The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
11:27 A.M. EDT
PRESIDENT OBAMA: I want to welcome Premier Wen to the United States, and once again say what an outstanding partner he’s been over the last 21 months since I’ve been in office.
Along with President Hu, Premier Wen I think has exhibited extraordinary openness and cooperation with us as we try to strengthen the relationship between our two countries, a relationship that is based on cooperation, on mutual interest, on mutual respect.
We have worked together on a whole range of issues. Obviously one of the most important issues has been to deal with the financial crisis and the recession that traveled around the world over the last several years. In the G20 our cooperation I think has been absolutely critical.
I should probably actually let somebody translate now. (Laughter.)
Even as we’ve stabilized the world economy so that it is growing again and trade is growing again, we’ve also been working on a host of other issues that are of common interest.
For example, we’ve cooperated extensively on issues of nuclear nonproliferation, and we have also had very frank discussions and cooperated on issues of climate change.
Obviously we continue to have more work to do. On the economic front, although the world economy is now growing again, I think it’s going to be very important for us to have frank discussions and continue to do more work cooperatively in order to achieve the type of balance and sustained economic growth that is so important and that we both signed up for in the context of the G20 framework.
And we also I think have to work cooperatively together in order to achieve regional peace and stability, because the world looks to the relationship between China and the United States as a critical ingredient on a whole range of security issues around the world.
Fortunately, the Strategic and Economic Dialogue that we’ve set up provides an excellent forum for us to work through a range of bilateral as well as multilateral issues.
I have great confidence in the interest of both President Hu and Premier Wen to continue on the path of cooperation and mutually beneficial policies. I look forward to seeing them at the G20 and APEC this fall. And I’m looking forward hopefully to the possibility of President Hu visiting us for an official state visit sometime in the near future.
So, Premier Wen, to you and your delegation, welcome. And let me once again express on behalf of the American people our desire to continue to build a growing friendship and strong relationship between the peoples of China and the United States.
PREMIER WEN: (As translated.) It’s a great pleasure to meet President Obama and all our American friends here. I always believed that China-U.S. relationship has gone beyond the bilateral scope and has important influence internationally.
Our common interests far outweigh our differences. In spite of the disagreements of one kind or another between our two countries, I believe these differences can be well resolved through dialogue and cooperation. So the China-U.S. relationship will always forge ahead. I have confidence in this.
Just now you, Mr. President, referred to a host of areas where our two countries have cooperated, and I have come to the United States with such a cooperative spirit, too. Our two countries can have cooperation on a series of major international issues and regional hotspot issues. We have cooperation on tackling the financial crisis and meeting the climate challenge. China and the United States have also embraced an even closer and bigger relationship in the fields of pubic finance, financial industry and economic cooperation and trade.
I have come to this meeting with President Obama with a candid and constructive attitude. In the past couple of days here in my stay in New York I have been saying such a message far and wide -- that is, I’m sure I’m going to have a wonderful discussion with the President.
And I think our meeting today will also achieve the result that we will foster favorable conditions for the visit to the United States by President Hu Jintao at an appropriate time next year.
I want to thank you, Mr. President, for taking time.
END
11:39 A.M. EDT
The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
New York, New York
10:01 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, my fellow delegates, ladies and gentlemen. It is a great honor to address this Assembly for the second time, nearly two years after my election as President of the United States.
We know this is no ordinary time for our people. Each of us comes here with our own problems and priorities. But there are also challenges that we share in common as leaders and as nations.
We meet within an institution built from the rubble of war, designed to unite the world in pursuit of peace. And we meet within a city that for centuries has welcomed people from across the globe, demonstrating that individuals of every color, faith and station can come together to pursue opportunity, build a community, and live with the blessing of human liberty.
Outside the doors of this hall, the blocks and neighborhoods of this great city tell the story of a difficult decade. Nine years ago, the destruction of the World Trade Center signaled a threat that respected no boundary of dignity or decency. Two years ago this month, a financial crisis on Wall Street devastated American families on Main Street. These separate challenges have affected people around the globe. Men and women and children have been murdered by extremists from Casablanca to London; from Jalalabad to Jakarta. The global economy suffered an enormous blow during the financial crisis, crippling markets and deferring the dreams of millions on every continent. Underneath these challenges to our security and prosperity lie deeper fears: that ancient hatreds and religious divides are once again ascendant; that a world which has grown more interconnected has somehow slipped beyond our control.
These are some of the challenges that my administration has confronted since we came into office. And today, I’d like to talk to you about what we’ve done over the last 20 months to meet these challenges; what our responsibility is to pursue peace in the Middle East; and what kind of world we are trying to build in this 21st century.
Let me begin with what we have done. I have had no greater focus as President than rescuing our economy from potential catastrophe. And in an age when prosperity is shared, we could not do this alone. So America has joined with nations around the world to spur growth, and the renewed demand that could restart job creation.
We are reforming our system of global finance, beginning with Wall Street reform here at home, so that a crisis like this never happens again. And we made the G20 the focal point for international coordination, because in a world where prosperity is more diffuse, we must broaden our circle of cooperation to include emerging economies -- economies from every corner of the globe.
There is much to show for our efforts, even as there is much work to be done. The global economy has been pulled back from the brink of a depression, and is growing once more. We have resisted protectionism, and are exploring ways to expand trade and commerce among nations. But we cannot -- and will not -- rest until these seeds of progress grow into a broader prosperity, not only for all Americans, but for peoples around the globe.
As for our common security, America is waging a more effective fight against al Qaeda, while winding down the war in Iraq. Since I took office, the United States has removed nearly 100,000 troops from Iraq. We have done so responsibly, as Iraqis have transitioned to lead responsibility for the security of their country.
We are now focused on building a lasting partnership with the Iraqi people, while keeping our commitment to remove the rest of our troops by the end of next year.
While drawing down in Iraq, we have refocused on defeating al Qaeda and denying its affiliates a safe haven. In Afghanistan, the United States and our allies are pursuing a strategy to break the Taliban’s momentum and build the capacity of Afghanistan’s government and security forces, so that a transition to Afghan responsibility can begin next July. And from South Asia to the Horn of Africa, we are moving toward a more targeted approach -- one that strengthens our partners and dismantles terrorist networks without deploying large American armies.
As we pursue the world’s most dangerous extremists, we’re also denying them the world’s most dangerous weapons, and pursuing the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons.
Earlier this year, 47 nations embraced a work-plan to secure all vulnerable nuclear materials within four years. We have joined with Russia to sign the most comprehensive arms control treaty in decades. We have reduced the role of nuclear weapons in our security strategy. And here, at the United Nations, we came together to strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.
As part of our effort on non-proliferation, I offered the Islamic Republic of Iran an extended hand last year, and underscored that it has both rights and responsibilities as a member of the international community. I also said -- in this hall -- that Iran must be held accountable if it failed to meet those responsibilities. And that is what we have done.
Iran is the only party to the NPT that cannot demonstrate the peaceful intentions of its nuclear program, and those actions have consequences. Through U.N. Security Council Resolution 1929, we made it clear that international law is not an empty promise.
Now let me be clear once more: The United States and the international community seek a resolution to our differences with Iran, and the door remains open to diplomacy should Iran choose to walk through it. But the Iranian government must demonstrate a clear and credible commitment and confirm to the world the peaceful intent of its nuclear program.
As we combat the spread of deadly weapons, we’re also confronting the specter of climate change. After making historic investments in clean energy and efficiency at home, we helped forge an accord in Copenhagen that -- for the first time -- commits all major economies to reduce their emissions. We are keenly aware this is just a first step. And going forward, we will support a process in which all major economies meet our responsibilities to protect the planet while unleashing the power of clean energy to serve as an engine of growth and development.
America has also embraced unique responsibilities with come -- that come with our power. Since the rains came and the floodwaters rose in Pakistan, we have pledged our assistance, and we should all support the Pakistani people as they recover and rebuild. And when the earth shook and Haiti was devastated by loss, we joined a coalition of nations in response. Today, we honor those from the U.N. family who lost their lives in the earthquake, and commit ourselves to stand with the people of Haiti until they can stand on their own two feet.
Amidst this upheaval, we have also been persistent in our pursuit of peace. Last year, I pledged my best efforts to support the goal of two states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace and security, as part of a comprehensive peace between Israel and all of its neighbors. We have travelled a winding road over the last 12 months, with few peaks and many valleys. But this month, I am pleased that we have pursued direct negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians in Washington, Sharm el Sheikh and Jerusalem.
Now I recognize many are pessimistic about this process. The cynics say that Israelis and Palestinians are too distrustful of each other, and too divided internally, to forge lasting peace. Rejectionists on both sides will try to disrupt the process, with bitter words and with bombs and with gunfire. Some say that the gaps between the parties are too big; the potential for talks to break down is too great; and that after decades of failure, peace is simply not possible.
I hear those voices of skepticism. But I ask you to consider the alternative. If an agreement is not reached, Palestinians will never know the pride and dignity that comes with their own state. Israelis will never know the certainty and security that comes with sovereign and stable neighbors who are committed to coexistence. The hard realities of demography will take hold. More blood will be shed. This Holy Land will remain a symbol of our differences, instead of our common humanity.
I refuse to accept that future. And we all have a choice to make. Each of us must choose the path of peace. Of course, that responsibility begins with the parties themselves, who must answer the call of history. Earlier this month at the White House, I was struck by the words of both the Israeli and Palestinian leaders. Prime Minister Netanyahu said, “I came here today to find a historic compromise that will enable both people to live in peace, security, and dignity.” And President Abbas said, “We will spare no effort and we will work diligently and tirelessly to ensure these negotiations achieve their cause.”
These words must now be followed by action and I believe that both leaders have the courage to do so. But the road that they have to travel is exceedingly difficult, which is why I call upon Israelis and Palestinians -- and the world -- to rally behind the goal that these leaders now share. We know that there will be tests along the way and that one test is fast approaching. Israel’s settlement moratorium has made a difference on the ground and improved the atmosphere for talks.
And our position on this issue is well known. We believe that the moratorium should be extended. We also believe that talks should press on until completed. Now is the time for the parties to help each other overcome this obstacle. Now is the time to build the trust -- and provide the time -- for substantial progress to be made. Now is the time for this opportunity to be seized, so that it does not slip away.
Now, peace must be made by Israelis and Palestinians, but each of us has a responsibility to do our part as well. Those of us who are friends of Israel must understand that true security for the Jewish state requires an independent Palestine -- one that allows the Palestinian people to live with dignity and opportunity. And those of us who are friends of the Palestinians must understand that the rights of the Palestinian people will be won only through peaceful means -- including genuine reconciliation with a secure Israel.
I know many in this hall count themselves as friends of the Palestinians. But these pledges of friendship must now be supported by deeds. Those who have signed on to the Arab Peace Initiative should seize this opportunity to make it real by taking tangible steps towards the normalization that it promises Israel.
And those who speak on behalf of Palestinian self-government should help the Palestinian Authority politically and financially, and in doing so help the Palestinians build the institutions of their state.
Those who long to see an independent Palestine must also stop trying to tear down Israel. After thousands of years, Jews and Arabs are not strangers in a strange land. After 60 years in the community of nations, Israel’s existence must not be a subject for debate.
Israel is a sovereign state, and the historic homeland of the Jewish people. It should be clear to all that efforts to chip away at Israel’s legitimacy will only be met by the unshakeable opposition of the United States. And efforts to threaten or kill Israelis will do nothing to help the Palestinian people. The slaughter of innocent Israelis is not resistance -- it’s injustice. And make no mistake: The courage of a man like President Abbas, who stands up for his people in front of the world under very difficult circumstances, is far greater than those who fire rockets at innocent women and children.
The conflict between Israelis and Arabs is as old as this institution. And we can come back here next year, as we have for the last 60 years, and make long speeches about it. We can read familiar lists of grievances. We can table the same resolutions. We can further empower the forces of rejectionism and hate. And we can waste more time by carrying forward an argument that will not help a single Israeli or Palestinian child achieve a better life. We can do that.
Or, we can say that this time will be different -- that this time we will not let terror, or turbulence, or posturing, or petty politics stand in the way. This time, we will think not of ourselves, but of the young girl in Gaza who wants to have no ceiling on her dreams, or the young boy in Sderot who wants to sleep without the nightmare of rocket fire.
This time, we should draw upon the teachings of tolerance that lie at the heart of three great religions that see Jerusalem’s soil as sacred. This time we should reach for what’s best within ourselves. If we do, when we come back here next year, we can have an agreement that will lead to a new member of the United Nations -- an independent, sovereign state of Palestine, living in peace with Israel. (Applause.)
It is our destiny to bear the burdens of the challenges that I’ve addressed -- recession and war and conflict. And there is always a sense of urgency -- even emergency -- that drives most of our foreign policies. Indeed, after millennia marked by wars, this very institution reflects the desire of human beings to create a forum to deal with emergencies that will inevitably come.
But even as we confront immediate challenges, we must also summon the foresight to look beyond them, and consider what we are trying to build over the long term? What is the world that awaits us when today’s battles are brought to an end? And that is what I would like to talk about with the remainder of my time today.
One of the first actions of this General Assembly was to adopt a Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948. That Declaration begins by stating that, “recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice, and peace in the world.”
The idea is a simple one -- that freedom, justice and peace for the world must begin with freedom, justice, and peace in the lives of individual human beings. And for the United States, this is a matter of moral and pragmatic necessity. As Robert Kennedy said, “the individual man, the child of God, is the touchstone of value, and all society, groups, the state, exist for his benefit.” So we stand up for universal values because it’s the right thing to do. But we also know from experience that those who defend these values for their people have been our closest friends and allies, while those who have denied those rights -- whether terrorist groups or tyrannical governments -- have chosen to be our adversaries.
Human rights have never gone unchallenged -- not in any of our nations, and not in our world. Tyranny is still with us -- whether it manifests itself in the Taliban killing girls who try to go to school, a North Korean regime that enslaves its own people, or an armed group in Congo-Kinshasa that use rape as a weapon of war.
In times of economic unease, there can also be an anxiety about human rights. Today, as in past times of economic downturn, some put human rights aside for the promise of short term stability or the false notion that economic growth can come at the expense of freedom. We see leaders abolishing term limits. We see crackdowns on civil society. We see corruption smothering entrepreneurship and good governance. We see democratic reforms deferred indefinitely.
As I said last year, each country will pursue a path rooted in the culture of its own people. Yet experience shows us that history is on the side of liberty; that the strongest foundation for human progress lies in open economies, open societies, and open governments. To put it simply, democracy, more than any other form of government, delivers for our citizens. And I believe that truth will only grow stronger in a world where the borders between nations are blurred.
America is working to shape a world that fosters this openness, for the rot of a closed or corrupt economy must never eclipse the energy and innovation of human beings. All of us want the right to educate our children, to make a decent wage, to care for the sick, and to be carried as far as our dreams and our deeds will take us. But that depends upon economies that tap the power of our people, including the potential of women and girls. That means letting entrepreneurs start a business without paying a bribe and governments that support opportunity instead of stealing from their people. And that means rewarding hard work, instead of reckless risk-taking.
Yesterday, I put forward a new development policy that will pursue these goals, recognizing that dignity is a human right and global development is in our common interest. America will partner with nations that offer their people a path out of poverty. And together, we must unleash growth that powers by individuals and emerging markets in all parts of the globe.
There is no reason why Africa should not be an exporter of agriculture, which is why our food security initiative is empowering farmers. There is no reason why entrepreneurs shouldn’t be able to build new markets in every society, which is why I hosted a summit on entrepreneurship earlier this spring, because the obligation of government is to empower individuals, not to impede them.
The same holds true for civil society. The arc of human progress has been shaped by individuals with the freedom to assemble and by organizations outside of government that insisted upon democratic change and by free media that held the powerful accountable. We have seen that from the South Africans who stood up to apartheid, to the Poles of Solidarity, to the mothers of the disappeared who spoke out against the Dirty War, to Americans who marched for the rights of all races, including my own.
Civil society is the conscience of our communities and America will always extend our engagement abroad with citizens beyond the halls of government. And we will call out those who suppress ideas and serve as a voice for those who are voiceless. We will promote new tools of communication so people are empowered to connect with one another and, in repressive societies, to do so with security. We will support a free and open Internet, so individuals have the information to make up their own minds. And it is time to embrace and effectively monitor norms that advance the rights of civil society and guarantee its expansion within and across borders.
Open society supports open government, but it cannot substitute for it. There is no right more fundamental than the ability to choose your leaders and determine your destiny. Now, make no mistake: The ultimate success of democracy in the world won’t come because the United States dictates it; it will come because individual citizens demand a say in how they are governed.
There is no soil where this notion cannot take root, just as every democracy reflects the uniqueness of a nation. Later this fall, I will travel to Asia. And I will visit India, which peacefully threw off colonialism and established a thriving democracy of over a billion people.
I’ll continue to Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim-majority country, which binds together thousands of islands through the glue of representative government and civil society. I’ll join the G20 meeting on the Korean Peninsula, which provides the world’s clearest contrast between a society that is dynamic and open and free, and one that is imprisoned and closed. And I will conclude my trip in Japan, an ancient culture that found peace and extraordinary development through democracy.
Each of these countries gives life to democratic principles in their own way. And even as some governments roll back reform, we also celebrate the courage of a President in Colombia who willingly stepped aside, or the promise of a new constitution in Kenya.
The common thread of progress is the principle that government is accountable to its citizens. And the diversity in this room makes clear -- no one country has all the answers, but all of us must answer to our own people.
In all parts of the world, we see the promise of innovation to make government more open and accountable. And now, we must build on that progress. And when we gather back here next year, we should bring specific commitments to promote transparency; to fight corruption; to energize civic engagement; to leverage new technologies so that we strengthen the foundations of freedom in our own countries, while living up to the ideals that can light the world.
This institution can still play an indispensable role in the advance of human rights. It’s time to welcome the efforts of U.N. Women to protect the rights of women around the globe. (Applause.)
It’s time for every member state to open its elections to international monitors and increase the U.N. Democracy Fund. It’s time to reinvigorate U.N. peacekeeping, so that missions have the resources necessary to succeed, and so atrocities like sexual violence are prevented and justice is enforced -- because neither dignity nor democracy can thrive without basic security.
And it’s time to make this institution more accountable as well, because the challenges of a new century demand new ways of serving our common interests.
The world that America seeks is not one we can build on our own. For human rights to reach those who suffer the boot of oppression, we need your voices to speak out. In particular, I appeal to those nations who emerged from tyranny and inspired the world in the second half of the last century -- from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to South America. Don’t stand idly by, don’t be silent, when dissidents elsewhere are imprisoned and protesters are beaten. Recall your own history. Because part of the price of our own freedom is standing up for the freedom of others.
That belief will guide America’s leadership in this 21st century. It is a belief that has seen us through more than two centuries of trial, and it will see us through the challenges we face today -- be it war or recession; conflict or division.
So even as we have come through a difficult decade, I stand here before you confident in the future -- a future where Iraq is governed by neither tyrant nor a foreign power, and Afghanistan is freed from the turmoil of war; a future where the children of Israel and Palestine can build the peace that was not possible for their parents; a world where the promise of development reaches into the prisons of poverty and disease; a future where the cloud of recession gives way to the light of renewal and the dream of opportunity is available to all.
This future will not be easy to reach. It will not come without setbacks, nor will it be quickly claimed. But the founding of the United Nations itself is a testament to human progress. Remember, in times that were far more trying than our own, our predecessors chose the hope of unity over the ease of division and made a promise to future generations that the dignity and equality of human beings would be our common cause.
It falls to us to fulfill that promise. And though we will be met by dark forces that will test our resolve, Americans have always had cause to believe that we can choose a better history; that we need only to look outside the walls around us. For through the citizens of every conceivable ancestry who make this city their own, we see living proof that opportunity can be accessed by all, that what unites us as human beings is far greater than what divides us, and that people from every part of this world can live together in peace.
Thank you very much. (Applause.)
END
10:34 A.M. EDT
The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
New York City, New York
6:46 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much. It is good to be back in the Big Apple. Thank you so much. (Applause.) Thank you so much. I’m here this week to meet with world leaders of the United Nations, to talk about our efforts over the past year to make this a more peaceful and prosperous world. But it’s also nice just to stop by and see some friends. (Applause.)
You’ve got a couple of great friends in these two right here. One of the finest Speakers in history, I believe, Nancy Pelosi, is here. (Applause.) Chairman of the DSCC, Senator Bob Menendez, is here. And they are doing outstanding work. Chairman of the DCCC, Chris Van Hollen, is here. (Applause.) And we’ve got just an unbelievable New York delegation -- Charlie Rangel, Scott Murphy, Steve Israel, Nita Lowey, Jerry Nadler and Greg Meeks -- in the house. (Applause.) Yeah, it’s fun being here. (Laughter.)
AUDIENCE MEMBER: We love you!
THE PRESIDENT: I love you back. That's why I’m here. (Applause.)
Tonight I want to talk a little bit about our efforts here at home, where this country is --
AUDIENCE MEMBER: President Obama -- (inaudible.)
AUDIENCE: Boo!
THE PRESIDENT: No, no, it’s all right. We don't have to -- it’s okay.
AUDIENCE: Obama! Obama! Obama! Obama!
THE PRESIDENT: We’re okay. It’s all right. It’s okay.
AUDIENCE: Obama! Obama! Obama!
THE PRESIDENT: Wait, wait, wait, hold on a second. Hold on. Hold on, it’s okay. You don't need to yell. Apparently you’re interested in funding AIDS. We’ve increased AIDS funding. I don't know why you’re putting the sign up -- (applause) -- we’ve increased HIV/AIDS funding. But your message was delivered. We have increased AIDS funding at a time when the budget is going down.
Now -- but we are here to talk about what’s at stake -- we listened to you, we heard your point. And as I said before, we increased AIDS funding. Now if you want to have a conversation later about how we can increase it even more, it’s a conversation I’m happy to have.
But what I want to do is talk about what’s coming up. I want us to talk about what’s at stake in this election, because the people that potentially will take over if we don’t focus on this election I promise you will cuts AIDS funding -- (applause) -- so don’t -- so this is not the time or the place to do what you’re talking about.
Now, over three years ago -- over three years ago, I decided to run for President because I believed there were some very big challenges and some very difficult decisions that this nation had ignored for too long. I ran because I believed our economy was on a path that was unsustainable for the middle class and for our future.
In the last decade, we had experienced the slowest job growth of any decade since World War II -- even slower than it’s been over the last year. I want to repeat that: slowest job growth since World War II. Between 2001 and 2009 --
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Don’t ask, don’t tell!
THE PRESIDENT: -- the incomes of middle-class families --
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Don’t ask, don’t tell!
THE PRESIDENT: -- fell by almost 5 percent -- 5 percent. I’m going to repeat that. Incomes for working families fell by almost 5 percent. All the while, middle-class families saw everything from tuition bills to health care bills skyrocket. And for too many hardworking families, the American Dream was slowly slipping away.
It was not any accident during this same period a very specific philosophy reigned in Washington: You cut taxes, especially for millionaires and billionaires; you cut regulations for special interests; you cut back on investments in education and clean energy, in research and technology. The idea was if we put blind faith in the market, if we let corporations play by their own rules, if we left everybody to fend for themselves, America would grow and America would prosper.
That was the philosophy that was put forward. For eight years, we tried that. And that experiment failed miserably. (Applause.) We know what happened as a consequence of these policies. It made it harder for middle-class families to get ahead. These policies turned record surpluses into record deficits. And ultimately, these policies led to the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression.
That's what we faced when I took office in January of 2009. Millions of jobs had already been lost. Hundreds of thousands more would be lost before our economic policies even had a chance to take effect.
I want everybody to understand this. Four million jobs had been lost in the six months before I took office; half of the total job loss during this recession. We lost 800,000 jobs almost the month I was sworn in.
So my most urgent task as President was to prevent a second Depression. (Applause.) Now, 19 months later -- 19 months later, we’ve done that. (Applause.) The economy is growing again. The financial markets have stabilized. The private sector has created jobs for the last eight months in a row. There are 3 million Americans who wouldn’t be working today if not for the economic plan we put in place. That is a fact. (Applause.)
But, look, because we’re climbing out of such a deep hole, there are still millions of Americans without work. There are millions more who can barely pay the bills or make the mortgage. And the middle class is still treading water. I hear these stories every day. I heard some today from folks who have been struggling with health care. I read them in heartbreaking letters that I receive every single night, and the worst are ones that come from children who say, “We’re worried about losing our house; or my parents lost their job -- what can you do?”
Folks are struggling and, as a consequence, they’re impatient. People are frustrated with the pace of change -- and so am I. But I’m also here to tell you this: We cannot lose heart. We cannot give up. (Applause.) Don’t ever forget that this nation has been through far worse, and we have come out stronger. We’ve been through war and depression and struggles for equal rights and civil rights. In each instance, we have made progress. Progress took time. Progress took sacrifice. Progress took faith. But progress came. (Applause.) And it will come for us if we work for it, and if we fight for it, and if we believe in it.
And that’s where this upcoming election comes in. That’s where we need your energy and enthusiasm -- the energy and enthusiasm of everybody in this room and everybody you can reach.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: You got it!
THE PRESIDENT: But no -- but I want to make this point. This young lady here, she wants increases in AIDS funding. That’s great. We increased AIDS funding. She’d like more. I’m sure we could do more -- if we’re able to grow this economy again and if we continue on the policies that we’re on.
Young man back there shouted “don’t ask, don’t tell.” As President, I have said we’re going to reverse it. I got the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and I got the Secretary of Defense to say that we’re going to reverse it. (Applause.)
But hold on a second. But hold on a second. Think about -- think about what happened in Congress two days ago where you got 56 Democrats voting to debate this issue, and zero Republicans. And as a consequence, some of those signs should be going up at the other folks’ events. (Applause.)
And folks should be hollering at the other folks’ events because the choice in November could not be clearer. A choice about what you want for the next two years -- what you want the next two years to look like in this country.
You know what the other sides offer. It’d be one thing if the Republican candidates looked back at the last decade and they said, “You know what? Our policies didn’t work. We ended up in a terrible recession. Let’s try something new.” If they were championing your issues. Right? And you said, well, you know, maybe -- maybe we’ve got an option here.
That’s not what they’re doing. Here’s an illustration. A while back, they set up a website where they asked Americans to “speak out” and offer their ideas about -- offer their ideas about how to get the economy moving again. Well, it turns out that one of the most popular ideas, posted on their website -- this is not -- I’m not making this up -- is ending tax breaks for corporations that ship jobs overseas and giving those tax breaks to companies that invest here in the United States of America. A sensible idea.
Here’s the thing. That’s exactly the policy the Republicans have been fighting against for years. (Laughter.) That’s a policy they’ve been fighting me and Nancy and Bob on for the last few months. So the problem is not that Americans aren’t speaking out. It’s that the other party isn’t listening. (Applause.) And that’s because they refuse to let go of the failed philosophy that they’ve been peddling for the last decade.
So make no mistake: The Republicans running for Congress, they want the next two years to look like the eight years before I took office. They might be announcing some new details tomorrow -- (laughter) -- but the chair of one of their campaign committees already told us their intentions. He said that if the other party takes control of Congress, they plan to pursue -- and I’m quoting here -- the “exact same agenda” as they did during the last administration. The exact same agenda.
AUDIENCE: Boo!
THE PRESIDENT: So here’s -- look, here’s what this comes down to. These folks spent a decade driving our economy into a ditch. And so me and Nancy and Bob and Chris Van Hollen, we all put on our boots and we went down into the ditch. It was muddy. It was hot. (Laughter.) We’re sweating. There are bugs. We’re down there and we’re pushing on this car. We’re pushing it up and we’re slipping and sliding, but we know we’ve got to get it up there.
And the Republicans are standing on level ground and they’re watching us. (Laughter.) And they’re sipping on a Slurpee -- (laughter) -- and they’re saying, “You know, you’re not pushing hard enough” or, “That’s not the right way to push.” And every once in a while, we’d look up to them and say, “Do you guys want to help?” They said, “No, no -- no, we can’t.” (Laughter and applause.)
And so finally -- finally we get that car out of the ditch. Now, it’s a little banged up. It’s a little dented. It needs a tune-up. (Laughter.) It’s not moving as fast as we wanted, but it’s on level ground and we’re ready to move forward. And suddenly we get a tap on the shoulder and we look back, and it’s the Republicans. (Laughter.) They said, “Excuse me, we want the keys back.”
You can’t have the keys back. You don't know how to drive! (Applause.) We cannot give them the keys back! (Applause.) We can’t give them the keys back.
Look, if you want to go forward, what do you do? You put it in D. If you want to go backwards, you put it in R. (Applause.) We can’t afford to go backwards. (Applause.) That's not a coincidence. We’ve got to go forward. (Applause.)
Democrats, I don't know about you, but I do not want to spend the next two years watching them try to drive our economy back into the ditch. I mean, we have seen this. We have seen this movie before, and we can’t afford to go back to what they were doing. Not now. Not when we’ve come this far. I don't accept that future for the United States of America.
So we have a different idea about what the next two years should look like. It’s an idea rooted in the belief about how this country was built. We know that government doesn’t have all the answers to our problems. And we don't believe that government’s main role is to create jobs or prosperity. I believe government should be lean and efficient. And that's why I’ve proposed a three-year spending freeze, set up a bipartisan fiscal commission to deal with our deficit.
But in the words of the first Republican President, Abraham Lincoln, I also believe that government should do for the people what they can’t do for themselves. (Applause.) I believe in a country that rewards hard work and responsibility, a country that invests in its people and its future, and, yes, a country where we look after one another, where we respect everybody’s dignity, where we say I am my bother’s keeper, I am my sister’s keeper. (Applause.) That's what we believe in. That's what Democrats stand for. That's the choice in this election! (Applause.)
If we hand the keys over to the other side, we will spend the next two years fighting to keep those tax breaks for companies that create jobs and profits overseas, hundreds of billions of dollars in taxpayer subsidies we lose each year.
Over the last 19 months, we’ve closed several of these tax loopholes. Over the next two years, we’ll fight to give tax breaks to companies that actually create jobs within our borders -- (applause) -- to small businesses, to clean energy companies, to American manufacturers, to entrepreneurs that are researching and investing and innovating right here in the United States of America. That's who we want to help. That's the choice in this election. (Applause.)
If we give them back the keys, the other side will spend the next two years fighting for a $700 billion tax cut that only 2 percent of Americans will ever see. They want to borrow $700 billion. They say that they're about cutting deficits, but they want to spend -- borrow $700 billion and give millionaires and billionaires an average tax cut of $100,000.
This is the party that lectures us on fiscal responsibility. That's what they're fighting for. I don't know about you, but I’ve got a different set of priorities for the next two years. (Applause.)
When I took office, I kept a campaign promise to cut taxes for 95 percent of working Americans. And we’re fighting to make those middle-class tax cuts permanent.
Over the last 19 months, we’ve passed a new college tax credit worth $10,000 in tuition relief for each child going to four years of college. We want to make that permanent, too -- (applause) -- because in good times or bad, no family should have to stop investing in their children’s future. That's what we believe. That's what we stand for as Democrats. Those are our priorities. That's the choice in this election. (Applause.)
If we hand the other side the keys, they’ve promised to spend the next two years chipping away at the new rules we’ve put in place for special interests. And I refuse to let them do that. I refuse to go back to the days when insurance companies could deny you coverage or drop your coverage just because you’re sick.
I was down with a group of families today because starting tomorrow we’ve got a whole bunch of consumer protections, a patient’s bill of rights, that goes into effect as a consequence of the Affordable Care Act. And I want you to know, I met a woman from New Hampshire who had gotten cancer, could not get insurance, and because of that legislation, she now is getting treatment, is feeling better, feeling optimistic about the future. (Applause.)
We had -- we met two moms whose children had preexisting conditions. And they were worried they couldn’t get insurance for their children. And now they have the security of knowing that those kids are going to be safe.
Two small businesses who were there saying, we provide health insurance to our workers, but one guy, he said his premiums had gone up 100 percent in seven years. He said, basically I could no longer afford it. Either I was going to have to lay off workers or stop giving them insurance -- until this bill passed. And now that small business owner is able to keep providing health insurance to his workers. That's what we’re fighting for. (Applause.)
We had -- we’ve had reform in the financial sector to make sure that if you’ve got a credit card, or you’re getting a mortgage, that you aren’t being cheated. And the other side is basically saying, we want to take those protections away.
To paraphrase a friend of mine, Deval Patrick, up in Massachusetts -- (applause) -- the last election was about a changing of the guard. This election is about guarding the change. (Applause.) That's exactly that we’ve got to do over the next few weeks. (Applause.)
So if you don't think the stakes are large, I want you to consider this. If you don't think the stakes are large, I want you to understand right now all over this country special interests are planning and running millions of dollars of attack ads against Democratic candidates. Because of last year’s Supreme Court decision in Citizens United, they are now --
AUDIENCE: Boo!
THE PRESIDENT: -- they are now allowed to spend as much as they want, unlimited amounts of money, and they don't have to reveal who is paying for these ads. And that's what they're doing. Millions of dollars being spent by groups with harmless-sounding names, Americans for Prosperity, the Committee for Truth in Politics, or Moms for Motherhood. (Laughter.) I made that last one up. (Laughter.)
But they pose as non-for-profit, social welfare and trade groups. Every single one of them, virtually, is guided by seasoned, Republican political operatives. None of them will disclose who is paying for these ads. They are spending tens of millions of dollars against Democratic candidates without telling the American people where that flood of money is coming from. You don't know if it’s coming from big oil or insurance companies. You don't even know if it’s coming from a foreign-controlled corporation.
And we tried to fix this. But the leaders of the other party wouldn’t even let it come up for a vote. They want to keep the public in the dark. But we won’t let them. We’re not about to allow special interests to take over our democracy. We’re not going to go back to the exact same agenda we had before I took office. We remember what it’s like. They're counting on amnesia, but we remember exactly the policies that got us into a mess. And we’re not going to go back to them. (Applause.)
So here’s the bottom line. A lot has changed since the last election. But what hasn’t changed is the choice facing the country. It’s still fear versus hope. It’s still the past versus the future. It’s still a choice between sliding backward and moving forward. That is what this election is about. And that's the choice you’ll face in November. And it won’t be easy.
None of it will be easy, and that's because the challenges we face right now are not easy. None of this is easy. But you didn't elect me to do what’s easy. You don't elect me just to read the polls and figure out how to keep myself in office. You elected me to do what’s right. (Applause.) And as long as I’m President, that's exactly what I will do -- do what’s right. (Applause.)
But I need your help. Look, when I -- but I want everybody to listen up on this -- when I see all the polls, hear all the pundits, here’s what I take away from them. The single biggest threat to our success is not the other party. It’s us. It’s complacency. It’s apathy. It’s indifference.
It’s people feeling like, well, we only got 80 percent of what we want, we didn't get the other 20, so we’re just going to sit on our hands. We’re not going to go out there. It turns out bringing about change is hard. (Laughter.) I thought it was going to be easy. I liked the cute poster of the Obama campaign. I enjoyed the inauguration. It was great when Beyonce and Bono was singing. (Laughter.) I didn’t know that we were actually going to have to grind it out; that sometimes we’d have setbacks. (Laughter.)
You know, the only way we fall backwards is if we don’t get mobilized, if we don’t get energized -- because I promise you, the other side is energized -- if we don’t turn out our friends and our neighbors to vote. And that’s what I need you to do. I need you to knock on some doors. I need you to talk to your neighbors. I need you to make some phone calls. (Applause.) I need you to remember that that election was not about me, it was about you. (Applause.)
If we do that -- if we understand what’s at stake, and we step up to the plate and we realize that change is not a spectator sport and that no, it won’t come easy and you’re not going to get it all in one fell swoop, and you won’t even then get a hundred percent; if you remember that every bit of progress we’ve made from emancipation to women’s suffrage to civil rights to Social Security to Medicare -- each and every one of those steps were laborious and difficult, and there were people who were trying to block that progress and people who were saying that’s socialism and people who were saying this was undermining the country -- every step of the way -- there were people who were fighting it. But people didn’t lose heart. Instead, people stood up and they said, you know what, we’re just going to keep on pushing. We’re going to keep on fighting.
Dr. King made famous a saying that “the arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends towards justice.” (Applause.) We are moving in the direction of justice. We are moving in the direction of prosperity. But we’ve got to keep on moving. We can’t stop now. And if we are out there working hard, if we are out there rekindling that spirit of hope, we won’t just win this election, we will restore our economy, rebuild the middle class, reclaim the American Dream for the next generation. (Applause.)
Thank you, New York. God bless you. God bless the United States of America. Thank you. (Applause.)
END
7:15 P.M. EDT
The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
Falls Church, Virginia
11:59 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, everybody. Thank you. Well, it is great to see you. Thanks, all, for taking the time to be here. I know it’s a little warm under the sun, so if anybody at some point wants to shift their chairs into the shade, I’m fine with that. I won’t be insulted.
I want to just make a couple of acknowledgments of people who are here. First of all, I’ve got the Secretary of Health and Human Services, so she’s charged with implementing the Affordable Care Act -- Kathleen Sebelius. She’s doing a great job -- former governor of Kansas, former insurance commissioner, knows all about this stuff. (Applause.) We’re very proud to have her on the team.
Somebody who helped to champion the kinds of reforms and patients’ rights that we’re going to talk about here today -- Congressman Jim Moran is here. Thank you so much, Jim. (Applause.) And Falls Church Mayor Nader Baroukh. I was just mentioning Baroukh means “blessings” in Hebrew, one who’s blessed. And Barack means the same thing. So he and I, we’re right there. (Applause.) And I know he feels blessed to be the mayor of this wonderful town.
When I came into office, obviously we were confronted with a historic crisis. The worst financial crisis since the Great Depression. We had lost 4 million jobs in the six months before I was sworn in, and we had lost almost 800,000 the month I was sworn in. Obviously the economy has been uppermost on our minds and I had to take a series of steps very quickly to make sure that we prevented the country from going into a second Great Depression, that the financial markets were stabilized. We’ve succeeded in doing that and now the economy is growing again.
But it’s not growing as fast as it needs to and you still have millions of people who are unemployed out there. You still have hundreds of thousands of people who have lost their homes. There’s a lot of anxiety and there’s a lot of stress out there. And so, so much of our focus day to day is trying to figure out how do we just make sure that this recovery that we’re slowly on starts accelerating in a way that helps folks all across the country.
But when I ran for office, I ran not just in anticipation of a crisis. I ran because middle-class families all across the country were seeing their security eroded, partly because between the years 2001 and 2009, wages actually went down for the average family by 5 percent. We had the slowest job growth of any time since World War II. The Wall Street Journal called it “the lost decade.”
And part of the challenge for families was, is that even as their wages and incomes were flatlining, their costs of everything from college tuition to health care were skyrocketing.
And so what we realized was we had to take some steps to start dealing with these underlying chronic problems that have confronted our economy for a very long time. And health care was one of those issues that we could no longer ignore.
We couldn’t ignore it because the cost of health care has been escalating faster than just about anything else, and I don’t need to tell you all that. Even if you have health insurance, you’ve seen your copayments and your premiums skyrocket. Even if you get health care from your employer, that employer’s costs have skyrocketed and they’re starting to pass more and more of those costs onto their employees. More people don’t get health care from their employers.
And in addition, what you were seeing was that at the state level and at the federal level, the costs of health care, because people weren’t getting it on the job and were trying to get it through the CHIP program or Medicaid or disability or what have you -- all those costs were driving our government bankrupt. Anybody who’s out there who’s concerned about the deficit, the single biggest driver of our deficit is the ever escalating cost of health care.
So it was bankrupting families, companies, and our government. So we said we had to take this on.
And most of all, as I traveled around the country, I’d hear stories from families in every single state -- you know, they had a child who had a preexisting condition and they couldn’t get health insurance. Or they thought they had insurance, only to find out that in the fine print, there was some sort of lifetime limit of the sort that Paul described. They bump against it, and suddenly they’re out of luck and potentially going to lose their home or lose whatever savings they have because the insurance that they thought they were getting wasn’t going to fully cover them.
Some people would tell me stories about how just as they got sick the insurance company would have gone through their form and saw some innocuous mistake and just dropped their coverage because they hadn’t listed -- in some extreme cases, we had folks who had a gall bladder problem 15 years ago that had nothing to do with the sickness that they were now experiencing, but the insurance company said, ah, you forgot to list that and so we’re going to drop you from your insurance.
I met young people all across the country who, starting off in life, getting their first job, weren’t getting health insurance and couldn’t stay on their parents’ policies.
So the amount of vulnerability that was out there was horrendous. And what I said to myself and what I said to my team was even as we were dealing with this big crisis -- immediate crisis with respect to the economy, we’ve got to start doing something to make sure that ordinary folks who are feeling insecure because of health care costs, that they get some relief.
So the reason we’re here today is that thanks to outstanding work by people like Jim, thanks to outstanding implementation by folks like Kathleen, we are now actually able to provide some help to the American people. Essentially, part of the Affordable Care Act that we can implement right now, and will take effect -- is it today or tomorrow? -- tomorrow -- see, Frances knows -- (laughter) -- that we can -- that will take effect tomorrow is the most important patient’s bill of rights that we’ve ever seen in our history.
And let me just tick off some of the things that are going to be the case starting tomorrow. Number one: Paul already mentioned the issue of lifetime limits. That is not going to be the rule anymore after tomorrow. If you’ve got a policy, you get sick, the insurance company covers you.
Number two: preexisting conditions for children. Children who have preexisting conditions are going to be covered.
Number three: We’re going to make sure that if young people don’t have health insurance through their employer, that they can stay on their parents’ health insurance up to the age of 26, which is obviously a huge relief for a lot of parents who are seeing their young people just coming out of college and not being able to get insurance.
You’re going to be able to make sure that the insurance company doesn’t drop you because of an innocent mistake on your insurance form. This rule of rescission, they are not going to be able to drop you arbitrarily, which gives you more security.
Number four: You’re going to be able to choose your doctor and not have to go through some network in an emergency situation as a consequence of these rules, so it gives customers more choice and more options.
There are so many good things about this, I may have forgotten one. Kathleen, anything else?
SECRETARY SEBELIUS: (Inaudible) -- and preventive care.
THE PRESIDENT: Right, and preventive care. I knew there was one more. Preventive care will now be offered under your policy, which, over the long term, can actually save people money because you get diagnosed quicker.
So all these things are designed not to have government more involved in health care. They’re designed to make sure that you have basic protections in your interactions with your insurance company; that you’re getting what you pay for; that you have some basic measures of protection in interacting with the health care system, which means that you’re not going to go bankrupt, you’re not going to lose your house if, heaven forbid, you end up having an accident, and you’re able to get the quality care that you need.
Now, obviously there are a whole host of other things involved in the health care reforms that we initiated. Small businesses -- 4 million of them are going to get a huge tax break if they start providing health insurance to their employees. We’ve got measures that make sure that Medicare -- that the life of Medicare is extended. And in fact, we just got a report today that the Medicare Advantage program that we have modified and scrutinized more carefully, that in fact rates are going to be lower for that than they were before.
I just met with state insurance commissioners from all across the country. They are newly empowered to look after consumers. And I’ll just give you one example. In North Carolina, in part because of the new leverage that insurance commissioners have, the insurance commissioner there was able to get a $125 million rebate for 200,000 customers in North Carolina. And they are seeing the lowest rate increases ever. All this is going to lower premiums. It’s going to make health care more affordable. It’s going to give you more security. That’s the concept behind what we’re implementing.
But rather than me do all the talking, I want to make sure that some people who have struggled in the past with the health care system have an opportunity to tell their story, because basically the reason we did this was because of the stories I had heard from folks like you all across the country. And I want to make sure that a couple of you have a chance to tell your stories before I take some questions.
So we’re going to start with Dawn. Where’s Dawn? Dawn’s right here. Dawn’s already got her own mic. Introduce yourself, Dawn, and tell us a little about yourself and your situation.
MS. JOSEPHSON: Thank you. I’m Dawn Josephson from Jacksonville, Florida. And I’ve been a self-employed entrepreneur since 1998. During that time, the majority of those years I didn’t even have insurance, because it was simply too expensive. In 2006, my son Wesley was born. This is Wesley.
THE PRESIDENT: Hey, Wes. Come on over here.
MS. JOSEPHSON: Go say hi. There you go.
THE PRESIDENT: This is Wesley here.
MS. JOSEPHSON: That’s Wesley. He was born in 2006, and that’s when we got -- we finally got health insurance. We’ve had a few different policies over the years, always had something excluded from it -- even something as silly as ear infections. What kid does not get ear infections? So, I mean, silly stuff.
In July of ‘09, he had eye surgery. We discovered he had sudden onset of a condition called strabismus in the eyes, and his right eye needed surgery. So we had the surgery, and less than a year later we said we needed new insurance. What we had was killing us for our premium. And this was right around the time -- right after the act passed.
The insurance company gave us an affordable rate -- we were looking for a very affordable plan. And when she told us we were approved, my immediate response was, “But what’s not covered?” And I knew full well we were going to have an exclusion for my son’s eye. And she said, “You’re covered. Nothing is not covered.” And I said, “Okay, I’m not being very clear here with my questioning. What about my son?” She said, “Yes, your son is covered.” I said, “No, you don’t understand. What if he needs another surgery on his eye? Are you going to pay for it?” They said, “Yes, he’s covered.” And I was shocked. And she said, “We can no longer exclude preexisting conditions for children.”
And it didn’t hit me until later that night when I was talking with my husband as to why she said that, and we started talking about it. And I said, wow, something affected me personally from the government -- was really shocking.
So not only do we have a more affordable plan, but my son is now covered no matter what happens. It is routine for children with strabismus to need multiple surgeries. And I know now that that’s not going to have to come out of our pocket, which was a big fear. So we’re very thankful and very grateful. Thank you so much for everything you’ve done, President Obama, and everything that you’ve -- everyone has done to push this through because it’s really made our life so much less stressful. It’s just an average American family.
THE PRESIDENT: That’s a wonderful story. Thank you, Dawn.
Next, I want to talk to Gail, who flew down here from New Hampshire. And I had a chance to talk to Gail a couple of days ago. I had actually received -- a letter had been passed on to us from Gail’s husband telling their story. And so I just was so touched by it. And it was wonderful to have a chance to speak to her personally. But, Gail?
MS. O’BRIEN: That was awesome, too. You made my day. Yes, in March of this year, I was diagnosed with high-grade stage-two non-Hodgkin’s Lymphoma, and I was uninsured. I work full-time as a preschool teacher at a Montessori school that does not offer insurance to their employees. So I was scared to death -- not as much, “Oh, I’ve got cancer, what am I going to do?” It was, “How am I going to pay for these outrageous bills that are going to come our way?”
So then we would have to have gone into our retirement fund and used all that up, and we have one son in college and one on the way to college in two years. We would have had to use all the money that we saved for those to pay for my medical bills.
And then when we heard about the high-risk pool and that it was in effect in July 1st, we got right onto it. We called people. We got all of the criteria in order so that we were actually insured on July 1st. My doctor let me wait for three months to start chemotherapy and radiation. And on July 5th I started chemo. And I am doing radiation right now. I’m feeling great. And if it wasn’t for this bill, I would’ve probably not been feeling great, because I would’ve been so stressed out and worried about paying for my medical bills, that now I can focus on my health instead of focusing on how am I going to pay to get better.
So I personally thank all of you and President Obama so much. I mean, you do not know how this has changed my life and how grateful I am to you.
THE PRESIDENT: I really appreciate that. And I should have mentioned, just for Gail, children are -- with preexisting conditions -- are covered. We had to phase in the adult side of preexisting conditions because it’s more complicated trying to get that whole pool of adults.
But what we did in the interim -- by 2014 we’re going to have in place a rule for insurance companies that they can’t bar people -- anybody, not just kids, but anybody with preexisting conditions -- from getting insurance.
But in that interim, over the next several years, over the next four years, we want to make sure that folks like Gail got help. And so we’ve set up these preexisting insurance pools, state by state. And Gail, I think, was the first person to sign up in New Hampshire. (Laughter.)
MS. O’BRIEN: -- on the ball. (Laughter.)
THE PRESIDENT: So we’ve got thousands of people across the country who are now signing up, and states are working with Kathleen’s office to get this set up so that they’re able to get the coverage they need in a way that’s actually affordable.
I mean, in some cases you had situations where you could get, theoretically, insurance if you had a preexisting condition, but the costs were so exorbitant that it was just --
MS. O’BRIEN: I couldn’t even get insurance.
THE PRESIDENT: -- it was just impossible. And then some people, in certain markets, you just couldn’t get insurance at all. And so now we’re able to provide an interim step that helps directly people like Gail, and we’re really proud of that.
So with that, what I want to do is I just want to open it up for any questions, comments, concerns that people have. We’re focused mostly on health care, but if you want me to talk about what happened to the Redskins on Sunday, I can talk about that, too. (Laughter.)
Yes. Here, and let’s make sure everybody gets a mic so that we can hear folks. And introduce yourself, if you don’t mind.
Q I’m very curious to know what can be done about the insurance companies and medication. As it stands now, the insurance companies rule when the doctors order. They either refuse, or it’s a generic, or they have to go back to the doctor and argue with his office as to whether or not you can have it.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, under Medicare, prescription drugs are covered under Part D. But for a lot of seniors, they still haven’t been affordable, even under Part D. And so one of the things that was part of the reform act was us slowly phasing out something called the doughnut hole, which I’m sure you’re familiar with. Essentially, the way the thing was set up, when they set up the prescription drug plan program under Medicare under the previous administration, you were covered up to, what was it, a couple thousand -- $3,000, $2,000 -- then once you hit that threshold, there was a hole -- hence the term “doughnut hole” -- where you weren’t covered for another several thousand dollars, and then it became so extreme that you had to still buy more drugs, then you would end up being covered again. So you had this doughnut hole. A lot of seniors fell into it.
One of our main priorities was saying let’s close the doughnut hole. And we are beginning to do that now, first by providing some supplemental assistance to seniors. A couple of million seniors have already received -- or is it about a million and a half seniors have already received checks of $250.
Q I was able to get my heart medication once that check got there.
THE PRESIDENT: Well -- so you’ve already received it?
Q Yes.
THE PRESIDENT: And it helped you get some heart medication?
Q Medicine I couldn’t afford.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, that’s a wonderful story. And that’s exactly what we want to make sure of is that you don’t have to make decisions about do I get this medication or not.
Q And I thank you from the bottom of my heart.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I appreciate that. But you’re making, in addition to that, another point, which is that a lot of times there’s a process of decision-making between doctors and Medicare about what drugs are going to be covered. And one of the things that Kathleen is trying to do is to make sure -- I don’t want you to have to use your health care plan right now. (Laughter.) But one of the things that we want to do is to make sure that we’re trying to figure out how can we simplify and make it easier to understand what prescription drug plans are out there so that you know ahead of time -- if you are primarily concerned about your heart condition and the drugs you need there, are you able to find the plan that you need that covers the drugs that your doctor is recommending. And that’s something where I think we can still make some significant improvements.
Kathleen, do you want to add something to that?
SECRETARY SEBELIUS: Well, just as the President said, one of the things that will become clear when the new Medicare information comes out -- about the 8th of October you’ll have a reenrollment period -- is I think two pieces of good news on the drug side. One is that we made plans be clearer about what drugs are covered so seniors can make the right choices. If you need heart medication or liver medication, you make sure you sign up for the right plan. In the past, that was very unclear.
And secondly, starting in January, this year there was a one-time $250 check. Next year a 50 percent decrease in all of the brand-name drugs in the doughnut hole will go into effect. And we received some good news from companies that every company is going to participate in that. So the kind of feature that begins to phase out the doughnut hole, it starts next year and half of it will be gone. And that’s going to be a huge help.
So $250 didn’t cover a lot of the drugs that you have to buy in the doughnut hole, but next year they will be essentially a 50 percent decrease. And that applies across the board to all companies. And Congressman, I know that was a big issue in the House and one that people felt very strongly had to be part of the Affordable Care Act, getting rid of the doughnut hole. The President certainly supported that. But it’s going to be very good news. People said it would never happen and drug companies all stepped up and said, we will continue to participate, and yes, it will happen.
THE PRESIDENT: Good.
Yes.
Q Hi, President Obama.
THE PRESIDENT: How are you?
Q Good. I’m a fourth-year medical student at Howard. And I’m of the people that has not been able to go the doctor, ironically, because I’m in medical school and I can’t even go. So I just wanted to know what steps are we going to take after it’s passed and goes into full effect to encourage young people to go see the doctor and to take preventative steps, just as older people? Because I feel like a lot of times we’re left out.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, first of all, as I said, up to the age of 26 you’re going to be able to stay on your parents’ coverage, and that’s important for a lot of people. You look like you’re, what, 22?
Q Yes, I wish -- 24.
THE PRESIDENT: Okay. (Laughter.) I mean, I wasn’t that far off. “I wish.” Let me tell you, 24 is just fine. (Laughter.) But -- so first of all, you’ll be able to stay on your parents’ policy for another couple years and that gives you obviously some peace of mind.
The second thing that we’re already doing is all the policies now are going to cover preventive care. So getting a mammogram, that’s got to be part of your policy, and you no longer have to pay significant out-of-pocket costs that may dissuade you from getting the kind of preventive care that you need. And if you’re a medical student, you know better than I do that so much of keeping ourselves healthy is knowing what’s going on and going in and getting regular checkups and being able to monitor your health.
My mother died of ovarian cancer and she did not have steady health insurance during her life because she was essentially a self-employed consultant. And ovarian cancer is a tough cancer once you get it. It’s tough mainly because it’s typically diagnosed very late.
Now, I can’t say for certain that if she had been diagnosed earlier she might be with us here today, but I know that the fact that she did not have regular insurance meant that she was not getting the kinds of regular checkups that might have made a difference.
And so that’s true for young people as well as old people, the provision that I just talked about -- preventive care. If you’ve got insurance, then those -- that preventive care is going to be covered and that should make a difference.
And by the way, that should save us all a lot of money. I mean, one of the toughest things about this health care debate was -- and sometimes I fault myself for not having been able to make the case more clearly to the country -- we spend, each of us who have health insurance, spend about a thousand dollars of our premiums on somebody else’s care.
What happens is, you don’t have health insurance, you go to the emergency room. You weren’t getting a checkup; something that might have been curable with some antibiotics isn’t caught. By the time you get to the hospital, it’s much more expensive. The hospital cares for you because doctors and nurses, they don’t want to just turn somebody away. But they’ve got to figure out how do they keep their doors open if they’re treating all these people coming in the emergency room.
Well, what they do is they essentially pass on those costs in the form of higher premiums to the people who do have health insurance. And so we are already providing these subsidies, but it’s the most inefficient possible subsidy we could provide. We’re a lot better off if we are making sure that everybody is getting preventive care, we’re encouraging wellness programs where people have access to doctors up front.
And that’s why we feel pretty confident that over the long term, as a consequence of the Affordable Care Act, premiums are going to be lower than they would be otherwise; health care costs overall are going to be lower than they would be otherwise. And that means, by the way, that the deficit is going to be lower than it would be otherwise.
Understand -- I want to make sure everybody is clear. The Congressional Budget Office, which is made -- is independent, it’s historically bipartisan; this is sort of the scorekeeper in Washington about what things costs -- says that as a consequence of this act, the deficit is going to be over a trillion dollars lower over the course of the next two decades than it would be if this wasn’t passed.
And the reason this is so important is because right now there’s a political debate going on about should we maybe repeal the health care act or -- because this is part of big government. And you’ve heard the Republican leader in the House saying that’s going to be one of our priorities -- chipping away at the health care act.
Well, first of all, I want to see them come and talk to Gail or talk to Dawn or talk to any of you who now have more security as a consequence of this act, and I want them to look you in the eye and say, sorry, Gail, you can’t buy health insurance; or, sorry, little Wes, he’s going to be excluded when it comes to an eye operation that he might have to get in the future.
I don’t think that’s what this country stands for. But what they’re also going to have to explain is why would you want to repeal something that Congressional Budget Office says is going to save us a trillion dollars if you’re serious about the deficit? It doesn’t make sense. I mean, it makes sense in terms of politics. It doesn’t -- and polls. It doesn’t make sense in terms of actually making people’s lives better.
Okay. Anybody else? Yes, go ahead. Kathleen has got a mic.
Q I want to thank you, first of all. I have a son with intractable seizures and this bill is going to make a huge difference in our lives personally. But I also want to speak on behalf of small business, because small business has been used as an argument against this bill and I find it very hard to understand. I think there’s a huge campaign of misinformation.
In fact, we were about ready to make a choice between not insuring our employees anymore because we simply couldn’t afford it -- it was $90,000 a year and a third of our payroll -- or close our doors because we had no choice anymore. And this bill and the tax increment that I get back takes that statistic from 30 to about 18 percent. It makes a massive difference in the fate of our business and in the fate of all of our employees who are insured. We did not want to drop our policy -- and in the fate of our son.
And I guess my question is, what can we do about this misinformation? It seems so pervasive everywhere and it’s so wrong. I think this bill is really affordable for small business and I want some way to get that word out.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I appreciate that. Tell me what kind of business you got.
Q I own a bookstore, “The King’s English.”
THE PRESIDENT: Oh, do you?
Q Yes, in Utah.
THE PRESIDENT: That’s wonderful.
Q Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: I love bookstores.
Q I know you do. I follow your career as you go from one to another.
THE PRESIDENT: I used to be able to roam around in bookstores. Now it’s a little more noticeable when I go in there.
Q We read about it.
THE PRESIDENT: And so you’ve been providing health insurance to your employees, but what you were seeing was because you’re not Xerox or General Motors, you don’t have this big pool, so you’re essentially in the small-pool insurance market. And like the individual market, you were seeing your premiums just going up and up and up.
What were they -- what was happening to them over the last several years?
Q Well, in 2008, three of us hit 60. And of course, that’s the place where they really go up. And our premiums shot up to well over 30 percent of our payroll, which shot our payroll up to 30 percent of our gross, which is totally unsustainable.
THE PRESIDENT: Right. That’s basically your margin.
Q That’s it -- way more than the margin.
THE PRESIDENT: Way more -- right, I mean it eats up whatever profits that you’re making.
Q Yes.
THE PRESIDENT: So as a consequence of the Affordable Care Act, we’ve got 4 million businesses like yours that are now eligible for significant tax reductions, that’ll pay for up to a third of the premiums that you’re paying for yourselves and your employees. I mean, that goes directly to a small business’s bottom line.
Now, what you’ll hear is, well, but some businesses, they’re now mandated to provide insurance, and if I have to provide insurance, then I’m going to -- I’ll hire fewer people. But it turns that actually -- and Kathleen will correct me if I’m wrong on the statistics here -- it turns out that because employers with 50 employees or less are not subject to any penalty for not providing health insurance, about 96 percent of small businesses, they don’t have any requirement on them, but they can take advantage of it.
Now, it is true that if you’ve got a business that has a thousand employees and you’re not providing them any insurance whatsoever, what we’re saying is, you know what, that’s not fair because all the rest of us are going to be paying for those folks when they go to the emergency room or they apply for Medicaid or what have you.
And so we’re going to say, look, if you provide insurance we’ll provide you help. If you don’t, then we’re going to charge you for the fact that somebody else is going to have to cover those costs. But for the vast majority of small businesses, this is a great deal. And we’ve got testimony here to show it.
Now, in terms of how to get the word out, nobody is more effective than you. So I hope that all the reporters who are here will record what you just said and will help get that word out. But it’s a challenge, because, frankly, there was opposition from the Chamber of Commerce and some other small -- and some other large lobbying organizations in Washington that said they were speaking for small business, but when you looked at the facts this was good for small business.
In fact, probably nobody benefited more, because nobody is getting hurt more by health care costs than small business. So thanks for sharing your story.
THE PRESIDENT: Anyone else? I know it’s warm out here, but I want to hear from as many people as I can. Go ahead.
Q Hi. Thank you so much, Mr. President, for having us here. I want to thank you. I just have a comment. My son, Sammy, who was here, is seven and he has neurofibromatosis. I don’t know, have you ever heard of it?
THE PRESIDENT: You know, I’ve heard of it. But you should describe for us what that means.
Q It means that he had a spontaneous mutation on his chromosome. And he was diagnosed two and a half years ago. And it just basically means your tumor suppressor doesn’t work properly, so every nerve cell has the potential of becoming a tumor.
THE PRESIDENT: Which is pretty nerve-wracking for mom.
Q Oh, it’s unbelievable. And there’s a wide spectrum, so some people end up with minor complications but others have serious problems. And he’s already had surgeries and things of that nature. So I just want to thank you and the Secretary and congressmen and senators, because it’s life changing for a parent.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, Sammy looks terrific. I saw him running around here.
Q He is terrific.
THE PRESIDENT: And I’m just glad to give you peace of mind. Look, people ask me sort of how do I stay calm in my job. The reason I stay calm in my job is that every night at six-thirty, no matter how busy I am, I go upstairs -- I’ve got a very short commute -- (laughter) -- and I go upstairs and I have dinner with my wife and my daughters. And as long as they’re doing good, as long as they’re healthy and happy and running around and telling me stories about the crazy things that happened at school today, then there’s a certain baseline that just gives you that sense, well, I can take anything, right?
Now, the flipside is when Malia or Sasha get a sniffle, or an ear infection, or a scrape, or a bruise, I’m over there just miserable. And I still remember Sasha, when she was three months old, one night she just wasn’t crying right. As a parent, you start recognizing, that’s not how she cries. She wasn’t hungry, it wasn’t a diaper change. Something was going on.
So we called our pediatrician, and he said, “Well, why don’t you bring her down?” And this was in the middle of the night. This is like one o’clock in the morning. And he was willing to see her, and he pressed on top of her head, and he said, “You know, she may have meningitis; I want you to go to the emergency room.”
And it turned out she had meningitis, and she had to get a spinal tap, and they had to keep her there for three or four days. And the doctor was talking about if this didn’t -- if her temperature didn’t come down and if we didn’t solve this, she could have permanent damage to her hearing or other effects.
But I still remember that feeling of just desperation, watching the nurse take her away to provide treatment for her. But I was thinking, what if I hadn’t had insurance? What if I was looking at my bank account and I didn’t have the money to cover her? How would I be able to face my wife, and how would I be able to look in the mirror if I didn’t feel like I could somehow make sure they were okay?
And that’s what this is about, ultimately. I mean, we’ve got to make sure that health care -- our health care dollars are used smartly. We’ve got to make the system work better for consumers. We’ve got to make it more responsive. But ultimately, the thing that’s most important is, we’ve just got to give people some basic peace of mind. And I’m just so glad that I’m able to stand here before you and hear these stories, and hopefully it gives you a little more peace of mind. (Applause.)
So, all right, well, thank you, everybody. Appreciate you. And if anybody else has any questions, they can come up and we can chat in the shade here. (Laughter.) Because I don’t have to go right away, and maybe we can -- these guys will take some pictures. So thank you.
END
12:42 P.M. EDT
The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
4:49 P.M. EDT
EL PRESIDENTE: Buenas tardes. Sr. Secretario General, delegados, damas y caballeros.
En la carta de estas Naciones Unidas, nuestros países prometieron trabajar por “la promoción del avance económico y social de todos los pueblos”. En la Declaración Universal de Derechos Humanos, reconocimos la dignidad y derechos inherentes de toda persona, incluido el derecho a un buen estándar de vida. Y hace una década, en el ocaso del anterior milenio, fijamos objetivos concretos para liberar a nuestro prójimo: hombres, mujeres y niños, de la injusticia y la extrema pobreza.
Ésos son los estándares que fijamos. Y hoy debemos preguntarnos: ¿Estamos cumpliendo las responsabilidades que tenemos para con los demás?
Sospecho que algunos de los países más acaudalados quizá se pregunten, ahora que pasamos dificultades económicas, que tanta de nuestra gente está sin trabajo y tantas familias apenas subsisten, ¿por qué una cumbre sobre desarrollo? Y la respuesta es simple. En nuestra economía mundial, el progreso de incluso los países más pobres puede promover la prosperidad y seguridad de gente mucho más allá de sus fronteras, incluidos mis conciudadanos estadounidenses.
Cuando un niño muere de una enfermedad prevenible, nos remuerde la conciencia a todos. Cuando se priva a una niña de educación o se le niega a su madre igualdad de derechos, se socava la prosperidad de su nación. Cuando un joven empresario no puede abrir una empresa nueva, es un obstáculo a la generación de empleos y creación de mercados en el país de ese joven empresario y también en el nuestro. Cuando millones de padres no pueden mantener a sus familias, eso contribuye a la desesperación y alimenta la inestabilidad y el extremismo violento. Cuando una enfermedad no se controla, puede poner en peligro la salud de millones en todo el mundo.
Por lo tanto, pongamos de lado el antiguo mito de que el desarrollo es simplemente caridad que no nos beneficia. Y rechacemos el cinismo que dice que ciertos países están condenados a la pobreza perpetua, pues los últimos 50 años han sido testigos de más logros en el desarrollo humano que ninguna otra era de la historia. Se erradicó una enfermedad que había causado estragos durante varias generaciones: la viruela. El cuidado de salud ha llegado a los rincones más recónditos del mundo y ha salvado la vida de millones. Desde América Latina hasta África y Asia, los países en desarrollo se han convertido en líderes de la economía mundial.
Tampoco se puede negar el progreso hecho en ciertos Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio. Se les han abierto las puertas de la educación a decenas de millones de niños de ambos sexos. Han disminuido los casos de VIH/SIDA y malaria y tuberculosis. Ha aumentado el acceso al agua potable. Alrededor del mundo, se ha logrado que cientos de millones de personas salgan de la extrema pobreza. Todo eso es positivo y es prueba de la extraordinaria labor que se ha hecho por los países internamente y por la comunidad internacional.
Sin embargo, también enfrentamos el hecho de que el progreso hacia otros objetivos que se fijaron no ha sucedido suficientemente rápido, ni mucho menos. No para los cientos de miles de mujeres que pierden la vida todos los años al dar a luz. No para los millones de niños que mueren de la agonía de la desnutrición. No para casi 1,000 millones de personas que padecen las penurias del hambre crónica.
Ésta es la realidad que debemos enfrentar: que si la comunidad internacional simplemente sigue haciendo lo mismo y de la misma manera, quizá alcancemos logros moderados aquí o allá, pero no alcanzaremos muchos de los objetivos de desarrollo. Es un hecho. Ahora que ya han transcurrido 10 años y faltan apenas cinco antes del plazo para nuestros objetivos de desarrollo, debemos hacer más.
Ahora bien, sé que ayudar a comunidades y países a lograr un futuro mejor no será fácil. Lo he visto en el transcurso de mi vida. Observé a mi madre trabajar para sacar de la pobreza a residentes de zonas rurales desde Indonesia hasta Pakistán. Lo vi en las calles de Chicago, donde trabajé como organizador comunitario para tratar de lograr mejoras en vecindarios subdesarrollados en este país. Es trabajo duro. Pero sé que el progreso es posible.
Como Presidente, he dejado en claro que Estados Unidos hará su parte. Mi estrategia de seguridad nacional reconoce que el desarrollo no sólo es un imperativo moral, sino un imperativo estratégico y económico. La secretaria de Estado Clinton está encabezando un estudio para afianzar y coordinar mejor nuestros esfuerzos diplomáticos y para el desarrollo. Estamos volviendo a participar activamente en instituciones multilaterales para el desarrollo. Y estamos reestructurando la Agencia de Estados Unidos para el Desarrollo Internacional (United States Agency for International Development) como la principal agencia de desarrollo del mundo. En pocas palabras, estamos asegurándonos de que Estados Unidos sea un líder mundial en el desarrollo internacional en el siglo XXI.
Pero también reconocemos que las viejas estrategias no serán suficientes. Por eso, en Ghana el año pasado propuse una nueva estrategia para el desarrollo que dará rienda suelta a cambios transformadores y permite que más personas tomen control de su propio destino. Al fin y al cabo, ningún país quiere depender de otro. Ningún líder con orgullo en esta sala quiere pedir ayuda. Y ninguna familia quiere estar en deuda con otros por su ayuda.
Para ir en pos de esta visión, mi gobierno realizó un análisis integral de los programas de desarrollo de Estados Unidos. Escuchamos a los líderes del gobierno, organizaciones no gubernamentales y la sociedad civil, el sector privado y las organizaciones filantrópicas, el Congreso y muchos de nuestros socios internacionales.
Y hoy, estoy anunciando nuestra nueva Política de Estados Unidos para el Desarrollo Internacional (U.S. Global Development Policy), la primera de su tipo por un gobierno estadounidense. Tiene origen en el compromiso perdurable de Estados Unidos con la dignidad y el potencial de cada ser humano. Y describe nuestra nueva estrategia y la nueva forma de pensar que guiarán nuestros esfuerzos generales para el desarrollo, incluido el plan que prometí el año pasado y que mi gobierno ha producido para ir en pos de los Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio. En pocas palabras, Estados Unidos está cambiando su manera de operar.
En primer lugar, estamos cambiando nuestra definición de desarrollo. Durante demasiado tiempo, hemos medido nuestros esfuerzos según el dinero que gastamos y los alimentos y medicamentos que entregamos. Pero la ayuda por sí sola no es desarrollo. El desarrollo es ayudar a los países a realmente desarrollarse, a pasar de la pobreza a la prosperidad. Y necesitamos más que simplemente ayuda para producir ese cambio. Necesitamos aprovechar todas las herramientas a nuestra disposición, desde nuestra diplomacia hasta nuestra política comercial hasta nuestra política de inversión.
En segundo lugar, estamos cambiando nuestra manera de ver el objetivo final del desarrollo. Nuestro enfoque en la asistencia ha salvado vidas a corto plazo, pero no siempre ha mejorado esas sociedades a largo plazo, por ejemplo: los millones de personas que han dependido de la ayuda alimentaria durante décadas. Eso no es desarrollo; es dependencia, y es un ciclo que debemos romper. En vez de simplemente manejar la pobreza, debemos ofrecer a los países y pueblos una vía para salir de la pobreza.
Ahora, permítanme ser claro: Estados Unidos de Norteamérica ha sido y seguirá siendo un líder mundial en prestar ayuda. No abandonaremos a quienes dependen de nosotros para asistencia vital, sean alimentos o medicamentos. Cumpliremos con nuestras promesas y nuestros compromisos.
De hecho, mi gobierno ha aumentado la ayuda a los países menos desarrollados. Estamos trabajando con socios para finalmente radicar la polio. En base a los buenos esfuerzos de mi predecesor, continuaremos aumentando los fondos para combatir el VIH/SIDA, aumentando dichos fondos a un nivel récord, y eso incluye nuestro compromiso con el Fondo Mundial contra el SIDA, la Tuberculosis y la Malaria. Y seremos líderes en tiempos de crisis, como lo hemos hecho desde el terremoto en Haití y las inundaciones en Pakistán.
Pero el propósito del desarrollo —y lo que se necesita en este momento— es crear las condiciones donde la asistencia ya no sea necesaria. Por lo tanto, buscaremos socios que quieran aumentar su propia capacidad para satisfacer las necesidades de su propio pueblo. Procuraremos desarrollo que sea sostenible.
Y basándonos en parte en las lecciones de la Corporación del Desafío del Milenio (Millennium Challenge Corporation), que ha ayudado a países como El Salvador a construir carreteras rurales y aumentar los ingresos de su pueblo, invertiremos en la capacidad de los países que están probando que están comprometidos con el desarrollo.
Recordando las lecciones de la Revolución Verde, estamos aumentando la colaboración científica con otros países e invirtiendo en ciencia y tecnología transformadora para ayudar a propiciar avances históricos en el desarrollo.
Por ejemplo, en vez de simplemente tratar el VIH/SIDA, hemos invertido en investigación pionera para finalmente crear una manera de ayudar a millones de mujeres a prevenir el contagio para comenzar.
En vez de simplemente entregar alimentos, nuestro programa de seguridad alimentaria está ayudando a países como Guatemala y Ruanda y Bangladesh a desarrollar su agricultura y mejorar su producción agrícola y ayudar a los agricultores a llevar sus productos al mercado.
En vez de simplemente entregar medicamentos, nuestro Programa Mundial de Salud (Global Health Initiative) también está ayudando a países como Mali y Nepal a desarrollar mejores sistemas de salud y brindar mejor atención. Y con ayuda económica y técnica, contribuiremos a que los países en desarrollo acojan la tecnología de energía limpia que necesitan para adaptarse al cambio climático y procuren crecer emitiendo menos carbono.
En otras palabras, estamos dejando en claro que nos asociaremos con países que están dispuestos a asumir la delantera, porque los días en que su desarrollo se dictaba por capitales extranjeras deben llegar a su fin. (Aplausos).
Esto me lleva al tercer pilar de nuestra estrategia. Para dar rienda suelta a los cambios transformadores, estamos poniendo renovado énfasis en la fuerza más poderosa que el mundo ha conocido para erradicar la pobreza y crear oportunidades. Es la fuerza que hizo que Corea del Sur pasara de ser beneficiario de ayuda a Donante de ayuda. Es la fuerza que ha aumentado los estándares de vida desde Brasil hasta la India. Y es la fuerza que ha permitido que países emergentes de África, como Etiopía y Malawi y Mozambique, desafíen los pronósticos y alcancen verdaderos logros hacia los Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio, incluso mientras algunos de sus vecinos, como Costa de Marfil, han quedado rezagados.
La fuerza de la que estoy hablando es el crecimiento económico generalizado. Ahora bien, todo país sigue su propio camino a la prosperidad. Pero décadas de experiencia nos dicen que hay ciertos ingredientes que se requieren para un crecimiento sostenido y un desarrollo duradero.
Sabemos que los países tienen mayores probabilidades de prosperar cuando fomentan la capacidad empresarial; cuando invierten en su infraestructura; cuando expanden el comercio y acogen la inversión. Por lo tanto nos asociaríamos con países como Sierra Leona para crear entornos comerciales que sean atractivos para la inversión, que no la ahuyenten. Trabajaremos para derrumbar barreras para el comercio regional e instar a los países a abrir sus mercados a países en desarrollo. Seguiremos promoviendo una rueda de Doha ambiciosa y equilibrada, que funcione no sólo para las principales economías emergentes, sino para todas las economías.
También sabemos que los países tienen mayores probabilidades de prosperar cuando los gobiernos rinden cuentas de sus actos a su pueblo. Por lo tanto, estamos dirigiendo un esfuerzo mundial para combatir la corrupción, que en muchos lugares es, por sí sola, el mayor obstáculo para la prosperidad y que es una grave violación de los derechos humanos. Por eso ahora requerimos que las compañías petroleras, mineras y de gas que se capitalizan en Estados Unidos divulguen todos los pagos que les hacen a gobiernos extranjeros. Y por eso he instado al G20 a que incluya la corrupción en su orden del día y dificulte que los funcionarios corruptos le roben a su propio pueblo y frustren el desarrollo de su nación.
Estados Unidos se concentrará en nuestros esfuerzos de desarrollo en países como Tanzania que promueven el buen gobierno y la democracia; el imperio de la ley y la administración imparcial de la justicia; las instituciones transparentes con sociedades civiles sólidas, y el respeto de los derechos humanos, pues a largo plazo, la democracia y el crecimiento económico van de la mano.
Les tenderemos la mano a países que realizan la transición del autoritarismo a la democracia, y de la guerra a la paz. El pueblo de Liberia, por ejemplo, muestra que incluso tras años de guerra, es posible alcanzar grandes logros. Y a medida que otros muestren la valentía de dejar la guerra atrás—y esperamos que entre ellos esté Sudán—Estados Unidos respaldará a quienes procuran consolidar y mantener la paz.
También sabemos que los países tienen mayores probabilidades de prosperar cuando aprovechan el talento de todo su pueblo. Y por eso estamos invirtiendo en salud, educación y los derechos de la mujer, y trabajando para darle poder a la próxima generación de empresarias y líderes femeninas, pues cuando madres e hijas tienen acceso a oportunidades, es entonces que la economía crece, es entonces que el buen gobierno mejora.
Y es por eso que nos estamos asociando con jóvenes, quienes en países en desarrollo representan más de la mitad de la población. Estamos aumentando los intercambios educativos, como el que trajo a mi padre de Kenia aquí a Estados Unidos. Y estamos ayudando a jóvenes empresarios a tener éxito en una economía mundial.
Y como pilar final de nuestra nueva estrategia, insistiremos en más responsabilidad de parte propia y de los demás. Insistimos en el mutuo rendimiento de cuentas.
De nuestra parte, trabajaremos con el Congreso para hacer que nuestras inversiones estén más conformes con las prioridades de nuestros países socios. Guiados por las pruebas, invertiremos en programas que funcionan; eliminaremos aquéllos que no. Debemos tener un corazón grande pero también la cabeza fría en nuestra estrategia hacia el desarrollo.
A los demás países donantes: cumplamos con nuestros compromisos respectivos. (Aplausos). Propongámonos poner fin a las promesas vanas que no se cumplen. Comprometámonos con la misma transparencia que esperamos de los demás. Dejemos atrás el trillado y limitado debate sobre cuánto dinero estamos gastando y concentrémonos más bien en los resultados, si realmente estamos logrando mejoras en la vida de la gente.
Ahora bien, a los países en desarrollo, éste también debe ser su momento de responsabilidad. Queremos que prosperen y tengan éxito. Les conviene no sólo a ustedes sino también a nosotros. Queremos ayudarlos a que alcancen sus aspiraciones como nación e individualmente en cada uno de sus países.
Pero no existe sustituto para el liderazgo. Sólo ustedes y su pueblo pueden tomar las decisiones difíciles que darán rienda suelta al dinamismo de su país. Sólo ustedes pueden hacer las inversiones sostenibles que mejorarán la salud y bienestar de su pueblo. Sólo ustedes pueden llevar a sus países a un futuro más próspero y justo. Podemos ser socios, pero a fin de cuentas, ustedes deben asumir la delantera.
Finalmente, permítame decir esto. Ningún país puede hacer todo en todas partes y hacerlo bien. Para cumplir con nuestros objetivos, debemos ser más selectivos y centrar nuestros esfuerzos donde tenemos los mejores socios y donde podemos tener el mayor impacto. Y así como este trabajo no lo puede hacer un solo gobierno, tampoco puede limitarse a labor de gobiernos. De hecho, las fundaciones y el sector privado y las organizaciones no gubernamentales están haciendo compromisos históricos que han redefinido lo que es posible.
Y eso nos da la oportunidad de crear una nueva división de trabajo para el desarrollo en el siglo XXI. Es una división del trabajo con la que—en vez de tanta duplicación e ineficiencia—los gobiernos y las organizaciones multilaterales y no gubernamentales trabajan todos juntos. Cada uno hace la porción que realiza mejor, como lo estamos haciendo, como por ejemplo, para apoyar el plan para la seguridad alimentaria de Ghana, que ayudará a más agricultores a llevar más productos al mercado y ganar más dinero para mantener a sus familias.
Entonces, ése es el progreso que es posible. Juntos podemos colaborar de maneras inimaginables hace apenas unos años. Juntos podemos lograr el futuro que ninguno de nosotros puede lograr solo. Juntos podemos producir avances históricos en el desarrollo. Podemos hacerlo, pero sólo si avanzamos con la seriedad y el propósito común que el momento exige.
Desarrollo que ofrece una vía para salir de la pobreza porque todo niño merece una vida mejor. Desarrollo que aumenta la capacidad de los países de brindar el cuidado de salud y la educación que su pueblo necesita. Desarrollo que produce prosperidad más generalizada y forja la próxima generación de empresarios y economías emergentes. Desarrollo basado en la responsabilidad, rendimiento mutuo de cuentas y, más que nada, resultados concretos que llevan a comunidades y países de la pobreza a la prosperidad.
Éstos son los elementos de la nueva estrategia de Estados Unidos. Éste es el trabajo que podemos hacer juntos. Y éste puede ser nuestro plan, no simplemente para cumplir con nuestros Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio, sino para superarlos y continuarlos para beneficio de las próximas generaciones.
Muchas gracias a todos. Gracias. (Aplausos).
###
The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
1:35 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Please be seated. Good afternoon, and on behalf of Michelle and myself, welcome to the White House. And I thank you, General Cyr, for that wonderful invocation.
Of all the military decorations that our nation can bestow, the highest is the Medal of Honor. It is awarded for conspicuous gallantry; for risking one’s life in action; for serving above and beyond the call of duty. Today, we present the Medal of Honor to an American who displayed such gallantry more than four decades ago —- Chief Master Sergeant Richard L. Etchberger.
This medal reflects the gratitude of an entire nation. So we are also joined by Vice President Biden and members of Congress, including Congressman Earl Pomeroy and —- from Chief Etchberger’s home state of Pennsylvania -— Congressman Tim Holden.
We are joined by leaders from across my administration, including Secretary of Veterans Affairs Ric Shinseki; Secretary of Defense Robert Gates; Vice Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Jim “Hoss” Cartwright; and leaders from across our Armed Services, including Air Force Secretary Michael Donley and Chief of Staff General Norton Schwartz.
I want to acknowledge a group of Americans who understand the valor we recognize today, because they displayed it themselves —- members of the Medal of Honor Society. Most of all, we welcome Dick Etchberger’s friends and family -— especially his brother Robert, and Dick’s three sons, Steve, Richard and Cory.
For the Etchberger family, this is a day more than 40 years in the making. Cory was just nine years old, but he can still remember that winter in 1968 when he, his brothers and his mom were escorted to the Pentagon. The war in Vietnam was still raging. Dick Etchberger had given his life earlier that year. Now his family was being welcomed by the Air Force Chief of Staff.
In a small, private ceremony, Dick was recognized with the highest honor that the Air Force can give —- the Air Force Cross. These three sons were told that their dad was a hero -- that he had died while saving his fellow airmen. But they weren’t told much else. Their father’s work was classified, and for years, that’s all they really knew.
Then, nearly two decades later, the phone rang. It was the Air Force, and their father’s mission was finally being declassified. And that’s when they learned the truth —- that their father had given his life not in Vietnam, but in neighboring Laos. That’s when they began to learn the true measure of their father’s heroism.
Dick Etchberger was a radar technician and he had been hand-picked for a secret assignment. With a small team of men, he served at the summit of one of the tallest mountains in Laos -— more than a mile high, literally above the clouds. They manned a tiny radar station, guiding American pilots in the air campaign against North Vietnam.
Dick and his crew believed they could help turn the tide of the war, perhaps even end it. And that’s why North Vietnamese forces were determined to shut it down. They sent their planes to strafe the Americans as they worked. They moved in their troops. And eventually, Dick and his team could look through their binoculars and see that their mountain was surrounded by thousands of North Vietnamese troops.
Dick and his crew at that point had a decision to make —- ask to be evacuated or continue the mission for another day. They believed that no one could possibly scale the mountain’s steep cliffs. And they believed in their work. So they stayed. They continued their mission.
There were 19 Americans on the mountain that evening. When their shift was over, Dick and his four men moved down to a small, rocky ledge on a safer side of the mountain. And then, during the night, the enemy attacked. Somehow, fighters scaled the cliffs and overran the summit. Down the side of the mountain, Dick and his men were now trapped on that ledge.
The enemy lobbed down grenade after grenade, hour after hour. Dick and his men would grab those grenades and throw them back, or kick them into the valley below. But the grenades kept coming. One airman was killed, and then another. A third airman was wounded, and then another. Eventually, Dick was the only man standing.
As a technician, he had no formal combat training. In fact, he had only recently been issued a rifle. But Dick Etchberger was the very definition of an NCO —- a leader determined to take care of his men. When the enemy started moving down the rocks, Dick fought them off. When it looked like the ledge would be overrun, he called for air strikes, within yards of his own position, shaking the mountain and clearing the way for a rescue. And in the morning light, an American helicopter came into view.
Richard Etchberger lived the Airman’s Creed —- to never leave an airman behind, to never falter, to never fail. So as the helicopter hovered above and lowered its sling, Dick loaded his wounded men, one by one, each time exposing himself to enemy fire. And when another airman suddenly rushed forward after eluding the enemy all night, Dick loaded him, too —- and finally, himself. They had made it off the mountain.
That’s when it happened. The helicopter began to peel away. A burst of gunfire erupted below. Dick was wounded. And by the time they landed at the nearest base, he was gone.
Of those 19 men on the mountain that night, only seven made it out alive. Three of them owed their lives to the actions of Dick Etchberger. Today, we’re honored to be joined by one of them —- Mr. John Daniel.
Among the few who knew of Dick’s actions, there was a belief that his valor warranted our nation’s highest military honor. But his mission had been a secret. And that’s how it stayed for those many years. When their father’s mission was finally declassified, these three sons learned something else. It turned out that their mother had known about Dick’s work all along. But she had been sworn to secrecy. And she kept that promise —- to her husband and her country —- all those years, not even telling her own sons. So today is also a tribute to Catherine Etchberger, and a reminder of the extraordinary sacrifices that our military spouses make on behalf of our nation.
This story might have ended there —- with a family finally knowing the truth. And for another two decades, it did. But today also marks another chapter in a larger story of our nation finally honoring that generation of Vietnam veterans who served with dedication and courage but all too often were shunned when they came home, which was a disgrace that must never happen again.
A few years ago, an airman who never even knew Dick Etchberger read about his heroism and felt he deserved something more. So he wrote his congressman, who made it his mission to get this done. Today we thank that airman, retired Master Sergeant Robert Dilley, and that congressman, Earl Pomeroy, who along with Congressman Holden made this day possible.
Sadly, Dick’s wife Catherine did not live to see this moment. But today Steve and Richard and Cory —- today your nation finally acknowledges and fully honors your father’s bravery. Because even though it has been 42 years, it’s never too late to do the right thing. And it’s never too late to pay tribute to our Vietnam veterans —- and their families.
In recent years, Dick’s story has become known and Air Force bases have honored him with streets and buildings in his name. And at the base where he trained so long ago in Barksdale -- Barksdale in Louisiana, there is a granite monument with an empty space next to his name -- and that space can finally be etched with the words “Medal of Honor.”
But the greatest memorial of all to Dick Etchberger is the spirit that we feel here today, the love that inspired him to serve -- love for his country and love for his family. And most eloquent -- the most eloquent expression of that devotion are the words that he wrote himself, to a friend back home just months before he gave his life to our nation.
“I hate to be away from home,” he wrote from that small base above the clouds, “but I believe in the job.” He said, “It is the most challenging job I’ll ever have in my life.” And then he added, “I love it.”
Our nation endures because there are patriots like Chief Master Sergeant Richard Etchberger —- and our troops who are serving as we speak -- who love this nation and defend it. Their legacy lives on because their families and fellow citizens preserve it. And as Americans, we remain worthy of their example only so long as we honor it —- not merely with the medals that we present, but by remaining true to the values and freedoms for which they fight.
So please join me in welcoming Steve, Richard and Cory for the reading of the citation. (Applause.)
MILITARY AIDE: The President of the United States of America, authorized by Act of Congress, March 3, 1863, has awarded, in the name of The Congress, the Medal of Honor to Chief Master Sergeant Richard L. Etchberger, United States Air Force, for conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity at the risk of life above and beyond the call of duty.
Chief Master Sergeant Richard L. Etchberger distinguished himself by extraordinary heroism on March 11, 1968, in the country of Laos, while assigned a Ground Radar Superintendent, Detachment 1, 1043d Radar Evaluation Squadron.
On that day, Chief Etchberger and his team of technicians were manning a top-secret defensive position at Lima Site 85 when the base was overrun by an enemy ground force. Receiving sustained and withering heavy artillery attacks directly upon his unit’s position, Chief Etchberger’s entire crew lay dead or severely wounded. Despite having received little or no combat training, Chief Etchberger single-handedly held off the enemy with an M-16, while simultaneously directing air strikes into the area and calling for air rescue. Because of his fierce defense and heroic and selfless actions, he was able to deny the enemy access to his position and save the lives of his remaining crew. With the arrival of the rescue aircraft, Chief Etchberger, without hesitation, repeatedly and deliberately risked his own life, exposing himself to heavy enemy fire in order to place three surviving wounded comrades into rescue slings hanging from the hovering helicopter waiting to airlift them to safety. With his remaining crew safely aboard, Chief Etchberger finally climbed into an evacuation sling himself, only to be fatally wounded by enemy ground fire as he was being raised into the aircraft.
Chief Etchberger’s bravery and determination in the face of persistent enemy fire and overwhelming odds are in keeping with the highest standards of performance and traditions of military service. Chief Etchberger’s gallantry, self-sacrifice, and profound concern for his fellow men at risk of his life, above and beyond the call of duty, reflect the highest credit upon himself and the United States Air Force.
(The Medal is of Honor is presented.) (Applause.)
END
1:48 P.M. EDT
The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
7:04 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, everybody. Thank you. (Applause.) Everybody please have a seat. Thank you so much. Thank you. I am getting older so I’ve got to make sure I have a card in case I forget anybody. First of all, I want to thank Mark and Ken for helping to pull this together. Thank you so much. You guys did an outstanding job.
To my dear friend, Bob Casey, who was out there campaigning with me in Pennsylvania when our campaign was just full of ups and downs, and the Caseys were such great friends, continue to be such great friends. And Bob is not only a great senator, he’s just a fine, fine man, and a good person to anybody who knows him.
We’ve got Arlen Specter in the house. And I want to thank him for his extraordinary service to this country. (Applause.) Representative Joe Sestak, who’s going to be the next senator from the great state of Pennsylvania, is here -- (applause) -- or at least he was here. Where is he? Now, I just want to say, by the way, if he left, that’s a smart thing to do. I want him out there going out and getting votes. (Laughter.)
Congressman Chaka Fattah is in the house -- (applause) -- doing outstanding work each and every day. Mayor Michael Nutter is helping to lead this city and we are grateful to him. Dan Onorato, the next governor of the great state of Pennsylvania, is here as well. (Applause.) Thank you all for being here.
When I was sworn in on that very cold day in January -- some of you were there. Remember? It was cold. But the spirits were warm. We had run a historic campaign against great odds at a time when the country understood that the path we were on was not tenable.
Between 2001 and 2009 -- this is according to The Wall Street Journal and according to the Census -- between 2001 and 2009, middle-class families actually lost 5 percent of their income. Their wages and income had flatlined. Job growth was more sluggish during that period than any time since World War II. As tough as we’re having it right now in terms of job growth, job growth was actually slower coming out of that recession after 2001. In the meantime, families were seeing their costs of health care, costs of sending their kids to college, you name it, were skyrocketing. And so people desperately felt that they were losing ground.
And a lot of this had to do with a very specific set of policies, an ideology that reined in Washington, that essentially said we’re going to cut taxes, regardless of its impact on deficits; we’re going to cut taxes, especially for millionaires and billionaires; we’re going to cut rules and regulations that protect consumers and workers and the environment; and we’re basically going to cut loose middle-class families and families aspiring to be in the middle class -- we’re going to cut them loose and let them fend for themselves. And if we do all that, then somehow prosperity is assured.
And for a while, on paper at least, I think some people thought it might work. Stock market was booming. We had a big housing bubble. Because housing prices kept on going up, people felt like they could borrow against their homes to make up for flatlining wages and incomes. People maxed out on their credit cards. And then the bottom began falling out, so that by the time I took office on that cold day, a hopeful day, that month we were going to lose 750,000 jobs. In the preceding six months before I took office, we had already lost 4 million jobs, and we were going to lose another 600,000 in February and another 600,000 in March, all before any of our economic policies would have a chance of taking effect.
Ultimately, as you all remember, we were on the verge of slipping into a Great Depression. And I still remember the work that we had to do in the White House in March when the stock market was crashing, credit was completely locked up. People -- and we’ve got some terrific businesspeople here -- you remember, you could not get a loan. You could not get a line of credit. People couldn’t borrow to buy a car. You couldn’t borrow to get a student loan. And there were a lot of economists out there who thought we were going to go back into the kind of depression that we hadn’t seen since 1930.
So our first task was to stop the bleeding, to stabilize the economy. And we’ve done that. The financial markets are now stable. The economy that was contracting 6 percent in that first quarter when I took office is now growing again. We’ve seen eight consecutive months of private sector job growth. But even though we stabilized the situation, the devastation that had been wrought as a consequence of this crisis -- which, by the way, is worse than the recession in the ‘80s, the ‘90s, and at the beginning of 2000, worse than all three of those combined -- we’ve begun to dig ourselves out of that hole, but all those problems that existed before the crisis haven’t gone away.
So even though things are getting better, you still have millions of people who are out of work. You still have hundreds of thousands of homes that have been lost. People are still having trouble paying their bills and financing a college education.
And so what we knew was what we had to not only do is to deal with the immediate crisis before us but go back to what we talked about during that campaign -- how are we going to set a foundation for long-term, sustained economic growth? How can we make sure that the growing middle class that is at the heart of a healthy economy, that that was a reality again for people all across this country?
That’s our project. And over the last 20 months, I have not been spending time thinking about the next election; I’ve been spending time thinking about the next generation.
And that means sometimes we’ve done some things that were very unpopular. And I always try to remind people, we actually have very good pollsters who work with the White House, so I know when something is going to be unpopular. But you didn’t work so hard on my behalf simply to do what was popular. You elected me to do what was right. And that’s what we’ve done. From finally reforming our health care system -- a health care system that was fundamentally broken -- and doing so not just in a way that gives people access to health care, not only allows young people to stay on their parents’ health care until they’re 26, not only allows people with preexisting conditions to finally get health care, but also stands the best chance of reducing our long-term health care costs, which is ultimately the single most important thing we can do to reduce the deficit. And we did that with the help of Bob Casey and Arlen Specter.
And then we reformed our financial system so we would not have a circumstance again in which taxpayers were faced with the choice of either bailing out folks for irresponsible behavior or risking a complete meltdown of the financial system.
And then we made modifications to our higher learning and student loan program so that now we’ve got billions of dollars that are now flowing to young people all across this country -- millions of kids who are now going to be able to afford college -- and their debt will not be more than 10 percent of their income.
And we made the largest investment in research and development in our history, because we know that the most important thing we can do to ensure that the economy is growing is ensure that the next big thing is right here in the United States of America. And we made investments in clean energy, the largest in our history, so that solar panels and wind turbines and green cars and advanced battery technology is all manufactured right here in the United States of America -- because we don’t want those jobs going overseas, we want them here.
So we have, over the last 20 months, laid the tracks, the foundation, for us to finally solve problems that had been plaguing us for decades, and to ensure that the 21st century is the American Century, just like the previous century was.
Now, all this was difficult because we had the other side saying no to every single thing we could propose -- no to tax cuts for small businesses; no to infrastructure projects that would put people back to work; no to health care; no to financial regulatory reform. Their motto was: No, we can’t. (Laughter.) But we got it done anyway.
But, look, we’ve got to admit that there was a price to getting that stuff done, because their unwillingness to work with us, their decision to stand on the sidelines in the midst of this crisis, allowed them then to point and say, well, this is not our problem, this is their problem. And understanding that we had a big hole to dig ourselves out of, understanding that the public was going to be angry and frustrated with what had happened, I understand the politics behind what they did. The question now is will they be rewarded for that kind of politics -- that focuses on the next election and not the next generation. And that’s going to be in large part up to folks like you.
I mean, the truth of the matter is, is that there is no reason why we can’t take our case directly to the American people and win. And we’ve got terrific candidates all across the country who are prepared to do so. And the biggest impediment we have right now is that independent expenditures coming from special interests -- who we don’t know because they’re not obligated to disclose their contributions under a Supreme Court decision called Citizens United -- means that in some places, you’ve got third parties that are spending millions more than the candidates combined, more than the parties in these states.
That’s the biggest problem that we have all across the country right now. We’ve got great candidates who are taking their case directly to the American people, but they are being drowned out by groups like Americans for Prosperity. Nobody knows who they are. Well, we know who they are -- but nobody knows where the money is coming from, and they certainly don’t appear on those ads.
So I believe that if we are able to get our message out, if we have the same energy and focus and determination that we had in 2008 and 2006, then we will do fine. But that requires us to understand the stakes involved in this election. And I want everybody to understand, especially those who supported me, we are just in the first quarter here. We’ve gotten a lot of stuff done, but we’ve got a lot more work to do.
And the other side wants to go back -- this is very explicit on their part -- they want to go back exactly to the agenda that got us into this mess in the first place. I’m not making that up. The chairman of their committee, when asked, well, what’s your plan -- well, we’re going to go back to the exact same agenda that we had before Obama was elected. Think about that. This is the agenda that resulted in the worst financial crisis since the Great Depression. That’s their agenda.
And if you need an illustration of it, look at the debate we’re having with respect to tax cuts right now. Now, this is generally a fairly well-to-do group. And by the way, I include myself as a consequence of selling a lot of books in that category. (Laughter.) Right now, what we’ve said is let’s extend tax relief to 98 percent of the American people -- actually, 100 percent of the American people, just up to $250,000. So even if you make a million dollars, you’d still get tax relief, but you’d only get it up to $250,000. After that the rates would go up to what they were under Bill Clinton.
There’s nobody in this room who would be hurt by that. And the economy would be helped -- because the alternative is we’d have to borrow $700 billion that we do not have in order to give people who make more than a million dollars an average of a $100,000 check. And obviously, somebody like Warren Buffett would get a much bigger check. He doesn’t need it, and he doesn’t want it because he knows it’s irresponsible. And yet, the other side is willing to hold tax relief for 98 percent of the American people hostage purely for ideological reasons, because this is their only idea. They don’t have another idea.
I’m not exaggerating. Think about it. What are they standing for? They say they are concerned about deficits. We’re going to get control of government spending. What specific proposal have you heard from them in terms of what they would cut, what programs would they eliminate? Are they going to get rid of the work that we’ve done to make sure that veterans with PTSD are getting help when they come home? Are they going to say to the millions of kids who are now receiving student loan help, you know what, sorry, you can’t afford to go to school? What’s their agenda? They don’t have one.
And so the stakes in this election could not be higher. Their message is: Whatever it is that Obama was for, we’ll be against. We’ll try to roll back health care. We’ll try to roll back financial regulatory reform. And all those folks who were financing these third parties all across the country, all those special interests, they’re going to be looking to be able to write the rules again, if these folks are back in power.
So when I hear Democrats griping and groaning and saying, well, you know, the health care plan didn’t have a public option; and I don’t know, the financial reform -- there was a provision here that I think we should have gotten better; or, you know what, yes, you ended the war in Iraq, the combat mission there, but you haven’t completely finished the Afghan war yet; or this or that or the other -- I say, folks, wake up. (Laughter.) This is not some academic exercise. As Joe Biden put it, don’t compare us to the Almighty; compare us to the alternative. (Laughter and applause.) That’s what’s at stake in this election.
I’ve been using this analogy around the country. The other side drove the economy into the ditch, and we’ve been down there and putting on our boots, and it’s muddy, and it’s hot, and there are bugs swarming, and we’ve been pushing and shoving and sweating, trying to get this car out of the ditch. And the Republicans have been standing there, sipping on a Slurpee, watching us -- (laughter) -- and saying, you’re not pushing hard enough, or you’re not pushing the right way. “Well, come down and help.” “No, no, no, you go ahead.” Finally, we get the car up on level ground, and it is -- it’s kind of dinged up. I mean, it wasn’t good for the car to be driven into the ditch. (Laughter.) And it needs some body work, it needs a tune-up, it needs a carwash, but it’s moving.
And suddenly we get a tap on the shoulder and the Republicans say, “We want the keys back.” You can’t have the keys back. You can’t drive. That’s why we were in the ditch. (Laughter.) And as soon as they get into power, they will throw that car right back in reverse. There’s a reason why, when you want to go forward, you put it into “D,” and when you go backwards, it goes into “R.” (Laughter and applause.) That’s not a coincidence. They will drive it right back into the ditch, and they’ll have those special interests riding shotgun in that process.
There is a lot at stake in this election. And everybody here who believed in what we were doing in 2008 and who believed in what we were doing in 2006 and understood that we were moving in the wrong direction for the previous eight years, this is the time that counts. It is easy to support candidates and go to events when everybody is really popular. It was easy showing up to the inauguration, even if it was cold. (Laughter.) Right? I’m polling at 70 percent, and Beyoncé and Bono are singing. (Laughter.) Well, I mean -- but I believe that the reason you got involved at the outset was not because we had cool posters, not because it was the trendy thing to do, not just because my predecessor had become unpopular, but because at some level we understood that the American Dream had served each of us very well and that we had to make sure the next generation was served just as well.
And that required us making some hard decisions. And that required us making some sacrifices. And that required us buckling down and taking responsibility for solving problems that had plagued us for decades. And that’s what change is. This is what change looks like. In a big, messy democracy like ours, a country that’s huge and diverse, you know, it’s not smooth. But it’s worthwhile.
And so over the next six weeks, but over the next two years, over the next six years, over the next decade, whatever it is, I want all of you to remind yourselves why you got involved and why you care deeply, and not lose heart. But gird yourself for a battle that’s worth fighting. Take pride in the fact that, yes, what we’re trying to do here is finally take responsibility and move this country in a better direction and change our politics. And that’s not going to be easy. But it can be done.
And for those of you who don’t think it can be done, I just will remind you that it was just a few years back where I was a state senator in Illinois named Barack Hussein Obama, and I stand now addressing you as the President of the United States. Don’t tell me it can’t be done.
Thank you very much, everybody. God bless you. (Applause.)
END
7:25 P.M. EDT
The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
5:57 P.M. EDT