It’s a pleasure to be here in this beautiful city that in less than four years will host the 22nd Winter Olympic games—a well-deserved honor for the Russian Federation.
 
In Washington, our professional ice hockey team has been fortunate to enjoy the talents of a Russian superstar—Alexander Ovechkin. I assure you that while we Americans look forward to competing here in Sochi, we don’t look forward to having to play against Mr. Ovechkin and his national team.
 
I’d like to thank my friend and counterpart Secretary Nikolai Patrushev for hosting this important and timely event, and for being a partner on so many critical issues that both of our countries face, from arms control and non-proliferation to the fight against violent extremism.
 
Let me also congratulate Ambassador Fedotov on his appointment as the new Executive Director of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime.  Ambassador, your office has a lot of work ahead of it and the United States looks forward to working with you in a very constructive and helpful way.
 
It is an honor to be with you today—especially because, not that long ago, the presence of a U.S. national security advisor at a gathering such as this in Russia  might have seemed unlikely.  Prior to President Obama’s inauguration, our two nations had been drifting further apart, more than at any point since the Cold War. We were spending too much time mired in mutual distrust, and too little time addressing our mutual concerns about our relationship and the world in which we live.    
 
At the outset of his administration, President Obama pledged to reset our relationship with Russia, so that—even as we are candid about any disagreements—we could recommit ourselves to advancing our common interests.  And that is precisely what we have accomplished—together!
 
The United States and Russia have coordinated our efforts to strengthen the global economic recovery.  We’re working together on Afghanistan and we’ve deepened our cooperation against the violent extremism that threatens both our people.  With our international partners, we’re working to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons.  
 
And, of course, we’ve agreed to the New Start Treaty, the most far-reaching arms control agreement in nearly 20 years.  As President Obama said when he and President Medvedev signed the Treaty in Prague, “there is much we can do on behalf of our security and prosperity if we continue to work together.”
 
That is what I want to focus on today—another critical area where we can work together: confronting transnational crime.  Today, right now, we have an opportunity for cooperation not just between the United States and Russia, but among all nations represented here today.   It’s up to us to seize the moment at this important conference.
 
Every year, the United States government produces a handful of so-called National Intelligence Estimates, exhaustive studies that examine our most important national security threats.  The results of this year’s study of transnational crime—our first since 1995—are astonishing.
 
We found that this threat alone—which generates trillions of dollars annually from illicit activities such as money laundering, trafficking, counterfeiting, environmental crime, and financial fraud— has completely transformed itself in recent years.  
 
What had emerged, to paraphrase Dostoyevsky from Crime and Punishment, was the beginning of a new story, a new reality  about which much of the law-abiding world has been for too long completely, and dangerously,  unaware.
 
As recently as the 1990s, organized crime syndicates were rigid hierarchical structures that were largely domestic or regional in scope. They made limited use of technology, and had minimal links to other illicit organizations like drug cartels or terrorist groups.  And because of their centralized structures, the arrest of a single key member was sometimes enough to disrupt or dismantle them.
 
Things are not so simple anymore—unfortunately, the problem is more complex and threatening.
 
Today, many of these criminal syndicates operate globally; they are comprised of loose networks that cooperate intermittently but maintain their independence; and they employ sophisticated technology and financial savvy.
 
They are raising the specter of significant damage to the global economy by increasing their penetration of legitimate markets—blending illicit and ordinary business practices—and by conducting ever-more sophisticated cyber crimes that undermine trust in the security of our financial system.
 
Much like major terrorist organizations, criminal syndicates compartmentalize their activities so that no single person knows the details of the entire operation. Apprehending even a key figure may have little to no effect.  Enterprises that once focused on particular illicit activities are increasingly diversifying their operations.   If we do not act together to prevent them, these trends will only continue to intensify in the years to come.  And that is something that should concern all our nations.  In a world full of transnational threats, transnational crime is in an ascendant phase.
 

Using bribery, fraud, violence, and state relationships, enhanced by technology, transnational criminal organizations will increasingly damage the ability of legitimate businesses to compete in the global market space.
 
They will continue to develop their alliances with corrupt and complicit state officials, undermining the rule of law and enabling criminals to dodge regulation and flood the world market with pirated—and sometimes deadly—products that threaten industries dependent on intellectual property such as fashion, pharmaceuticals and technology.
 
And many criminal groups are broadening beyond their core functions into an ever wider range of criminal activities.  The global drug trade is now expanding to criminal groups in countries like Russia, China, Italy and the Balkans - countries that had not previously been victimized by narcotics trafficking.  Opium and heroin trafficked from Afghanistan funds the Taliban as well as insurgents and criminal groups in Central Asia, the Caucasus and Russia.  And the consequences are heartbreaking for families and communities as these illicit activities can be accompanied by unspeakable violence.
 
The United States is deeply concerned that transnational criminal organizations, especially in Mexico, are not only on the rise, but acquiring more powerful weapons.  We are taking strong action along with our Mexican partners to reverse this trend.
 
We have also seen an increase in violence associated with human smuggling, as drug trafficking organizations and other criminal groups are attracted by high profits, low chances of arrest and prosecution, and minor penalties.
 
Elsewhere, following the example of the Taliban and the Revolutionary Armed forces of Colombia, or FARC, terrorists and insurgent groups are increasingly turning to crime and criminal networks—and particularly to drugs—for funding and logistical support.   Clearly, this is evident in Afghanistan today.
 
Most troubling of all is the trend that this enhanced collaboration is leading  to criminals helping terrorists acquire weapons of mass destruction, a development that could threaten all our nations.  
 
This lethal nexus of organized crime, narco-trafficking, and terrorism is a threat that the United States, Russia and all of us share and should be working together to combat.   As criminal enterprises grow increasingly global, complex and sophisticated, only a multidimensional, multilateral strategy can combat them; one that takes advantage of the full range of our capabilities.
 
A gathering like this one confirms that transnational crime is no longer solely a public safety or law enforcement problem that is the exclusive purview of domestic authorities.  Rather, it is a threat to the security of each of our nations that we must address together.  

There are several steps we can take.

First, we must organize around a set of fundamental principles. These should include:

·     Protecting our citizens’ from the violence and exploitation of criminal networks;
·     Helping vulnerable countries fight corruption and foster good governance, and sever powerful state-crime relationships;
·     Breaking the financial infrastructures of transnational criminal networks;
·     And building international consensus and cooperation.

To meet these principles, let me suggest several priorities for action.

We should strengthen traditional law enforcement functions such as interdiction, investigations and prosecutions, while doing a better job of sharing with each other the information we uncover.

We should better protect our economies by denying criminals access to the international financial system. And we should harden our markets against them by exposing their business interests, stripping their financial assets, and ultimately locking them out of the corporate board room. This requires strong laws and authorities that match today’s business savvy criminals, and stronger partnerships between governments and the financial sector.

We should seek new ways to disrupt drug trafficking, which facilitates so many other illicit enterprises.   As the one of the world’s largest consumers of illegal drugs, the United States has a special responsibility in this area.  Last May, President Obama released our new National Drug Control Strategy, our plan to reduce domestic drug abuse over the next 5 years, largely through treatment, education, and prevention.  We are determined to do our part.
 
We should also make it more difficult for smugglers and traffickers to ply their trade, by protecting our borders, taking steps to prevent criminals from traveling, providing better training for border security professionals, developing strong watch lists and making greater use of biometrics.
 
We should target those who facilitate criminal activities. As criminal networks expand—and the threats they pose converge—they are increasingly reliant on facilitators who operate in both the licit and illicit worlds and provide services such as funding, logistics and the acquisition of weapons, false documents and other materials.

Countries like the United States must also help improve the capabilities of our emerging and developing partner states, which too often involuntarily provide safe haven for criminal networks.  This means proactively supporting such countries in their efforts to build accountable, transparent, and capable institutions that can enforce the rule of law and act as our partners to counter these threats.  Waiting until it is too late is not a good answer.
 
And finally, we should continue to build partnerships within multilateral institutions, because threats that respect no borders must be met by corresponding solutions.  Toward that end, the United States strongly supports the UN Convention Against Corruption and the Convention on Transnational Organized Crime.
 
Let me just conclude by saying that in the Obama Administration’s National Security Strategy, published earlier this year, we laid out America’s enduring national interests—security, prosperity, respect for universal values, and an international order that can meet the challenges of the 21st century.  
 
The expanding size, scope, and influence of transnational crime threatens each of those principles, and is one of the most significant security challenges we face—as a nation, and as an international community. No nation, no matter how powerful, can tackle it alone. And we look forward to working together—with Russia and with the nations you represent —to help shape a better future for each of our countries.
 
Once again, I would like to thank our hosts for their vision in deciding to hold such an important conference.
 
Thank you for your kind attention.

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by the President at a Meeting of the President's Economic Recovery Advisory Board

State Dining Room

2:10 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Have a seat, everybody.  Good afternoon.  Before we begin today’s meeting of my economic advisory board, I wanted to say a few words about one of the topics that we’ll be discussing, and something that’s one of our most important economic issues of our time:  the skills and education of our workforce, because every business leader in this room knows that the single most important predictor of America’s success in the 21st century is how well our workers can compete with workers all around the world. 

All of our education institutions -- from our pre-schools to our universities -- have a critical role to play here.  But one of our most undervalued assets as a nation is our network of community colleges.  These colleges don’t just serve as a gateway to good jobs for millions of middle-class Americans; community colleges also serve as a pool of talent from which businesses can draw trained, skilled workers.  Unfortunately, because of the burden the recession has placed on state and local budgets, community colleges have been forced to cap enrollments and scrap courses.  And even in the best of times, they receive far less funding than four-year colleges and universities. 

Not only is that not right -- I think it’s not smart.  Not at a time when so many Americans are still looking for work.  And not at a time when so many other nations are trying to out-educate us today so they can out-compete us tomorrow.  We need to be doing more, not less, to equip our workers with the skills and training they need in the 21st century.  It’s an economic imperative.   

And so I’ve said that by the year 2020, I want to see an additional 5 million community college degrees and certificates in America.  To reach this goal, we’re making an unprecedented investment in our community colleges -- upgrading them, modernizing them, and challenging these schools to pursue innovative, research-oriented approaches to educating.  And I’ve asked Dr. Jill Biden, a community college educator for more than 17 years who’s with us here today, to help promote community colleges around the country and lead the first ever White House Summit on Community Colleges, which will be taking place tomorrow.  And I’ve asked this economic advisory board to reach out to employers across the country and come up with new ways for businesses, community colleges, and other job-training providers to work together.

The result of their effort is an initiative called Skills for America’s Future, which we’ll be talking about today.  And I want to thank Penny Pritzker, and I believe Anna Burger and perhaps some other folks around this table, for putting in enormous amounts of time on this initiative.

The idea here is simple:  We want to make it easier to connect students looking for jobs with businesses looking to hire.  We want to help community colleges and employers create programs that match curricula in the classroom with the needs of the boardrooms. 

We’ve already seen cases where this can work.  Cisco, for example, has been working directly with community colleges to prepare students and workers for jobs ranging from work in broadband to health IT.  And all over the country, we know that the most successful community colleges are those that partner with the private sector.  So Skills for America’s Future would help build on these success stories by connecting more employers, schools, and other job-training providers, and helping them share knowledge about what practices work best.

The goal is to ensure that every state in the country has at least one strong partnership between a growing industry and a community college.  And already, companies from UTC to Accenture to the Gap have announced their support for this initiative, as well as business leaders like my friend Penny Pritzker and Aspen Institute’s Walter Isaacson.

I hope other business leaders will follow suit, and I’m also setting up a taskforce to work directly with the business community on this effort. 

This is one of those ideas that just makes sense.  Investing in the skills and education of our workers and connecting them with potential employers is something we should all be able to agree upon, whether we’re Republicans or Democrats, business leaders or labor leaders. 

But it can only happen if we maintain our commitment to education.  And so let me just make one last point before we start a broader discussion.  I realize that we’re facing an untenable fiscal situation.  There was a $1.3 trillion deficit staring at me when I took office, and although the economic crisis and the steps we took to stop the freefall temporarily added to our fiscal challenges, it’s clear that we’re going to have to get serious about the deficit.

And that’s why I’ve proposed a three-year freeze on non-security discretionary spending.  That’s why I’ve launched a bipartisan deficit reduction commission, which will be reporting in a few months.

What I won’t do is cut back on investments like education that are directly related to our long-term economic performance.  Now is not the time to sacrifice our competitive edge in the global economy.  And that’s why I disagree so strongly with the proposal from some on the other side of the aisle to cut education by 20 percent in next year’s budget.  It’s a cut that would eliminate 200,000 children from Head Start programs; would reduce financial aid for 8 million college students.  It would leave community colleges without the resources they need to meet the goals that we’ve talked about today.  And that just doesn’t make sense to me.

So I’m happy to have a debate about this issue in the coming months, but one thing I know is that this country will be stronger if all of our children get a world-class education.  That means, by the way, not just money -- it also means reform.  And I’m glad to see Arne Duncan sitting here today, who’s done as much to promote significant reform across the board than just about any Education Secretary in recent memory.

Our businesses will be more successful if they can find skilled, trained workers here in America.  Our future will be more secure if anybody who’s willing to work hard is able to achieve their dream of getting a college education.  And those are priorities that we all share.  Those are investments that benefit the entire nation.  And that’s what we need to focus on right now -- what will grow our economy, fuel our businesses, rebuild our middle class, and keep the American Dream alive for the 21st century. 

So I look forward to working with all of you toward that common goal, and now let’s get down to the business of this meeting.  I think they’re going to remove this big thing here and I’ll going to be able to sit down and we’ll have a good conversation.

So, all right, is somebody going to break this down?  And I’ll use this time to come around and say hello to everybody. 

* * * * *

THE PRESIDENT:  Well, let’s -- let’s dive in.  My understanding is that -- and you tell me, Mr. Chairman -- but I think that you are going to open up and introduce the subject and then we’re going to hear from Penny and Anna, both of whom worked very diligently on the Skills for America’s Future.

CHAIRMAN VOLCKER:  Well, let me say first of all we appreciate your presence and welcome your Secretaries and advisors here, Secretary Geithner and Duncan and Locke.

THE PRESIDENT:  We got have big cheeses around here.  (Laughter.)

CHAIRMAN VOLCKER:  I tell you, we ought to have some impact on something.  And we have a feeling that we’ve made some contributions in the past.  I might even mention regulatory reform, but infrastructure bank, which you’ve just been talking about, and weatherization, HOMESTAR, we’ve got this nice program of tax review, which we arrived at no conclusion, but rather demonstrated the problems in the tax system.

But anyway, today is on, as you know, Skills for America.  You’ve already introduced it.  Penny was the driver, so far as we were concerned.  We approved the program and its specifics a few -- an hour or so ago.  So Penny, the floor is yours.

MS. PRITZKER:  Thank you.  Well, Mr. President, Chairman Volcker, and our friends as members of the PERAB, today we voted -- the PERAB voted to recommend to you a new workforce development initiative, as you know, called Skills for America’s Future.  It’s a very exciting collaboration of the private sector, labor, the federal government agencies, and the community colleges.  And during the past year, the PERAB subcommittee on education and training has talked with scores of employers, educators, labor, and policy leaders to solicit their views on workforce development challenges.

We convened a series of meetings with seven different sectors of our economy:  technology, health care, financial services, small businesses, energy and utilities, service and retail, as well as manufacturing and construction.  And through these meetings, we identified public-private partnerships as one of the most effective ways that we can improve the skills and credentials that American workers and students are receiving.

So we also looked at the best practices of five companies that are doing an excellent job of improving and developing worker skills.  These companies are Accenture, Gap Inc., McDonald’s, Pacific Gas and Electric, and United Technologies Corporation, all of whom are here today.  These five companies helped us to develop this program and have signed on to be a part of this brand new initiative, and they’re going to invest their skills, their expertise, their people and dollars to support and create a more high-impact partnership with community colleges. 

The goals that we’ve set out for Skills for America’s Future are several.  First is to create a certification for best-in-class partnerships that develop career pathway and training programs.  The second is to recruit additional private sector and labor leaders to build a national network of high-impact partnerships at community colleges.  Basically we want to scale the program.  We also want to provide a national voice for the effectiveness of these partnerships and therefore to convene stakeholders to share best practices.

Our fourth objective is to work with the interagency task force to align workforce programs funded by the Department of Labor and the Department of Education with market demands to help the task force identify and develop stackable credentials in high-demand industries, and to increase the use of technology to improve training.

Finally, we want to ensure that every state has at least one high-impact partnership between industry and a community college, and our hope is that every state will have more than one.

Mr. President, this entire effort supports your goal for an additional 5 million community college degrees and certificates by 2020.  And the initiative -- we’re very excited -- the initiative will be part of what’s called the Economic Opportunities Program at the Aspen Institute, led by an executive director and a core team, but the work will be nationwide.  And our goal is that Skills for America’s Future will launch a national movement to strengthen America’s workforce, to optimize job-training programs, and ultimately job placement.

So we ask you, Mr. President, as you said earlier, to endorse Skills for America’s Future.  And we just can’t begin soon enough.  We believe putting the resources into training and development of workers, as you believe, is one of the best investments that we can make in our country.  So thank you.

THE PRESIDENT:  Well, thank you, Penny.  Anna, do you want to chime in, because I know you worked on this.  And then I actually -- I know traditionally sometimes people feel a little constrained in these conversations, but I’m going to make sure that I ask a couple questions.  I just want some top lines on where we think we can have the most impact most quickly on this.  But go ahead, Anna.

MS. BURGER:  Mr. President, thank you.  I would say on behalf of the whole President’s Economic Recovery Advisory Board, you really have given all of us an opportunity to come out from different perspectives and strategize around common issues that we all confront.  And I think that the training discussions that Penny led brought us all an opportunity to hear from business leaders, education leaders, union leaders, and practitioners, and really get into    what were the obstacles about -- in us being able to prepare the workforce for the future.

We heard it from all different perspectives and were able to grapple with all of those.  And so we heard what it was like for a worker who was struggling to get by, to figure out how to take advantage of opportunities at community colleges and elsewhere at the same time as supporting their families.  And we heard about employers who were struggling with finding the right talent at the right time, and community colleges being -- having a hard time trying to understand how to get ahead of the economy and not just doing what they did before.

And so these sessions gave us all an opportunity to learn from each other and understand that we have a long way to go, but that if we do it together that we can really get someplace much further.  And as our economy changes and as people are struggling to hold on to their jobs and think about their future, we have these incredible opportunities.

So from health care reform, as we move from a sick-care to a well-care program, we have the opportunity to create better jobs for home-care workers to be in the community and retrain critical-care workers to take care of people when they’re -- to keep them well as opposed to when they’re getting really sick.

We have the opportunities through the work that we’ve done through HOMESTAR and really thinking about how we can use the training centers that the laborers and others have across this country to bring people out of the community and retrofit our communities; at the same time, move them through the economy and give them greater skills so they can be building engineers and take on greater responsibilities as well.

And we heard from manufacturers about all the possibilities that we have in terms of turning our economy around and being a manufacturing base again if we have the workers who have the skills that we need.  And we saw collaboration in a way that I had not seen it before.  And we think that this opportunity, this initiative, gives us a way of being able to have a real public-private partnership, where workers and employers can be at the table, where we can actually bring our resources together and think about how we get from where we are today to the 21st century as quickly as possible. 

So I was honored to be able to be part of this, and I think that this initiative that we all voted on today that we hope that we can all embrace can make a difference for working people today and in the future.

THE PRESIDENT:  I’m very encouraged, and I fully endorse it.  I’m looking forward to being behind it 100 percent.  I am interested -- and maybe folks like Jim Skinner or others who are already doing this kind of work -- and you guys may have already gone over this -- but I’d be interested just in figuring out, when we look at the best practices, Penny, what two or three elements stand out, so that if we’re planning to scale up, what are some -- what are some indicators that this is the kind of workforce training that’s going to work; this is the kind that’s a waste of money and time that we have to revamp.  Is it primarily businesses having spoken to the community colleges ahead of time and designed -- helped them designed it so that they know what skills are needed?  Is a lot of it simply a matter of remediation, in which case we’ve got to do more work K-12 to make sure that folks are up to speed?  And obviously this will vary industry by industry.  But I don’t know if either Jim or Glenn or somebody who are already doing this, whether you guys have any thoughts on this, or Penny, based on all the conversations you had.

MR. SKINNER:  Well, I’d be happy to speak up.  The selfish viewpoint of McDonald’s, of course, around talent management leadership development, because we’re a growing company, is making sure we have the skill sets in our workforce that are capable of delivering on our strategies. 

Now, that has an enormous impact on America, because if you look at the work that we’re doing, which is centrally focused on English under the Arches, it’s not about our people being able to speak English; it’s about them being able to communicate more effectively, be more competitive in the workforce, and be associated with community colleges so that they can further their education.  And we’re going to expand that by 30 sites and another thousand managers.  We’ve impacted a thousand plus managers already. 

And the opportunity for them then to further their education -- Roger, you asked earlier the question about the connection to four-year colleges.  This gives them the opportunity to get credit in community colleges.  We’re willing to give our intellectual property to the community colleges and put these programs to work.  And they’re all audited and supported by the community college professors.  And it’s 110 hours, 22 weeks, and it already is showing a dividend, certainly for us in the workforce.  And not all these people stay with McDonald’s their entire working life.  They go somewhere else.  And so I think we’re contributing to the growth of these individuals for the workforce beyond what they might be doing today at McDonald’s.  And that’s how we’re connected with the current program, and we do a lot more, as you know, around talent management and leadership development.

THE PRESIDENT:  Good.  Glenn, you want to --

MR. MURPHY:  A little different than Jim’s.  I’d say the investment we’re making is really focused on leadership.  And if you look at Jim’s business and our business, it’s not uncommon that we have 26-, 27-year-old men and women who are running $5-$6 million businesses and they have 70-80 employees.  So we’ve really tried to work with the community colleges.  We’re going to be making investments in these seven cities. 

And part of that is job shadowing, having them spend quality time with our managers.  Of our workforce, we have 125,000 people of the business actually work in the stores.  Everything happens in the stores.  People like me have ceremonial jobs in offices and we do what we do, but the reality is we deal with millions of customers every single day inside our stores and that comes down to phenomenal leadership.

And the community colleges can only do so much.  I think they understand it and I think that we’ve been working through high schools to get people through a program we have in New York and Chicago to get them ready to work in our stores.  But the real angle on the community college is how do they get the leadership they need to feel confident that they can actually move forward in the business, deal with people, deal with difficult situations, lead and get the pride that comes with providing great leadership.

So at the Gap, our angle is really -- and these seven-city test we’re going to do, which I was saying earlier to Penny and Penny obviously has a lot of passion around this issue -- is to build it out to many more cities over the next couple years and really get deep with these community students, these men and young women, the future store managers of our business and give them the one skill that ultimately will separate them from being successful in our industry, which is how to lead.

THE PRESIDENT:  Penny, do you want to add anything?

MS. PRITZKER:  Well, I think that one of our objectives, Mr. President, is -- through this effort -- is to do exactly what you’ve asked us, which is to better understand what makes a successful partnership so that we can be replicating successful partnerships and sharing that information more efficiently.  It’s ad hoc at this point right now.  So those are the kinds of efforts that we’ll undertake.

THE PRESIDENT:  Robert, you have some thoughts about sort of unemployment generally and how that connects with worker training, potential skills mismatches that are out there right now.  You want to share some thoughts in terms of just the data that you’ve been looking at?

MR. WOLF:  So Mr. President and members of the administration, on behalf of the PERAB I’ve been asked to discuss the nature of unemployment, and I’ve broken it up into two sections. 

The first aligns with Penny and Anna’s discussion on why education and training matters and support of the Skills for America’s Future.  If you break down unemployment by education attainment, you will see that although the rate has doubled across the board for all segments, the numbers can be quite astonishing. 

The unemployment rate for an individual without a high school degree is 14-15 percent.  And for a high school degree with no college, it is double digits -- 11-12 percent.  Both significantly higher than individuals with more schooling.  Furthermore, there are large disparities across race, with African Americans and Hispanics much more likely to be unemployed than whites.

Sadly, as the work we’ve done, the disparities by education and race widen when we consider the full jobless rate or the underemployment number.  That only reinforces the importance of education and training initiatives, which is what we are here to discuss.

Now to the second point.  If you look at the hardest-hit states across factors such as unemployment, mortgage foreclosures, and industry-sector job losses, you will see a direct correlation. 

For example, Nevada, Florida, Michigan and California rank in the top five states for both unemployment and the share of mortgages underwater.  These four states have also lost a disproportionate amount of jobs in construction or manufacturing or both, way above the national levels.  These two industries, construction and manufacturing, have lost the most jobs during the downturn.  Construction is around 20 percent, and manufacturing is around 15 percent. 

Mr. President, the PERAB wants you to know that this reinforces the need to ramp up two of your key initiatives:  infrastructure spending and HOMESTAR.  It’s critical that in this changing trend that for us to create new jobs, these are the two key initiatives that we need to continue.

Now, I’ve been asked to pass to John Doerr.  He’ll discuss in a little more detail the HOMESTAR program.

MR. DOERR:  I’m going to give you, Mr. President, and the administration an update on where we stand on this HOMESTAR effort, which you remember is something to create jobs in the hardest-hit of our industries, construction industry, while at the same time we’re using private capital to save consumers money on their energy bills and deal with our energy-independence problems, so a triple win, all three things going.

And it, after your endorsement, Mr. President, attracted quite a range of support from the Chamber of Commerce, the National Association of Manufacturers, folks also that you might call environmental groups, 3,000 small and medium businesses from every state, and major labor and business organizations. 

It’s passed the House.  This is really one of those bipartisan bills.  And it must pass the Senate.  I believe the votes are there in the Senate.  They’re looking for, I guess, they call “the right vehicle” to put that bill together. 

But I think it’s relevant today because one of the two tracks involves training workers to upgrade their skills and to create a new industry in America, which would be a professional home retrofit industry, and it’s just not very often you get the chance, with a small federal program, to kickstart what I estimate is a $30-$40 billion new American industry whose jobs are never going to be outsourced. 

So I know your administration is working very hard to push this forward.  That’s our status, and perhaps it could be part of an oil spill bill or some other action before the Congress adjourns.

THE PRESIDENT:  As you know, I’ve been sold on this for a long time.  When we announced our desire to move aggressively for this, we went over to Home Depot, and what was striking was not only the enthusiasm, obviously, of a big national company like Home Depot, but talking to the -- I met a young man who had been unemployed for 16 months, was retrained over the course of two to three months to lay down insulation, had proven to be just a terrific employee.  He was working for a small contractor who had seen his business collapse after the housing bubble burst, and now was seeing a significant pickup in his work around this notion. 

So this can have a terrific impact at retail level among small businesses and among young people who can be trained fairly rapidly to take on this work and to do a terrific job.  So we’re going to push hard.  And obviously it also cut our nation’s electricity bill, which we’re all concerned about for energy and environmental reasons as well.  This is going to be a top priority.

Jeff, do you want to talk a little bit about how you see this from a -- for a company that operates internationally?  And obviously you and I have spoken a lot about how we can boost exports.  One of my main goals is boosting exports.  We’re going to need a good workforce to do it.

MR. IMMELT:  Mr. President, the exports markets remain strong.  I was in Asia the last couple of weeks, and again the economy has remained very strong.  I think the work that Secretary Locke and State and USTR is really being felt, so I want to say thanks for that.  Our exports continue to grow, as I know Jim’s do and other -- UTC and others.  So we very much are supportive of the export initiative.

Our work is really around really recruiting high-tech manufacturing, resources that help us make jet engines and gas turbines.  The community colleges provide a very good asset that we work with labor in our communities to train people.  Typically we design a two-year course with the community colleges and actually hire the people so they have on-the-job training; they come to work at GE, they get training in the afternoon, at night.  And by the end of that two-year time period they can do precision machining and the other types of high-tech work that I think we want to have in this country.

The last thing I would say is that well-trained -- this workforce remains the most competitive in the world.  We can drive quality, cost, speed that is second to none.  And we have big faith that that can be done here with the right level of education.  And the community colleges are incredibly flexible to work with us on designing our own curriculum, which I think is a real asset as well.

THE PRESIDENT:  I think this last point is really important.  I’ve never spoken to a community college president who would not happily redesign just about any program to meet the needs of an employer who says, I’ve got a thousand folks that I’m willing to hire if they get the right training.  And obviously at the federal level, this is an area where we’ve got to exhibit maximum flexibility. 

So where our resources go from the Department of Education or from Department of Labor, we are willing to modify any bureaucratic tangles to make sure that that training matches up with jobs as quickly as possible.

Jim, you’ve got -- you guys are also selling a lot of stuff.  I’m glad to see it.

MR. OWENS:  If I could just come back to the Skills for America initiative.  We’ve worked very closely with Penny and Anna as they were working on the program, but Caterpillar has leveraged the community colleges around the country.  We, in fact, with our dealers have a partnership with about 12 of them that have a great curriculum to develop skilled service mechanics to do field service work.  And these skills are transferable to other industries, but we’ve developed this program specifically with the community colleges, and just a terrific working rapport with them.  And it’s been going on for several years.

Now we have four new plants being built in the United States and every one of those cities has community colleges partnering with us on the training that we need for the people coming into those facilities.  So I couldn’t be more positive about this program.

Our business has gotten a little better so let me give you just some quick feedback on that.  I told you earlier in the year I thought our exports this year would be up about 65 percent, and I raised that estimate a bit.  It’s maybe going to be considerably better than that.  We’re seeing a very sharp V recovery in most of the developing-market theater of the world economy to where global mining, global oil and gas industries are back at all-time record levels.  We have hired -- and mostly driven by exports -- about 4,000 people directly in the U.S. already this year and we’ll be adding to that over the next few months as our schedules are continuing to ramp up.  And our suppliers have probably added on the order of four times that number.  And most of those are small and midsize companies. 

So when the GEs and Caterpillars of the world win in the global market, all employers participate in that, and our communities.  So it’s getting a little better.

Having said that -- and I’m going to come back to this unemployment thing, too, and I’m sort of the transitional speaker for the group -- we have a very serious cyclical unemployment level that’s very concerning, and a lot of people who have been unemployed for an extended period of time.  I want to come back to infrastructure.  I know it sounds self-serving, since we work with that industry, but we’ve got, in the skill trades and building construction in general, because of this very sharp downturn in housing, the unemployment rates are over 20 percent. 

So there are a lot of skilled people ready to go to work that don’t have an opportunity.  There’s clearly a lack of demand in this area.  And I think we have a deficit in terms of investment in this country in the infrastructure we need to help us compete in the world market in the future. 

So doing more of this on an emergency basis with the extreme unemployment levels that we have I think will help our economy and better position it to compete in the world market a decade or two ahead.  And the welfare of our citizenry is really a function of our ability to compete in global markets.  And we need to be really consciously thinking about that now.  We need a different kind of recovery this time.  It can’t be retail-driven so much as it’s got to be investment and really global competitiveness, export-oriented to give us the kind of sustainable recovery we’re looking for.

So let’s -- I know you’ve made some proposals on infrastructure.  Anything we can do to help you move those things forward.

THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  We’d be delighted.

Rich, I know that obviously you’re hearing some of this -- what Jim said -- from your old membership.  Folks in the trades right now who were doing well when the housing market was booming have been devastated over the last couple of years, and so I’m assuming that ideas like infrastructure are ones that would garner strong support from your members.

MR. TRUMKA:  In construction, we have about 40-42 percent of our members on the bench right now.  And I want to thank you, Mr. President, for first bringing us together to talk about jobs and the urgent need for more investment and workforce training.  As Annie indicated a little earlier, the labor movement is a leader in workforce training, spending more than $1.5 billion a year on unions and joint programs to train people as diverse as hospital workers, electricians, hotel chefs, machinists and master mason -- but as Jim said, with 15 million people unemployed, we’re worried that the people that we give the training to aren’t going to have the jobs. 

Now, we know you’re committed to creating good jobs in this country.  You’ve done everything possible.  But we stand -- there’s a few things that stand in our way.  So I’d like to make three or four points along those lines.

First of all, we do applaud your efforts for job creation through the $50 billion infrastructure investment of building roads and rails and runways and providing aid to small business.  All of those are going to make us more competitive as a nation ultimately and they’re also going to put us back to work.

But as Jim said, we have an aggregate demand problem in this country.  So I’d like to make three quick points.  One, because of the state and local government cutback, the recovery is starting to flag.  Now, your leadership was critical in securing $26 million in FMAP funding for states struggling to maintain services, but they continue to face severe challenges.  In 2009 and 2010, local and state governments have cut back 11 percent on services.  And the 2011 spending level is projected to be 7.6 percent below the 2008 levels.

So we’ve seen 242,000 state and local workers laid off since August of 2008.  Those cutbacks are dragging down the economic recovery and they offset your efforts to stimulate demand through the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act.

The second point I’d make very briefly is the need to address structural changes, primarily currency manipulation, if we’re going to succeed in restoring good middle-class jobs.  And we appreciate what your administration is doing and the increasing focus that you’re putting on this thing.  China is the main culprit but there are several other Asian countries that are following suit.  Our estimate is that the yuan is about 40 percent undervalued and it grows over time, and the Chinese government’s systematic intervention in currency markets is a blatant violation of its obligations.

So we think quick action along those lines could have a fast payoff in terms of stimulating American jobs, exports, and manufacturing.

And the last point is we think we need to rebalance our economy in order to succeed globally, because if the United States is going to be a high-wage, high-performance export-led economy, it needs to do three things that the other successful wealthy industrialized exporting countries have done.  First, invest much more in education and lifelong training, which is what we’re recommending that you do today; second, continue to invest in modern infrastructure, as Jim Owens has discussed earlier, including transportation, communications, and clean energy for the 21st century; and the third is to support labor law reforms that will allow workers the freedom to choose a union without fear of reprisal, because in a cutting-edge economy, unions are an essential partner for fast-paced innovative business.  And successful high-wage export economies around the world have empowered workers, not treated them like costs to be cut.

So, Mr. President, we really applaud you for all the efforts you’ve made to, first, save the economy, and then turn it around and start to create jobs and build a foundation where the economy can grow and the jobs that we need can be created.  And all of us look forward to working with you in that endeavor.

THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  All my economic team -- Tim, Larry, now Austan as the head of the CEA, my Cabinet Secretaries at Commerce and Education, Labor -- we spend a big chunk of each week and have for the last two years trying to optimize the nation’s economic performance and the recovery in light of a couple of things that have already been mentioned.  Obviously the severity of the downturn.  Historically financial crises brink about recessions that are deeper and longer lasting than the normal business-cycle recessions.  There is a sense on the part of consumers that they have to start saving more and cutting back on their debt levels, and that means that the prospect of a consumer-driven V-shaped recovery is less likely. 

And we’re in a fiscal environment in which we were already in debt, which means that some of the traditional tools that we have are more difficult to apply.  We essentially have to apply the accelerator and the brakes at the same time.

But two things that I think might be worth focusing on in the remainder of our time would be, one, the issue that’s already been raised -- the issue of aggregate demand.  Are there ways that in a cost-effective fashion we can boost aggregate demand?  And the second thing we should talk about is uncertainty, because one of the things that we do here -- obviously this has been prominent in the business press -- is the notion that, well, companies are now making a profit again, they’re sitting on a lot of cash, but they’re unwilling to put that cash to work investing because they’re concerned about uncertainty, whether it’s legislative, health care, financial regulatory reform, or taxes and the outlook there.

So I’d be interested in hearing some thoughts from the group on both those items.  Martin, I will start with you and see if there are some strategies for boosting aggregate demand that would garner your support, knowing that you are obviously concerned about our long-term fiscal outlook.

MR. FELDSTEIN:  Thank you very much, Mr. President.  Yes, you’re right, I am very concerned about the size of the out-year fiscal deficits.  And I would emphasize that the size of the aggregate demand problem is massive.  We’re talking about a GDP shortfall of about a trillion dollars, annual rate of a trillion dollars.  That’s the size of the gap between the GDP today and what it would be if we were operating at full employment.  And that’s why we have about a 10 percent unemployment rate.

So what can be done?  Well, I think one thing -- I have thoughts about three things.  First, fixing the housing markets, the residential housing markets.  With the end of the first-time homebuyer credit, I think we’re beginning to see house prices coming down again.  I think that’s likely to accumulate more falls in house prices.  That will cut consumer spending.  And it makes it harder for people to move from where they are to where the jobs are.

The administration’s policies, as you know, have focused on helping people who are having a hard time meeting their monthly payments, on mortgage modifications that cut the monthly payments, but they don’t deal with the major problem of individuals who are underwater in their mortgages, who owe more on their mortgages than the house is worth, and that’s about 30 percent of all of the people who have mortgages.  They owe more and the average ratio of their debt to the value of their home is about 130 percent.  So it’s not surprising that we’re seeing increasing volumes of foreclosures and defaults, and that can only get worse if house prices fall.  So I think an expanded, aggressive strategy to deal with principal modification is really necessary.

The second thing is helping businesses get loans so they can expand their hiring and expand their business, helping small businesses in particular.  And the key there as I see it is that local banks are cutting back on their willingness to lend because of their expected losses on commercial real estate.  Congress recently passed your plan to use $30 billion of TARP money to inject capital.  It remains to be seen how much the small banks are going to be willing to take up some of those funds, but I think more can be done.

In particular, what I think could be done is to allow the small banks that sell impaired loans to the public-private investment partnership or to others, to amortize the resulting losses of capital over several years -- say, five years -- so that if they sell off an impaired loan that cuts their capital, instead of being forced to cut back on their lending, they would have a period of time over which to do it.

And the third thing deals with the tax rates.  As you know, I think that the current tax rates should be continued for two years for everybody, but with no legislative commitment after that.  I think the two-year extension would help to keep demand alive at a time when the economy is weak, and the notion that it would not continue after that would take some $2 trillion off the size of the national debt at the end of the decade.  And that would give a boost to confidence that the administration is really focusing on bringing down the out-year fiscal deficit.

So I think all three of those can help to move in the right direction and they do so without increasing the fiscal deficit.

THE PRESIDENT:  Obviously we may not have time to pursue it today -- if you’ve got some specific ideas on the housing front I think we should hear them.  And I’ll make sure that our team follows up.  The small business -- it does sound like you’ve got something worked out that -- with some specificity.  I’d be interested in seeing how it might fit with some of the work we’re already doing to help get small businesses loans.

The tax debate is a long one.  I think the interesting question would be whether you felt the same way if you knew that there was -- if you extended all the tax cuts for two years, that you couldn’t hold the floodgates back and you’d then be extending them into perpetuity, whether you’d feel the same way.

MR. FELDSTEIN:  I think what could be done after two years will depend on whether there are other reductions in the out-year deficits.  If the fiscal commission or if the administration can find either savings on the spending side or changes in tax expenditures so that the outlook is more favorable, the fiscal outlook, then maybe a modified version of continuing the tax cuts.  But I think drawing the line at the end of the two years is better than a commitment now to continue indefinitely.  And I think not doing anything for the next two years risks sucking a lot of demand out of the economy at a time where really, as you know, we’ve been expanding but at a slower and slower pace, quarter after quarter.  This doesn’t seem to me a time when you want to pull back demand by letting tax rates jump.

THE PRESIDENT:  Bill, do you have some thoughts on this issue of either aggregate demand or uncertainty -- or both?

MR. DONALDSON:  Thank you, Mr. President.  I believe that in a very short haul, uncertainty is depressing aggregate demand.  It is out there, latent.  And we have all sorts of evidence of this.  We have -- the banks are sitting on cash.  The consumer is scared, paying down his debt.  Wall Street and the financial community is uncertain about where the Dodd bill -- how that’s going to work out in terms of regulation. 

I subscribe to all that’s been said here before in terms of the amalgamation and working together with community colleges and so forth and so on.  But that’s not going to happen overnight.  And so what I would suggest is that your administration, and particularly you, step forward with a statement that you’re not going to, at this time, increase taxes for anybody, and relieve that uncertainty.

That isn’t to say that you’re not going to do something about taxes, you and the Congress, but you’re going to delay that.  And I think the spark that would come from that, you’re going to delay that, and then weave it into an overall tax reform, but not until you provide that spark to get us off this dead center. 

And I think that prolonged arguments in the Congress about this after people come back is going to be counterproductive to this issue of uncertainty.  I think that that will heighten it.  And I think you have within your power and the power of this administration to put a pin into that uncertainty with a view toward putting the whole tax problem together in a more thought-through, complete package.

THE PRESIDENT:  Let me just address this because both you and Martin raised this.  I mean, it’s interesting, sort of the focus is on uncertainty with respect to tax policy.  Keep in mind that my administration has already been very unequivocal in saying that we will not change taxes at all for 98 percent of Americans, which you’d think would provide some level of certainty; that with respect to aggregate demand, I don’t know any economist -- including, I think, Martin -- who would argue that we are more likely to get a bump in aggregate demand from $700 billion of borrowed money going to people like those of us around this table who I suspect if we want a flat-screen TV can afford one right now and are going out and buying one.

If we were going to spend $700 billion, it seems that we’d be wiser having that $700 billion going to folks who would spend that money right away if we were going to boost aggregate demand.  And the consequences of extending the upper-income tax cuts, based on what we’ve heard fairly explicitly in the political environment, is that you do that now you’re going to do it forever.  There’s not going to be necessarily a deal that says -- as Martin, I think -- an entirely respectable position is to say extend them all for two years and then they go away.  I mean, that’s an intellectually consistent position.  But that’s not really the position that is being promoted up on Capitol Hill.

And so the question is, if I can achieve certainty for 98 percent of the people affected by the tax code, and there’s an argument about the 2 percent, primarily because there’s also great uncertainty about our deficits and how we’re going to pay for those over the long term, why wouldn’t I go ahead and promote certainty on the bulk of these taxes, and also in that way preserve some flexibility to do something about a deficit, which everybody says is out of control and that we’re going to have to do something with immediately?

I will allow Martin to respond, only because I named him in my comment.  And then I’m going to bring in the big guns -- I’m going to have Laura come in.  (Laughter.)  So, go ahead.  Go ahead.

MR. FELDSTEIN:  Well, thank you.  I think there are two issues.  One is about the size of the out-year deficits, because the administration’s formal plan, your formal plan, would continue for the 98 percent indefinitely.  And so that’s the extra $2 trillion that people worry about.

But I think the impact of the tax increase for the high income who represent about, as you say, 2 percent of the taxpayers but about 50 percent of the tax dollars, the impact is one of attitude, confidence. 

As we’ve talked during the PERAB discussion earlier, before you joined us, there’s this concern about the business community’s attitude about the administration.  And it’s not just the business community, it’s high-income individuals, entrepreneurs and others.  And so the increase in the tax on those individuals is a signal that the administration --

THE PRESIDENT:  They have to pay slightly higher taxes.  (Laughter.)

MR. FELDSTEIN:  -- that they’re going to have to pay higher taxes, and it may be even more going forward.

THE PRESIDENT:  I understand.  I mean --

MR. FELDSTEIN:  So it’s more than just the mechanical -- whether they can afford another flat-screen TV, but how they think about their business life and economic life going forward.

THE PRESIDENT:  I understand your point.  And we can’t belabor this.  I just think it’s a very interesting discussion because essentially what the argument comes down to is that the psychology of those of us -- and I’m in this category -- those of us who are wealthy and make a lot of decisions that determine whether investments are made or not -- that our psychology is sufficiently important; that even if we don’t need a tax cut, we should give them a tax cut, we should give us a tax cut in order to induce us to play ball, because otherwise we’re going to take the ball and go home.

And I understand the argument, and it may be true, but I think that you might understand how folks who have, as you pointed out, seen their home go underwater by $100,000 or have lost their jobs or are having trouble making ends meet, and they’re thinking, boy, I could use tax relief right now, they might feel like they’re being held hostage here; and that they also know that down the road we’re going to have to make decisions about spending cuts to offset whatever tax breaks or expenditures we put out there; and that they, in the weaker position, are going to be ones who are really hurting.

And so this is something that we’re going to have to wrestle with as a society, particularly given, Martin, that the group that you’re talking about that you said psychologically might need a tax cut are the folks who disproportionately have been benefiting over the last two or three decades from all the growth in productivity so that they have a larger share -- we have a larger share -- of income and wealth than we have at any time since, what, the 1920s.  You probably know the statistics better than I do.

So Laura, do you want to -- let me actually get some economic help here.  (Laughter.) 

MS. TYSON:  Well, I didn’t come prepared to talk to the tax issue.  I will say a couple of things, having listened to the discussion. 

One is I’m struck by the fact that a lot of the companies we talk about having lots of cash, where it sits -- if you read the reports, say, of the Business Council, Business Roundtable, National Association of Manufacturers, if you listen to the CEOs of big companies sitting here, this tax issue doesn’t come up. 

So I don’t -- I’m not in -- I don’t really believe, and I don’t think there’s evidence that we can point to to document, that the uncertainty about what’s going to happen to the tax rate of the top 2 percent of Americans who share -- the share of income now that they had in 1928, that that is really what’s holding the economy back.  I just don’t -- I’m not convinced and I don’t hear from the business community in general that that’s the issue. 

If they’re going to talk about taxes, the business community that I know with the large amounts of cash that could employ large numbers of people are more likely to talk about corporate tax reform.  They’re more likely to talk about repatriation.  They’re more likely to talk about deferral.  They’re not talking about their particular income tax bracket.  So I just am not convinced.

And finally, I was -- I didn’t come prepared to say this, but I would say -- (laughter) -- I’d just go with the CBO here.  If you take the money -- take the money and spend it on something that is more demand-generating -- bring the revenue in from the top 2 percent and use it to fund the national infrastructure bank; use it to fund a tax cut for -- to basically a temporary tax cut on payrolls; use it to fund state and local governments on Arne’s education initiative.  The money can be used in a more demand-generating way if that’s what we need to do.

So I’m not convinced that uncertainty about the tax rate really has to do with our problem.  It is primarily an aggregate demand problem.  You’ve articulated it completely.  Your team knows it and you know it.  The size of the problem is very large -- Marty mentioned that as well -- and we have limited tools because we’re in a fiscal hole at the beginning.

I think that’s why -- and I would point here, if there’s any debate about whether there is uncertainty about aggregate demand, let’s just point to the Federal Reserve and listen to their discussions.  Their discussions indicate that they are very uncertain about the state of aggregate demand and that they are beefing up their toolbox of things they can do if things falter more than they expect.  So there is a huge amount of uncertainty about the course, the strength of demand.  It’s weak and we don’t know how fast it’s going to recover.  That’s the reality.

So what can you do on the fiscal side?  I think what you have been doing and what we have been talking about are the things we really have to focus on.  You have to focus on things where you can spend a limited amount of funds -- perhaps by taking in revenue from the top 2 percent -- but you can spend some funds on a project, on projects like infrastructure, that both create demand now because they hire people to do the projects now -- that’s what Jim has been talking about from the beginning, the importance of infrastructure as a way to hire people now.  But brilliantly, such projects also create supply for the future.  They also make us more competitive for the future.

And furthermore, if you fund a lot of these projects through public-private partnerships, they will be paid for.  They don’t add to the long-run deficit.  And also, there’s this wonderful thing of leverage.  You know, the CEA report on the stimulus package in July, there was a very good last section there saying about $300-$400 billion of the stimulus package -- actually, I guess it was $100-$200 billion -- had leverage with the private sector of three to four times.  That’s the kind of project where a little government money on an infrastructure project can bring in a lot of money.  A little money on alternative energy can bring in a lot of money.  A little money on R&D.

So I would urge you to think about leverage, where a dollar of fiscal spending -- and this is spending money, primarily, or targeted tax relief -- can leverage a lot of private money.  And of course, what we’re talking about how we started the program today is exactly that.  We’re talking about partnership where the government isn’t putting in many resources at all -- it’s putting in some -- but you mobilize the private sector.

So that’s -- aggregate demand is the issue.  We have limited fiscal tools, but I think if we focus on infrastructure, you focus on education, you focus on R&D, alternative energy, places where the private sector really wants to be with you, you’ll get a lot of leverage and you’ll get some jobs.

THE PRESIDENT:  I’m going to let -- I’d like to hear Paul chime in.  And then, Mark, maybe you can address another source of uncertainty that’s at least been expressed and that’s regulatory uncertainty.  And then I think we can wrap up.

MR. VOLCKER:  I’m going to demonstrate that the chairman of this committee faces an unruly membership.  (Laughter.)  Has their own minds.  But I want to show you that my psychology will not be affected -- (laughter) -- by turning to the tax rate which you expect that are in existing law.  And given the deficit we have -- I’m just repeating the arguments -- if you’re looking for the priorities of where to provide some stimulus, the most unlikely place to apply stimulus would be for those that already have so much of the wealth of the country that has been accumulated over two decades when the people under $250,000 have had no increase in real income during this period of time.

And it seems to me the argument -- whatever the precise number is -- is very strong.  In fact, I don’t understand the opposite argument.  But that’s beside the point, maybe.

THE PRESIDENT:  All right.  Mark?

MR. GALLOGLY:  I have a couple of quick comments on what’s been said before and then on regulation.

What Penny drove in this process for me will ultimately lead it to a crisp answer to the question you were asking about what works.

If you take -- if you’re able to analyze this broadly across the country, then you can figure out what’s working and what’s not, and what’s getting the best return.

And when we talk about uncertainty, Marty’s comment, which in many ways I agree with on housing -- housing is so driving profoundly the problems in the country.  One of his comments was, look, I think we should aggressively deal with principal modification -- that whole discussion.

Well, if you want -- the other side of that is if you really want to increase uncertainty, go deal with principal modification, okay?  Because there’s a whole market out there that’s assuming you’re not going to deal with principal modification.  So I think that that’s why you’re paid the big bucks, I guess.  You have to figure out -- (laughter) -- you have to figure out which of these two it really is because that narrow issue could really create more uncertainty than it’s solving, at least if it’s done in an incorrect way.

On regulation for a second, one suggestion that I’ve heard, I didn’t come up with -- another fellow mentioned to me -- is that if you look at the aggregate economy and you say for a variety of reasons, this administration has had to deal with health care and energy and education and financial -- re-regulation of all four of these, and that that by definition when you re-regulate whole sectors of the economy -- in this case, four huge sectors of the economy -- you do create uncertainty, particularly when the rules need to then be re-thought -- that if -- could you possibly think about this in the context of a PAYGO, where for every incremental regulation you’re putting in place, you’re looking at the last few decades of regulation that are already in place, and you’re taking something off the table.

A practical example of that today I think is Secretary Geithner must be dealing with the whole issue of mortgages and how you regulate mortgages on a go-forward basis, and there are multiple constituencies within that, including we decided, for a variety of reasons, not to consolidate regulatory bodies in the United States.  And each -- several of them have their mandate for how they want mortgages to be regulated.  Well, is that a good idea?

You’re going to ultimately have at least two, possibly three major forms of mortgage opportunity or mortgage forms or mortgage regulation in the U.S.  And it seems that if you couldn’t get rid of -- because for whatever reason, politically it wasn’t the right thing to do -- these multiple agencies, if the objective is to provide clarity to the consumer and to the financial institutions of how a mortgage is done, then maybe you could come up with one mortgage -- one way to approach that, as opposed to three separate ones, which is probably where it’s going today.

So whether the concept of PAYGO could completely apply or not, if you were to provide a clarity to the administration that it’s not just added regulation, there’s something else that has to come off the table, I think that would go a long way -- or at least partway to dealing with some of Bill and Marty’s comments.

THE PRESIDENT:  Well, I want to pick up on this because I think, Mark, you did a masterful summary of some of the challenges we’ve faced.

The reforms that we saw -- let’s just take the financial sector -- I think most of us would agree that the rules that had been in place weren’t working.  If they had been working, then we wouldn’t have found ourselves in the mess that we were in.

By definition, if you are reworking the rules for a financial sector that had grown to 30 percent of our economy, then that’s going to be disruptive, and that’s challenging.  I think you are absolutely right that having taken a series of steps that were necessary it’s important now that there is a period of healing and consolidation and implementation that is less disruptive.

And I also think that part of that process involves going through what’s already on the books to see are there areas that have outlived their usefulness that no longer serve a function, particularly if you’ve got a new set of rules in place that are going more directly to current economic arrangements.  And so OIRA, the agency that’s charged with looking through rules -- I mean, part of what we’ve been in discussions with them about is how do we take old rules off the books, not just add new rules on?  And that’s something that we want to move forward very aggressively on. 

In fact, when the Business Roundtable came to us with a list of things that they felt were adding uncertainty, I mean, I will tell you some of the things they have on the list, which were equal-pay-for-equal-work laws, our attitude was, you know, feel certain that I think women should be paid as much as men -- (laughter) -- and you should just take that to the bank.  That’s something that I think is the right thing to do.

There were other areas where they had some legitimate concerns; that you had contradictory regulations that were working at odds with each other and really at this point didn’t make sense.  And what we’re trying to do is go through very systematically to see where we can eliminate unnecessary red tape, unnecessary bureaucracy, regulations that have outlived their usefulness. 

And what we’re also trying to do is make sure that in the implementation of the new rules that have been put in place, that there’s a collaborative process so that people have input and have -- can get some confidence that these aren’t just being put together willy-nilly.

I will tell you that there are some examples -- the one you just raised, for example, if we’ve got too many forums that are regulating mortgages -- where we fought pretty hard to try to streamline it.  It was tough.  There are a whole host of jurisdictional and political issues that come up.  And we’ll continue to try to work on that front.

But I think your general point, that you can’t just add new laws without taking away some that don’t make sense, is important. 

I also want to pick up on the point Laura made about taxes.  We’ll have to have a longer conversation about why we think businesses choose to invest or don’t invest; where the sources of uncertainty are.  I’ve said publicly, and Tim and I and Larry and Austan and others have talked extensively both in private and publicly, we would be very interested in finding ways to lower the corporate tax rate so that companies that are operating overseas are -- can do so effectively and aren’t put at a competitive disadvantage.  We’d like to do so and figure out a way to do it that’s revenue-neutral because, as you pointed out, just as some of Martin’s prescriptions might in some cases add uncertainty and so we end up having contradictory imperatives, the same is true on tax policy. 

Look, I’d be the most popular President on earth if I could just eliminate all taxes -- except then people want to pay for stuff, and also want to make sure that we’re closing our deficit, and make sure that Social Security and Medicare are there for future generations, and make sure that our kids are learning, and make sure that we have good roads so that we can drive to the Gap or McDonald’s and spend our money.  And that means we’re going to have to make some choices. 

But I do want to say to this group -- and I know that there was a subgroup that already worked on this and it was somewhat inclusive, but I’d like to continue to drive forward -- if there are ideas whereby we can lower corporate tax rates in a way that does not massively add to our deficit but instead revolves around closing loopholes much in the way the last major tax overhaul in ‘86 was able to square the circle, that is something that we would be very interested in, we think could eliminate uncertainty, might reduce each of your bills for accounting and legal services, and could be a win-win for everybody.  And that’s an area that we’d like to collaborate on.

So, Mr. Chairman, anything you want to close with?

MR. VOLCKER:  Well, just on this thought of uncertainty, there are two things on my list that I give priority to.  One is the corporate tax situation, which is a mess.  And the other is getting those trade agreements -- those little trade agreements through, which disturb people when obviously protectionist measures are rising.  And I think both of those agreements are in our interests.  They’re small, they’re minor, but they give a signal, an important signal right now.

THE PRESIDENT:  I agree.  And Korea is not so minor, especially when the EU and Canada have already wrapped up trade agreements with Korea. 

MR. VOLCKER:  So it’s more important to do it, yes. 

THE PRESIDENT:  Yes.  So -- see, this was a fun conversation.  It went a little off-script, which is good.  (Laughter.)  I liked it.  I enjoyed it.

Thank you very much, everybody.  And I’m looking forward -- I like the fact, by the way, that our Cabinet members were able to join us.  I think this is a format that will work better for future meetings.  Thank you.

END
3:21 P.M. EDT