The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
June 09, 2014

Remarks by the President on Opportunity for All: Making College More Affordable

1:51 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  Everybody have a seat.  Welcome to the White House.  And I want to thank Andy for the terrific introduction.  And this is commencement season, and it’s always a hopeful and exciting time, and I’ll bet we might have some folks who just graduated here today.  Raise your hands.  Let’s see -- yes, we’ve got a couple of folks who are feeling pretty good.  (Laughter.) 

Of course, once the glow wears off, this can be a stressful time for millions of students.  And they’re asking themselves, how on Earth am I going to pay off all these student loans?  And that’s what we’re here to talk about.  And Andy I think gave a vivid example of what’s going through the minds of so many young people who have the drive and the energy and have succeeded in everything that they do but because of family circumstances have found themselves in a situation where they’ve got significant debt.

Now, we know, all of you know, that in a 21st century economy, a higher education is the single best investment that you can make in yourselves and your future, and we’ve got to make sure that investment pays off.

And here’s why:  For 51 months in a row, our businesses have created new jobs -- 9.4 million new jobs in total.  And over the last year, we’ve averaged around 200,000 new jobs every month.  That’s the good news.  But while those at the top are doing better than ever, average wages have barely budged.  And there are too many Americans out there that are working harder and harder just to get by.

Everything I do is aimed towards reversing those trends that put a greater burden on the middle class and are diminishing the number of ladders to get into the middle class, because the central tenet of my presidency, partly because of the story of my life and Michelle’s life, is this is a country where opportunity should be available for anybody -- the idea that no matter who you are, what you look like, where you come from, how you were raised, who you love, if you’re willing to work hard, if you’re willing to live up to your responsibilities, you can make it here in America.

And in America, higher education opens the doors of opportunity for all.  And it doesn’t have to be a four-year college education.  We’ve got community colleges, we’ve got technical schools, but we know that some higher education, some additional skills is going to be your surest path to the middle class.  The typical American with a bachelor’s degree or higher earns over $28,000 more per year than somebody with just a high school education -- 28 grand a year.  And right now, the unemployment rate for workers with a bachelor’s degree is about half of what it is for folks with just a high school education.

So you know that this is a smart investment.  Your parents know this is a smart investment.  That’s why so many of them made such big sacrifices to make sure that you could get into college, and nagged you throughout your high school years.  (Laughter.) 

Here’s the problem:  At a time when higher education has never been more important, it’s also never been more expensive.  Over the last three decades, the average tuition at a public university has more than tripled.  At the same time, the typical family’s income has gone up just 16 percent. 

Michelle and I both went to college because of loans and grants and the work that we did.   But I’ll be honest with you -- now, I’m old, I’ve got to admit -- (laughter) -- but when I got out of school, it took me about a year to pay off my entire undergraduate education.  That was it.  And I went to a private school; I didn’t even go to a public school.  So as recently as the ‘70s, the ‘80s, when you made a commitment to college, you weren’t anticipating that you’d have this massive debt on the back end. 

Now, when I went to law school it was a different story.  But that made sense because the idea was if you got a professional degree like a law degree, you would probably be able to pay it off.  And so I didn’t feel sorry for myself or any lawyers who took on law school debt. 

But compare that experience just half a generation, a generation ago to what kids are going through now.  These rising costs have left middle-class families feeling trapped.  Let’s be honest:  Families at the top, they can easily save more than enough money to pay for school out of pocket.  Families at the bottom face a lot of obstacles, but they can turn to federal programs designed to help them handle costs.  But you’ve got a lot of middle-class families who can’t build up enough savings, don’t qualify for support, feel like nobody is looking out for them.  And as Andy just described vividly, heaven forbid that the equity in their home gets used up for some other family emergency, or, as we saw in 2008, suddenly home values sink, and then people feel like they’re left in the lurch. 

So I’m only here because this country gave me a chance through education.  We are here today because we believe that in America, no hardworking young person should be priced out of a higher education. 

This country has always made a commitment to put a good education within the reach of young people willing to work for it.  I mentioned my generation, but think about my grandfather’s generation.  I just came back from Normandy, where we celebrated D-Day.  When that generation of young people came back from World War II, at least the men, my grandfather was able to go to college on the GI Bill.  And that helped build the greatest middle class the world has ever known. 

Grants helped my mother raise two kids by herself while she got through school.  And she didn’t have $75,000 worth of debt, and she was raising two kids at the same time.  Neither Michelle or I came from a lot of money, but with hard work, and help from scholarships and student loans, we got to go to great schools.  We did not have this kind of burden that we’re seeing, at least at the undergraduate stages.  As I said, because of law school, we only finished paying off our own student loans just 10 years ago.  So we know what many of you are going through or look forward -- or don’t look forward to.  (Laughter.)  And we were doing it at the same time -- we already had to start saving for Malia and Sasha’s education. 

But this is why I feel so strongly about this.  This is why I’m passionate about it.  That’s why we took on a student loan system that basically gave away tens of billions of taxpayer dollars to big banks.  We said, let’s cut out the middle man.  Banks should be making a profit on what they do, but not off the backs of students.  We reformed it; more money went directly to students.  We expanded grants for low-income students through the Pell grant program.  We created a new tuition tax credit for middle-class families.  We offered millions of young people the chance to cap their student loan payments at 10 percent of their income -- that’s what Andy was referring to.  Michelle right now is working with students to help them “Reach Higher,” and overcome the obstacles that stand between them and graduation.  This is something we are deeply invested in.

But as long as college costs keep soaring, we can’t just keep throwing money at the problem.  We’re going to have to initiate reforms from the colleges themselves.  States have to invest more in higher education.  Historically, the reason we had such a great public education system, public higher education system was states understood we will benefit if we invest in higher education.  And somewhere along the line, they started thinking, we’ve got to invest more in prisons than we do in higher education.  And part of the reason that tuition has been jacked up year after year after year is state legislators are not prioritizing this.  They’re passing the costs onto taxpayers.  It’s not sustainable.

So that’s why I laid out a plan to shake up our higher education system and encourage colleges to finally bring down college costs.  And I proposed new rules to make sure for-profit colleges keep their promises and train students with the skills for today’s jobs without saddling them with debt.  Too many of these for-profit colleges -- some do a fine job, but many of them recruit kids in, the kids don’t graduate, but they’re left with the debt.  And if they do graduate, too often they don’t have the marketable skills they need to get the job that allows them to service the debt.     

None of these fights have been easy.  All of them have been worth it.  You’ve got some outstanding members of Congress right here who have been fighting right alongside us to make sure that we are giving you a fair shake.  And the good news is, more young people are earning college degrees than ever before.  And that’s something we should be proud of, and that’s something we should celebrate. 

But more of them are graduating with debt.  Despite everything we’re doing, we’re still seeing too big a debt load on too many young people.  A large majority of today’s college seniors have taken out loans to pay for school.  The average borrower at a four-year college owes nearly $30,000 by graduation day.  Americans now owe more on student loans than they do on credit cards.  And the outrage here is that they’re just doing what they’ve been told they’re supposed to do.  I can’t tell you how many letters I get from people who say I did everything I was supposed to and now I’m finding myself in a situation where I’ve got debts I can’t pay off, and I want to pay them off, and I’m working really hard, but I just can’t make ends meet.

If somebody plays by the rules, they shouldn’t be punished for it.  A young woman named Ashley, in Santa Fe, wrote me a letter a few months ago.  And Ashley wanted me to know that she’s young, she’s ambitious, she’s proud of the degree she earned.  And she said, “I am the future” -- she put “am” in capital letters so that I’d know she means business.  (Laughter.)  And she told me that because of her student loan debt, she’s worried she’ll never be able to buy a car or a house.  She wrote, “I’m not even 30, and I’ve given up on my future because I can’t afford to have one.”  I wrote her back and said it’s a little early in your 20s to give up.  (Laughter.)  So I’m sure Ashley was trying to make a point, but it’s a point that all of us need to pay attention to.  In America, no young person who works hard and plays by the rules should feel that way. 

Now, I’ve made it clear that I want to work with Congress on this issue.  Unfortunately, a generation of young people can’t afford to wait for Congress to get going.  The members of Congress who are here are working very hard and putting forward legislation to try to make this stuff happen, but they have not gotten some of the support that they need.  In this year of action, wherever I’ve seen ways I can act on my own to expand opportunity to more Americans, I have.  And today, I’m going to take three actions to help more young people pay off their student loan debt.

Number one, I’m directing our Secretary of Education, Arne Duncan, to give more Americans who are already making their loan payments a chance to cap those payments at 10 percent of their income.  We call it “Pay As You Earn.”  We know it works, because we’ve already offered it to millions of young people.  It’s saving folks like Andy hundreds of dollars potentially every month. It’s giving graduates the opportunity to pursue the dreams that inspired them to go to school in the first place, and that’s good for everybody.  And we want more young people to start their own businesses.  We want more young people becoming teachers and nurses and social workers.  We want young people to be in a position to pursue their dreams.  And we want more young people who act responsibly to be able to manage their debt over time.  So we’re announcing steps that will open up “Pay As You Earn” to nearly 5 million more Americans.  That’s the first action we’re taking today.

The second action is to renegotiate contracts with private companies like Sallie Mae that service our student loans.  And we’re going to make it clear that these companies are in the business of helping students, not just collecting payments, and they owe young people the customer service, and support, and financial flexibility that they deserve.  That’s number two.

Number three -- we’re doing more to help every borrower know all the options that are out there, so that they can pick the one that’s right for them.  So we’re going to work with the teachers’ associations, and the nurses’ associations, with business groups; with the YMCA, and non-profits and companies like TurboTax and H&R Block.  And tomorrow, I’m going to do a student loan Q&A with Tumblr to help spread the word -- you’re laughing because you think, what does he know about Tumblr?  (Laughter.)  But you will recall that I have two teenage daughters so that I am hip to all these things.  (Laughter.)  Plus I have all these twenty-somethings who are working for me all the time.  (Laughter.)

But to give even more student borrowers the chance to save money requires action from Congress.  I’m going to be signing this executive order.  It’s going to make progress, but not enough.  We need more.  We’ve got to have Congress to make some progress.  Now, the good news is, as I said, there are some folks in Congress who want to do it.  There are folks here like Jim Clyburn, John Tierney, who are helping lead this fight in the House.  We’ve got Elizabeth Warren, who’s leading this fight in the Senate.  Elizabeth has written a bill that would let students refinance their loans at today’s lower interest rates, just like their parents can refinance a mortgage.  It pays for itself by closing loopholes that allow some millionaires to pay a lower tax rate than middle-class families. 

I don’t know, by the way, why folks aren’t more outraged about this.  I’m going to take a pause out of my prepared text.  You would think that if somebody like me has done really well in part because the country has invested in them, that they wouldn’t mind at least paying the same rate as a teacher or a nurse.  There’s not a good economic argument for it, that they should pay a lower rate.  It’s just clout, that’s all.  So it’s bad enough that that’s already happening.  It would be scandalous if we allowed those kinds of tax loopholes for the very, very fortunate to survive while students are having trouble just getting started in their lives. 

So you’ve got a pretty straightforward bill here.  And this week, Congress will vote on that bill.  And I want Americans to pay attention to see where their lawmakers’ priorities lie here:  lower tax bills for millionaires, or lower student loan bills for the middle class.

This should be a no-brainer.  You’ve got a group of far-right Republicans in Congress who push this trickle-down economic plan, telling hard-working students and families, “You’re on your own.”  Two years ago, Republicans in Congress nearly let student loan interest rates double for 7 million young people.  Last year, they tried to strip protections from lower-income students.  This year, House Republicans voted overwhelmingly to slash Pell grants and make it harder for thousands of families to afford college.  If you’re a big oil company, they’ll go to bat for you.  If you’re a student, good luck. 

Some of these Republicans in Congress seem to believe that it’s just because -- that just because some of the young people behind me need some help, that they’re not trying hard enough.  They don’t get it.  Maybe they need to talk to Andy.  These students worked hard to get where they are today. 

Shanelle Roberson -- where is Shanelle?  Shanelle is the first in her family to graduate from a four-year college.  (Applause.)  Shanelle is not asking for a handout, none of these folks are.  They’re working hard.  They’re working while they’re going to school.  They’re doing exactly what we told them they should do.  But they want a chance.  If they do exactly what they’re told they should do, that they’re not suddenly loaded up where they’ve got so much debt that they can’t buy a house, they can’t think about starting a family, they can’t imagine starting a business on their own. 

I’ve been in politics long enough to hear plenty of people, from both parties, pay lip service to the next generation, and then they abandon them when it counts.  And we, the voters, let it happen.  This is something that should be really straightforward, just like the minimum wage should be straightforward, just like equal pay for equal work should be straightforward.  And one of the things I want all the voters out there to consider, particularly parents who are struggling trying to figure out how am I going to pay my kid’s college education, take a look and see who is that’s fighting for you and your kids, and who is it that’s not.  Because if there are no consequences, then this kind of irresponsible behavior continues on the part of members of Congress.

So I ran for this office to help more young people go to college, graduate, and pay off their debt.  And we’ve made some really good progress despite the best efforts of some in Congress to block that progress.  Think about how much more we could do if they were not standing in the way. 

This week, they have a chance to help millions of young people.  I hope they do.  You should let them know you are watching and paying attention to what they do.  If they do not look out for you, and then throw up a whole bunch of arguments that are meant to obfuscate -- meaning confuse, rather than to clarify and illuminate -- (laughter) -- then you should call them to account.  And in the meantime, I’m going to take these actions today on behalf of all these young people here, and every striving young American who shares my belief that this is a place where you can still make it if you try. 

Thank you, everybody.  God bless you.  God bless America. 

END                                                                     
2:12 P.M. EDT

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
June 09, 2014

Remarks by the President Honoring NCAA Champions the University of Connecticut Huskies

East Room

4:24 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you, everybody.  (Applause.)  Everybody, have a seat, have a seat.  I’ve just got a few things to say here.  Welcome to the White House, first of all. 

AUDIENCE:  Thank you.  (Laughter.)   

THE PRESIDENT:  You’re pleased to be here, aren’t you?  (Laughter.)  I think we should give it up for the men’s and women’s national college basketball champions, the Connecticut Huskies!  (Applause.)  Now, I have to say that, as President, one of my goals has been to eliminate waste and cut out duplicative programs to make things a little more efficient, but this might be carrying things a little too far.  (Laughter.) 

We have, as you might expect, some big Huskies fans here today, including some outstanding members of Congress.  I also want to recognize your university president, Susan Herbst -- (applause) -- your athletic director, Warde Manuel, and Larry McHugh, the chairman of your board of trustees.  Give them a big round of applause.  (Applause.)  And of course, you’ve got a couple of great coaches in what I called when we were meeting back there the grizzled veteran, Geno Auriemma -- (laughter) -- and the new blood, Kevin Ollie, both in the house.  (Applause.)  I can make that joke now that I’ve got gray hair.  (Laughter.)  

Only once before, in 2004, has one school won both the men’s and women’s Division I titles.  And of course, that was who? 

AUDIENCE:  UConn.

THE PRESIDENT:  It was UConn.  This is the women’s 9th national title, more than any other women’s basketball team in history.  (Applause.)  For the men, it is their fourth title in the last 16 years, which is twice as many as anybody else during that same span of time.  (Applause.)  Which makes me think, what’s up with you guys?  Why aren’t you sharing?  It is just a remarkable thing what these two programs have accomplished. 

Of course, this season the women went a perfect 40-0, won their games by an average of 34 points -- so there was not a lot of suspense during their season.  (Laughter.)  In a championship game billed as one of the biggest in women’s basketball history, the Huskies routed the previously unbeaten Notre Dame -- and gave me bragging rights -- it gave me bragging rights to pick them in my bracket.  This was not hard.  (Laughter.)  I mean, me and 95 percent of the country.  And this marked the 5th time that UConn has finished a season as undefeated national champion. 

Of course, a lot of this success belongs to Coach Geno, who has cemented his place as not only a legend in women’s basketball, but one of the best coaches that we’ve ever seen at any level and any sport, period.  (Applause.)  So we are grateful to have you.  Congratulations.  (Applause.) 

But I think Coach Auriemma would be the first to tell you that the credit goes to the players.  And these were just some outstanding young ladies.  You’ve got Breanna Stewart named the Final Four’s Most Outstanding Player two years in a row.  You’ve got Kaleena Mosqueda-Lewis, who overcame injury and illness during the season, and came up big -- as she is prone to do -- during the tournament.  You’ve got Stefanie Dolson and Bria Hartley, who went on to become top-10 picks in the WNBA draft. 

And Stefanie, I did not forget that you challenged me to a dance-off last year.  It is going to happen.  It is going to happen.  (Laughter and applause.)  Don’t think that I -- don’t think that you’re going to beat me on that.  (Laughter.)  I also appreciate that you told the world about it after the title game.  I have daughters in junior high and high school, and for their sake, I will not be dancing too much while the cameras are around.  (Laughter.) 

Now, I also have to confess, I did not pick the men to win in my bracket.  (Laughter.)  Of course, neither did anybody else unless you went to UConn.  (Laughter.)  Look at these guys, they’re all raising their hand.  (Laughter.)  Come on now, tell the truth.  We were not counting on Shabazz Napier leading the way as the tournament’s Most Outstanding Player, and hitting big shot after big shot and locking down the perimeter defensively.  The Huskies also had huge contributions from guys like Ryan Boatright, DeAndre Daniels, and Neils Giffey, who’s not here because he’s playing overseas. 

After the tournament wins over Villanova, Iowa State, Michigan State, Florida, and Kentucky, UConn became the first seven-seed ever to win the title.  (Applause.)   And afterwards, Coach Ollie said, “Somebody told me we were Cinderellas” and I said, “no, we’re UConn” -- that’s “what we do, bred to cut down nets.”  That’s Coach Ollie.  He’s always confident and calm and collected.  In fact, a sportswriter once referred to him as “our future President.”  (Laughter.)  I don’t know with a name like “Kevin” whether that’s possible.  (Laughter and applause.)  But who knows, anything could happen. 

Now, Coach Ollie is doing one other important thing -- he’s making sure his team hits the books as hard as they hit the boards.  And this season, both the men and the women ranked among the nation’s best academically and that’s worth applauding. (Applause.)

Both teams have also done tremendous work in the community.  They’ve raised awareness for cancer and autism.  They’ve volunteered at senior centers, spent time with underprivileged youth.  Coach Ollie and Coach Auriemma spoke at the Pentagon last month as part of our Hoops for Troops program.  And last year, after the tragedy in Newtown, the men put on a clinic for kids at a local rec center -- and they asked the media to keep it under wraps so the kids could just have a good time. 

Finally, I want to take a moment to single out the women here, because I could not be more proud of the example that they present for my daughters.  They’re showing that just like the boys, girls can be tough, athletic, beautiful, successful, competitive and make fun of me, which is what my daughters do all the time.  (Laughter.)  So thank you guys for the outstanding example.  (Applause.) 

Congratulations to your championship Huskies.  (Applause.)  And this really isn’t goodbye probably, because I suspect I’ll see some of these folks again before I leave office.  So let’s strike the podium.  We’ll take some good pictures.  Come on.  And I know we’ve got some jersey presentations here.  Where’s my jersey?  (Laughter.)  

END
4:30 P.M. EDT

The White House

Office of the First Lady

For Immediate Release
June 07, 2014

Remarks by the First Lady at Memorial Service for Dr. Maya Angelou

Wait Chapel at Wake Forest University
Winston-Salem, North Carolina

11:42 A.M. EDT

MRS. OBAMA: Thank you so much. (Applause.) My heart is so full. My heart is so full. Bebe -- Oprah, why did you do that? Just why did you put me after this? (Laughter.)

To the family, Guy, to all of you; to the friends; President Clinton; Oprah; my mother, Cicely Tyson; Ambassador Young -- let me just share something with you. My mother, Marian Robinson, never cares about anything I do. (Laughter.) But when Dr. Maya Angelou passed, she said, you're going, aren't you? I said, well, Mom, I'm not really sure, I have to check with my schedule. She said, you are going, right? (Laughter.) I said, well, I'm going to get back to you but I have to check with the people, figure it out. I came back up to her room when I found out that I was scheduled to go, and she said, that’s good, now I’m happy. (Laughter.)

It is such a profound honor, truly, a profound honor, to be here today on behalf of myself and my husband as we celebrate one of the greatest spirits our world has ever known, our dear friend, Dr. Maya Angelou.

In the Book of Psalms it reads: "I praise you, for I am fearfully and wonderfully made. Wonderful are your works; my soul knows it very well. My frame was not hidden from you when I was being made in secret, intricately woven in the depths of the Earth." What a perfect description of Maya Angelou, and the gift she gave to her family and to all who loved her.

She taught us that we are each wonderfully made, intricately woven, and put on this Earth for a purpose far greater than we could ever imagine. And when I think about Maya Angelou, I think about the affirming power of her words.

The first time I read "Phenomenal Woman", I was struck by how she celebrated black women's beauty like no one had ever dared to before. (Applause.) Our curves, our stride, our strength, our grace. Her words were clever and sassy; they were powerful and sexual and boastful. And in that one singular poem, Maya Angelou spoke to the essence of black women, but she also graced us with an anthem for all women –- a call for all of us to embrace our God-given beauty.

And, oh, how desperately black girls needed that message. As a young woman, I needed that message. As a child, my first doll was Malibu Barbie. (Laughter.) That was the standard for perfection. That was what the world told me to aspire to. But then I discovered Maya Angelou, and her words lifted me right out of my own little head.

Her message was very simple. She told us that our worth has nothing to do with what the world might say. Instead, she said, "Each of us comes from the creator trailing wisps of glory." She reminded us that we must each find our own voice, decide our own value, and then announce it to the world with all the pride and joy that is our birthright as members of the human race.

Dr. Angelou's words sustained me on every step of my journey –- through lonely moments in ivy-covered classrooms and colorless skyscrapers; through blissful moments mothering two splendid baby girls; through long years on the campaign trail where, at times, my very womanhood was dissected and questioned. For me, that was the power of Maya Angelou's words –- words so powerful that they carried a little black girl from the South Side of Chicago all the way to the White House. (Applause.)

And today, as First Lady, whenever the term "authentic" is used to describe me, I take it as a tremendous compliment, because I know that I am following in the footsteps of great women like Maya Angelou. But really, I'm just a beginner -- I am baby-authentic. (Laughter.) Maya Angelou, now she was the original, she was the master. For at a time when there were such stifling constraints on how black women could exist in the world, she serenely disregarded all the rules with fiercely passionate, unapologetic self. She was comfortable in every last inch of her glorious brown skin.

But for Dr. Angelou, her own transition was never enough. You see, she didn't just want to be phenomenal herself, she wanted all of us to be phenomenal right alongside her. (Applause.) So that's what she did throughout her lifetime -– she gathered so many of us under her wing. I wish I was a daughter, but I was right under that wing sharing her wisdom, her genius, and her boundless love.

I first came into her presence in 2008, when she spoke at a campaign rally here in North Carolina. At that point, she was in a wheelchair, hooked up to an oxygen tank to help her breathe. But let me tell you, she rolled up like she owned the place. (Laughter.) She took the stage, as she always did, like she'd been born there. And I was so completely awed and overwhelmed by her presence I could barely concentrate on what she was saying to me.

But while I don't remember her exact words, I do remember exactly how she made me feel. (Applause.) She made me feel like I owned the place, too. She made me feel like I had been born on that stage right next to her. And I remember thinking to myself, "Maya Angelou knows who I am, and she’s rooting for me. So, now I'm good. I can do this. I can do this." (Applause.)

And that's really true for us all, because in so many ways, Maya Angelou knew us. She knew our hope, our pain, our ambition, our fear, our anger, our shame. And she assured us that despite it all –- in fact, because of it all -– we were good. And in doing so, she paved the way for me and Oprah and so many others just to be our good, old, black-woman selves. (Applause.)

She showed us that eventually, if we stayed true to who we are, then the world would embrace us. (Applause.) And she did this not just for black women, but for all women, for all human beings. She taught us all that it is okay to be your regular old self, whatever that is –- your poor self, your broken self, your brilliant, bold, phenomenal self.

That was Maya Angelou's reach. She touched me. She touched all of you. She touched people all across the globe, including a young white woman from Kansas who named her daughter after Maya, and raised her son to be the first black President of the United States. (Applause.)

So when I heard that Dr. Angelou had passed, while I felt a deep sense of loss, I also felt a profound sense of peace. Because there is no question that Maya Angelou will always be with us, because there was something truly divine about Maya. I know that now, as always, she is right where she belongs.

May her memory be a blessing to us all. Thank you. God bless. (Applause.)

END
11:53 A.M. EDT

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
June 07, 2014

Weekly Address: Supporting America’s Students

WASHINGTON, DC -- In this week’s address, President Obama underscored the importance of helping to lift the burden of crushing student loan debt faced by too many Americans and highlighted the efforts he’s taken to ensure we uphold America’s commitment to provide a quality education for all who are willing to work for it. While the President will continue to take action on his own, he urged Congress to do its part and commended Senate Democrats for working on a bill that would help more young people save money.

Remarks of President Barack Obama
Weekly Address
The White House
June 7, 2014

Hi, everybody.  This is commencement season, a time for graduates and their families to celebrate one of the greatest achievements of a young person’s life. But for many graduates, it also means feeling trapped by a whole lot of student loan debt.  And we’ve got to do more to lift that burden.

See, in a 21st century economy, the surest pathway into the middle class is some form of higher education.  The unemployment rate for workers with a bachelor’s degree is just 3.3 percent – about half what it is for high school graduates.  The typical graduate of a four-year college earns $15,000 more per year than someone with just a high school degree.   

But at a time when college has never been more important, it’s also never been more expensive. 

That’s why, since I took office, I’ve worked to make college more affordable.  We reformed a student loan system that gave away billions of taxpayer dollars to big banks and invested that money where it makes a bigger bang – in helping more young people afford a higher education. 

But over the past three decades, the average tuition at a public four-year college has more than tripled.  The average undergraduate student who borrows for college now graduates owing almost $30,000. And I’ve heard from too many young people who are frustrated that they’ve done everything they were supposed to do – and now they’re paying the price.

I’ve taken action on my own to offer millions of students the opportunity to cap their monthly student loan payments to 10% of their income.  But Congress needs to do its part. The good news is that Senate Democrats are working on a bill that would help more young people save money.  Just like you can refinance your mortgage at a lower interest rate, this bill would let you refinance your student loans.  And we’d pay for it by closing loopholes that allow some millionaires to pay a lower tax rate than the middle class. 

That’s the choice that your representatives in Congress will make in the coming weeks – protect young people from crushing debt, or protect tax breaks for millionaires.  And while Congress decides what it’s going to do, I will keep doing whatever I can without Congress to help responsible young people pay off their loans – including new action I will take this week.

This country has always made a commitment to put a good education within the reach of all who are willing to work for it.  That’s what made us an economic superpower.  That’s what makes us special.  And as long as I hold this office, I’ll keep fighting to give more young people the chance to earn their own piece of the American Dream.  Thanks, and have a great weekend. 

 

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
June 06, 2014

Remarks by President Obama at the 70th Anniversary of D-Day -- Omaha Beach, Normandy

Normandy American Cemetery and Memorial
Omaha Beach
Normandy, France

11:16 A.M. CET

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  President Hollande; to the people of France; friends; the family; our veterans: 

If prayer were made of sound, the skies over England that night would have deafened the world.

Captains paced their decks.  Pilots tapped their gauges.  Commanders pored over maps, fully aware that for all the months of meticulous planning, everything could go wrong -- the winds, the tides, the element of surprise -- and above all, the audacious bet that what waited on the other side of the Channel would compel men not to shrink away, but to charge ahead.

Fresh-faced GIs rubbed trinkets, kissed pictures of sweethearts, checked and re-checked their equipment. “God,” asked one, “give me guts.”  And in the pre-dawn hours, planes rumbled down runways; gliders and paratroopers slipped through the sky; giant screws began to turn on an armada that looked like more ships than sea.  And more than 150,000 souls set off towards this tiny sliver of sand upon which hung more than the fate of a war, but rather the course of human history.

President Hollande, distinguished guests, I’m honored to return here today to pay tribute to the men and women of a generation who defied every danger -- among them, our veterans of D-Day.  And, gentlemen, we are truly humbled by your presence here today.  (Applause.)   

Just last week, I received a letter from a French citizen.  “Dear Mr. President, and the American people,” he wrote, “[we are] honored to welcome you… to thank you again for all the pain and efforts of [the] American people and others in our common struggle for freedom.” 

Today, we say the same to the people of France.  Thank you, especially, for the generosity that you’ve shown the Americans who’ve come here over the generations -- to these beaches, and to this sacred place of rest for 9,387 Americans.  At the end of the war, when our ships set off for America, filled with our fallen, tens of thousands of liberated Europeans turned out to say farewell, and they pledged to take care of the more than 60,000 Americans who would remain in cemeteries on this continent.  In the words of one man, we will take care of the fallen “as if their tombs were our children’s.”  And the people of France, you have kept your word like the true friends you are.  We are forever grateful.  (Applause.) 

Here, we don’t just commemorate victory, as proud of that victory as we are.  We don’t just honor sacrifice, as grateful as the world is.  We come to remember why America and our allies gave so much for the survival of liberty at its moment of maximum peril.  We come to tell the story of the men and women who did it so that it remains seared into the memory of a future world.

We tell this story for the old soldiers who pull themselves a little straighter today to salute brothers who never made it home.  We tell the story for the daughter who clutches a faded photo of her father, forever young; for the child who runs his fingers over colorful ribbons he knows signify something of great consequence, even if he doesn’t yet fully understand why.  We tell this story to bear what witness we can to what happened when the boys from America reached Omaha Beach.

By daybreak, blood soaked the water, bombs broke the sky.  Thousands of paratroopers had dropped into the wrong landing sites; thousands of rounds bit into flesh and sand.  Entire companies’ worth of men fell in minutes.  “Hell’s Beach” had earned its name. 

By 8:30 a.m., General Omar Bradley expected our troops to be a mile inland.  “Six hours after the landings,” he wrote, “we held only ten yards of beach.”  In this age of instant commentary, the invasion would have swiftly and roundly been declared, as it was by one officer, “a debacle.” 

But such a race to judgment would not have taken into account the courage of free men.  “Success may not come with rushing speed,” President Roosevelt would say that night, “but we shall return again and again.”  And paratroopers fought through the countryside to find one another.  Rangers pulled themselves over those cliffs to silence Nazi guns.  To the west, Americans took Utah Beach with relative ease.  To the east, the British tore through the coast, fueled by the fury of five years of bombs over London and a solemn vow to “fight them on the beaches.”  The Canadians, whose shores had not been touched by war, drove far into France.  And here, at Omaha, troops who finally made it to the seawall used it as shelter -- where a general barked, “If you’re Rangers… lead the way!”

By the end of that longest day, this beach had been fought, lost, refought, and won -- a piece of Europe once again liberated and free.  Hitler’s Wall was breached, letting loose Patton’s Army to pour into France.  Within a week, the world’s bloodiest beach had become the world’s busiest port.  Within a month, one million Allied troops thundered through Normandy into Europe, and as our armies marched across the continent, one pilot said it looked “as if the very crust of the Earth had shaken loose.”  The Arc de Triomphe lit up for the first time in years, and Paris was punctuated by shouts of “Vive la France!” and “Vive les États-Unis!”  (Applause.)  

Of course, even as we gather here at Normandy, we remember that freedom’s victory was also made possible by so many others who wore America’s uniform.  Two years before he commanded armies, Eisenhower’s troops sliced through North Africa.  Three times before D-Day, our GIs stormed the beaches at Sicily, Salerno, Anzio.  Divisions like the Fighting 36th brawled their way through Italy, fighting through the mud for months, marching through towns past waving children before opening the gates to Rome.  As the “dogfaces” marched to victory in Europe, the Devil Dogs -- the Marines -- clawed their way from island to island in the Pacific, in some of the war’s fiercest fighting.  And back home, an army of women -- including my grandmother -- rolled up their sleeves to help build a mighty arsenal of democracy.

But it was here, on these shores, that the tide was turned in that common struggle for freedom.  What more powerful manifestation of America’s commitment to human freedom than the sight of wave after wave after wave of young men boarding those boats to liberate people they had never met? 

We say it now as if it couldn’t be any other way.  But in the annals of history, the world had never seen anything like it.  And when the war was won, we claimed no spoils of victory -- we helped Europe rebuild.  We claimed no land other than the earth where we buried those who gave their lives under our flag and where we station those who still serve under it.  But America’s claim -- our commitment -- to liberty, our claim to equality, our claim to freedom and to the inherent dignity of every human being -- that claim is written in the blood on these beaches, and it will endure for eternity.

Omaha -- Normandy -- this was democracy’s beachhead.  And our victory in that war decided not just a century, but shaped the security and well-being of all posterity.  We worked to turn old adversaries into new allies.  We built new prosperity.  We stood once more with the people of this continent through a long twilight struggle until finally a wall tumbled down, and an Iron Curtain, too.  And from Western Europe to East, from South America to Southeast Asia -- 70 years of democratic movement spread.  And nations that once knew only the blinders of fear began to taste the blessings of freedom. 

None of that would have happened without the men who were willing to lay down their lives for people they’d never met and ideals they couldn’t live without.

None of it would have happened without the troops President Roosevelt called “the life-blood of America… the hope of the world.” 

They left home barely more than boys and returned home heroes.  But to their great credit, that is not how this generation carried itself.  After the war, some put away their medals, were quiet about their service, moved on.  Some, carrying shrapnel and scars, found that moving on was much harder.  Many, like my grandfather, who served in Patton’s Army, lived a quiet life, trading one uniform and set of responsibilities for another -- as a teacher, or a salesman, or a doctor, or an engineer, a dad, a grandpa. 

Our country made sure millions of them earned a college education, opening up opportunity on an unprecedented scale.  And they married those sweethearts and bought new homes and raised families and built businesses, lifting up the greatest middle class the world has ever known.  And through it all, they were inspired, I suspect, by memories of their fallen brothers -- memories that drove them to live their lives each day as best they possibly could.

Whenever the world makes you cynical, stop and think of these men.  Whenever you lose hope, stop and think of these men.

Think of Wilson Colwell, who was told he couldn’t pilot a plane without a high school degree, so he decided to jump out of a plane instead.  And he did, here on D-Day, with the 101st Airborne when he was just 16 years old.

Think of Harry Kulkowitz, the Jewish son of Russian immigrants, who fudged his age at enlistment so he could join his friends in the fight.  And don’t worry, Harry, the statute of limitations has expired.  (Laughter.)  Harry came ashore at Utah Beach on D-Day.  And now that he’s come back, we said he could have anything he wants for lunch today -- he helped liberate this coast, after all.  But he said a hamburger would do fine.  (Laughter.)  What’s more American than that?

Think of “Rock” Merritt, who saw a recruitment poster asking him if he was man enough to be a paratrooper -- so he signed up on the spot.  And that decision landed him here on D-Day with the 508th regiment, a unit that would suffer heavy casualties.  And 70 years later, it’s said that all across Fort Bragg, they know Rock -- not just for his exploits on D-Day, or his 35 years in the Army, but because 91-year-old Rock Merritt still spends his time speaking to the young men and women of today’s Army and still bleeds “O.D. Green” for his 82nd Airborne.

Whenever the world makes you cynical, whenever you doubt that courage and goodness is possible -- stop and think of these men.

Wilson and Harry and Rock, they are here today, and although I know we already gave them a rousing round of applause, along with all our veterans of D-Day -- if you can stand, please stand; if not, please raise your hand.  Let us recognize your service once more.  (Applause.)  These men waged war so that we might know peace.  They sacrificed so that we might be free.  They fought in hopes of a day when we’d no longer need to fight.  We are grateful to them.  (Applause.)   

And, gentlemen, I want each of you to know that your legacy is in good hands.  For in a time when it has never been more tempting to pursue narrow self-interest, to slough off common endeavor, this generation of Americans, a new generation -- our men and women of war -- have chosen to do their part as well. 

Rock, I want you to know that Staff Sergeant Melvin Cedillo-Martin, who’s here today, is following in your footsteps.  He just had to become an American first -- because Melvin was born in Honduras, moved to the United States, joined the Army.  After tours in Iraq and Afghanistan, he was reassigned to the 82nd Airborne.  And Sunday, he’ll parachute into Normandy.  (Applause.)  “I became part of a family of real American heroes,” he said.  “The Paratroopers of the 82nd.”

Wilson, you should know that Specialist Jannise Rodriguez joined the Army not even two years ago, was assigned to the 101st Airborne, and just last month earned the title of the 101st Airborne Division Air Assault Soldier of the Year.  And that’s inspiring but not surprising, when the women of today’s military have taken on responsibilities, including combat, like never before.  (Applause.)  

I want each of you to know that their commitment to their fellow servicemembers and veterans endures.  Sergeant First Class Brian Hawthorne’s grandfather served under General Patton and General MacArthur.  Brian himself served two tours in Iraq, earned the Bronze Star in Baghdad for saving the life of his best friend, and today, he and his wife use their experience to help other veterans and military families navigate theirs.  And Brian is here in Normandy to participate in Sunday’s jump, and here, just yesterday, he reenlisted in the Army Reserve.

And this generation -- this 9/11 Generation of servicemembers -- they, too, felt something.  They answered some call; they said “I will go.”  They, too, chose to serve a cause that’s greater than self -- many even after they knew they’d be sent into harm’s way.  And for more than a decade, they have endured tour after tour.

Sergeant First Class Cory Remsburg has served ten.  And I’ve told Cory’s incredible story before, most recently when he sat with my wife, Michelle, at the State of the Union address.  It was here, at Omaha Beach, on the 65th anniversary of D-Day, where I first met Cory and his fellow Army Rangers, right after they made their own jump into Normandy.  The next time I saw him, he was in the hospital, unable to speak or walk after an IED nearly killed him in Afghanistan.  But over the past five years, Cory has grown stronger, learning to speak again and stand again and walk again.  And earlier this year, he jumped out of a plane again.  The first words Cory said to me after his accident echoed those words first shouted all those years ago on this beach:  “Rangers lead the way.”  (Applause.)

So Cory has come back today, along with Melvin and Jannise and Brian, and many of their fellow active-duty servicemembers.  We thank them for their service.  They are a reminder that the tradition represented by these gentlemen continues.       

We are on this Earth for only a moment in time.  And fewer of us have parents and grandparents to tell us about what the veterans of D-Day did here 70 years ago.  As I was landing on Marine One, I told my staff, I don’t think there’s a time where I miss my grandfather more, where I’d be more happy to have him here, than this day.  So we have to tell their stories for them.  We have to do our best to uphold in our own lives the values that they were prepared to die for.  We have to honor those who carry forward that legacy, recognizing that people cannot live in freedom unless free people are prepared to die for it.

And as today’s wars come to an end, this generation of servicemen and women will step out of uniform, and they, too, will build families and lives of their own.  They, too, will become leaders in their communities, in commerce, in industry, and perhaps politics -- the leaders we need for the beachheads of our time.  And, God willing, they, too, will grow old in the land they helped to keep free.  And someday, future generations, whether 70 or 700 years hence, will gather at places like this to honor them and to say that these were generations of men and women who proved once again that the United States of America is and will remain the greatest force for freedom the world has ever known.  (Applause.) 

May God bless our veterans and all who served with them, including those who rest here in eternal peace.  And may God bless all who serve today for the peace and security of the world.  May God bless the people of France.  And may God bless our United States of America.  (Applause.)

END
11:43 A.M. CET

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
June 05, 2014

Remarks by President Obama and Prime Minister David Cameron of the United Kingdom in Joint Press Conference

Justus Lipsius Building
Headquarters of the Council of the European Union
Brussels, Belgium

3:35 P.M. CET

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Good afternoon, everybody.  It is good to be here with my great friend and partner, Prime Minister David Cameron.  Earlier this afternoon we concluded our summit with our fellow G7 leaders.  And I want to thank His Majesty King Philippe, the Prime Minister, as well as the Belgian people for welcoming us back to Brussels.

David and I also just had the opportunity to meet and discuss some pressing challenges -- including Syria, Libya and Iran, as well as the process of ending our combat mission in Afghanistan.  We spoke about the deepening partnership that we have on issues like Nigeria, in support of our shared goal of safely returning the kidnapped girls to their families.  But what I want to focus on briefly before we take questions are two issues that dominated our discussion over the last two days, and that’s the situation in Ukraine and energy security.

Originally, of course, our summit was supposed to be in Sochi.  But after Russia’s actions in Ukraine, our nations united quickly around a common strategy.  We suspended Russia from the G8 and we cancelled the Sochi meeting, making this the first G7 held without Russia in some 20 years.  All seven of our nations have taken steps to impose costs on Russia for its behavior.  Today, in contrast to a growing global economy, a sluggish Russian economy is even weaker because of the choices made by the Russia’s leadership.  Meanwhile, our nations continue to stand united in our support and assistance to the Ukrainian people.  And the G7 Summit was an occasion for me, David and our fellow leaders to ensure that we’re in lockstep going forward.

On Ukraine, I shared the results of my meeting yesterday with President-elect Poroshenko.  Like so many Ukrainians, he wants to forge closer ties with Europe and the United States, but also recognizes that Ukraine will benefit from a constructive relationship with Russia.  So I believe his inauguration provides an opportunity, particularly since he has demonstrated a commitment to reach out to the east, and pursue reforms.  Russia needs to seize that opportunity.  Russia needs to recognize that President-elect Poroshenko is the legitimately elected leader of Ukraine and engage the government in Kyiv.

Given its influence over the militants in Ukraine, Russia continues to have a responsibility to convince them to end their violence, lay down their weapons, and enter into a dialogue with the Ukrainian government.  On the other hand, if Russia’s provocations continue, it’s clear from our discussions here that the G7 nations are ready to impose additional costs on Russia.

I also briefed David on the new initiative I announced in Warsaw to bolster the security of our NATO allies, especially in Central and Eastern Europe, as well as our focus on building counterterrorism capabilities across the Middle East and North Africa.  David will be hosting the next NATO Summit in Wales in September, and I appreciated him updating me on the preparations for that summit.  We agree that it’s going to be an opportunity for every ally to make sure they’re carrying their share and investing in the capabilities our alliance needs for the future.

The situation in Ukraine has also highlighted the need for greater energy security.  At the G7, we agreed to help Ukraine reduce its energy risks to include diversifying its supplies.  We’re going to help countries in Central and Eastern Europe strengthen their energy security as well.  And following the review I called for in the United States earlier this year, every G7 country will conduct an energy assessment to identify the possible impact of any potential disruptions and to offer ways we can better prevent disruptions and recover from them more quickly.

Related to this, we agreed at the G7 to continue to lead by example in the fight against climate change, which poses a danger to our environment, our economies, and our national security.  I made it clear that the United States will continue to do our part.  Earlier this week, we took a major step -- proposing new standards that, for the first time, would limit carbon pollution from our existing power plants.  This is one of the most ambitious steps that any nation has taken to combat climate change.  It would reduce carbon emissions from our electricity sector by 30 percent.  It will help us meet the commitments that we made when I first came into office, at Copenhagen.  And it will improve our public health.  It’s also going to be good for our economy -- by helping to create more clean energy jobs and ultimately lower electricity bills for Americans.  So it’s the right thing to do.

This builds on the steps we’ve taken over the past five years to invest more in renewables like solar and wind, raise fuel standards for our cars and trucks, and make our homes and businesses more energy efficient.  And today we’re holding our carbon emissions to levels not seen in nearly 20 years.  So we’re making important progress, but my Climate Action Plan for climate change indicates that we’ve got to keep at it and do more. 

I know this is a cause that David is also passionate about.  We agree that every nation has to do its share.  All the major economies, including the G7 and emerging markets like China, need to show leadership as we work on a new global climate agreement.  And that includes putting forward by March of next year ambitious long-term targets for reducing emissions.

So, again, I want to thank Prime Minister Cameron and our fellow leaders for our work here together in Brussels.  David, I believe that whenever our two nations stand together it can lead to a world that is more secure and more prosperous and more just.  And we’ll be reminded of that again tomorrow in Normandy as we mark the 70th anniversary of D-Day. 

On that day, like so many others, American and British troops stood together and fought valiantly alongside our allies.  It didn’t just help to win the war; they helped to turn the tide of human history and are the reason that we can stand here today in a free Europe and with the freedoms our nations enjoy.  So theirs is the legacy that our two nations and our great alliance continue to uphold.  And I’m grateful to have a fine partner in David in making that happen. 

Thank you, David. 

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  Thank you.  And good afternoon.  And I’m delighted to be here with you today, Barack.  As we stand together in Europe on the 70th anniversary of the D-Day landings, we should remind the world of the strength and steadfastness of the bond between the United Kingdom and the United States. 

Seventy years ago, as you just said, our countries stood like two rocks of freedom and democracy in the face of Nazi tyranny.  Seventy years ago tonight, thousands of young British and American soldiers, with their Canadian and free French counterparts, were preparing to cross the channel in the greatest liberation force that the world has ever known.  Those young men were united in purpose:  to restore democracy and freedom to continental Europe; to free by force of arms ancient European nations; and to allow the nations and peoples of Europe to chart their destiny in the world.

Thousands of those young men paid the ultimate price, and we honor their memory today and tomorrow.  Shortly after D-Day, my own grandfather was wounded and came home.  We will never forget what they did, and the debt that we owe them for the peace and the freedom that we enjoy on this continent.

Today, in a new century, our two democracies continue to stand for and to uphold the same values in the world:  democracy, liberty, the rule of law.  And day in, day out, our people work together to uphold those values right across the globe.  And that approach has been at the heart of what we’ve discussed here at the G7 and in our bilateral meeting today. 

We’ve talked about one of the greatest opportunities we have to turbocharge the global economy by concluding trade deals, including the EU-U.S. deal, which would be the biggest of them all -- the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership that would create growth and jobs.  A deal that could be worth up to 10 billion pounds a year for Britain alone.  It would help to secure our long-term economic success and generate a better future for hardworking families back at home.  That is why I was so determined to launch those negotiations a year ago in Lough Erne.  And since then, we’ve made steady progress but we’ve got to keep our eyes on the huge prize on offer and not get bogged down.

We also discussed what I believe is the greatest threat that we face:  How we counter extremism and the threat that terrorist groups operating elsewhere pose to the safety of our people, both at home and abroad.  This year we will bring our troops home from Afghanistan.  They can be proud of what they’ve achieved over the last decade -- denying terrorists the safe haven from which to plot attacks against Britain or the United States.  But at the same time as we’ve reduced the threat from that region, so al Qaeda franchises have grown in other parts of the world.  Many of these groups are focused on the countries where they operate, but they still pose a risk to our people, our businesses, and our interests.

Barack and I share the same view of how we tackle this threat in the fragile regions of the world where terrorist networks seek a foothold.  As I’ve said before, our approach must be tough, patient, intelligent, and based on strong international partnerships.  So when it comes to Syria, now the number-one destination for jihadists anywhere in the world, we’ve agreed to intensify our efforts to address the threat of foreign fighters traveling to and from Syria.  We’ll be introducing new measures in the UK to prosecute those who plan and train for terrorism abroad.

And here at the G7, we’ve agreed to do more to work with Syria’s neighbors to strengthen border security and to disrupt the terrorist financing that funds these jihadist training camps.

In Libya, we want to help the government as it struggles to overcome the disastrous legacy of Qaddafi’s misrule and to build a stable, peaceful and prosperous future.  Barack and I have both recently appointed envoys who will be working together to support efforts to reach a much-needed political settlement.  And we are fulfilling our commitment to train the Libyan security forces with the first tranche of recruits due to begin their training in the UK this month.

In Nigeria, we’re both committed to supporting the Nigerian government and its neighbors as they confront the scourge of Boko Haram.  The kidnap of the Chobok girls was an act of pure evil, and Britain and the United States have provided immediate assistance in the search.  In the longer term, we stand ready to provide more practical assistance to help the Nigerians and the region to strengthen their defense and security institutions, and to develop the expertise needed to counter these barbaric extremists.

And finally, as Barack said, we had an important discussion on Ukraine and relations with Russia.  From the outset of this crisis, the G7 nations have stood united, clear in our support for the Ukrainian people and their right to choose their own future, and firm in our message to President Putin that Russia’s actions are completely unacceptable and totally at odds with the values of this group of democracies.  That is why Russia no longer has a seat at the table here with us. 

At this summit, we were clear about three things.  First, the status quo is unacceptable; the continuing destabilization of eastern Ukraine must stop.  Second, there are a set of things that need to happen.  President Putin must recognize the legitimate election of President Poroshenko.  He must stop arms crossing the border into Ukraine.  He must cease Russian support for separatist groups.  And third, if these things don’t happen, then sectoral sanctions will follow.  The next month will be vital in judging if President Putin has taken these steps, and that is what I will urge President Putin to do when I meet him later today.

Finally, we discussed the cancer eating away at the world’s economic and political systems:  corruption.  Corruption is the archenemy of democracy and development.  The best way to fight corruption and to drive growth is through what I call the three T’s:  greater transparency, fair tax systems, and freer trade.  That was at the heart of our G8 agenda in Lough Erne, and today we agreed to push for more action on fair tax systems, freer trade, and greater transparency -- things that are now hardwired into these international gatherings this year and for many years to come.

Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  All right.  We’ve got a couple questions from each press delegation.  We’ll start with Jeff Mason at Reuters.

Jeff.

Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  You’re going to France later this evening.  Since you last had French President Hollande’s visit in a state visit earlier this year, a lot of tensions have arisen in the relationship, including on BNP Paribas.  The French say that a potential multibillion-dollar fine on that bank could affect the global economy and could affect trade talks.  Do you believe those concerns are valid? And how do you expect to address them with him tonight and also U.S. concerns about the French selling Mistral warships to Russia? 

And to the Prime Minister, do you feel isolated, sir, among your EU leaders about your position on Jean-Claude Juncker as the European Commission President?  And who would you like to see get the job?  And separately, do you feel any pressure from President Obama about your position on keeping the UK in the EU?  Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  First of all, the relationship between the United States and France has never been stronger.  On a whole range of issues we’re seeing intense cooperation.  And I’m looking forward to seeing President Hollande this evening to talk about a range of issues and continue some of the work that was done here in Brussels.

My answer on the banking case is short and simple.  The tradition of the United States is that the President does not meddle in prosecutions.  We don't call the Attorney General -- I do not pick up the phone and tell the Attorney General how to prosecute cases that have been brought.  I do not push for settlements of cases that have been brought.  Those are decisions that are made by an independent Department of Justice.

I've communicated that to President Hollande.  This is not a unique position on my part.  Perhaps it is a different tradition than exists in other countries, but it is designed to make sure that the rule of law is not in any way impacted by political expediency.  And so this will be determined by U.S. attorneys in discussion with representatives of the bank, and I'll read about it in the newspapers just like everybody else.

Q    He said he’s going to confront you about it tonight.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  He’ll hear the same answer from me tonight as he just heard at this podium.

Q    And Mistral?

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I have expressed some concerns -- and I don't think I'm alone in this -- about continuing significant defense deals with Russia at a time when they have violated basic international law and the territorial integrity and sovereignty of their neighbors.  So President Hollande understands my position.  I recognize that this is a big deal.  I recognize that the jobs in France are important.  I think it would have been preferable to press the pause button.  President Hollande so far has made a different decision. 

And that does not negate the broader cooperation that we've had with France with respect to its willingness to work with us on sanctions to discourage President Putin from engaging in further destabilizing actions and hopefully to encourage him to move in a more constructive direction.

We are at a point where Mr. Putin has the chance to get back into a lane of international law.  He has a President in Poroshenko who he can negotiate directly with.  Having spoken to President Poroshenko this morning -- or yesterday morning, it's clear that he recognizes that Ukraine needs to have a good relationship with Russia, but also, rightly, affirms the right of Ukraine to engage with the rest of the world. 

And the steps that David outlined earlier and that the G7 unanimously agrees with, which is for Mr. Putin to take -- seize this moment, recognize Poroshenko is the legitimate leader of Ukraine, cease the support of separatists and the flow of arms, work with Ukraine to engage those in the east during this process of constitutional and economic reform -- if Mr. Putin takes those steps, then it is possible for us to begin to rebuild trust between Russia and its neighbors and Europe.  Should he fail to do so, though, there are going to be additional consequences. 

And one of the important things that came out of this meeting today was the recognition on the part of all of us that we can't simply allow drift.  The mere fact that some of the Russian soldiers have moved back off the border and that Russia is now destabilizing Ukraine through surrogates, rather than overtly and explicitly, does not mean that we can afford three months, or four months, or six months of continued violence and conflict in eastern Ukraine.

We will have a chance to see what Mr. Putin does over the next two, three, four weeks.  And if he remains on the current course, then we've already indicated the kinds of actions that we're prepared to take. 

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  You asked a couple of questions about Europe.  It’s worth setting the context.  We've just had a set of European elections where -- to take two countries at random, France and Britain -- in France, the Front National, an openly anti-European party, won; and an anti-European party in my country won.  And when these things happen you can stick your head in the sand and wish these results would go away, or you can have a strategy for addressing the concerns of the people that you represent in your country.  I have a strategy to represent and understand and reflect those concerns. 

And that's why I think it's important that we have people running the institutions of Europe who understand the need for change, the need for reform.  And I would argue that that is a view that is quite widely shared amongst other heads of government and heads of state in the European Union.

As for Britain’s future, I'm very clear what I want to achieve -- is to secure Britain’s place in a reformed European Union.  And I have a strategy for delivering that.  It’s about renegotiating our position.  It’s about recovering some important powers.  It's about making some significant changes, and then putting that decision in a referendum to the British people but very much recommending that we stay in a reformed European Union.

Again, it's a strategy for dealing with an issue which I think if we just walked away from it we’d see Britain drift towards the exits, and I don't want that to happen.

Q    Do you feel any pressure from the United States about that?

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  No.  We have good discussions about these issues as we discuss everything else.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Absolutely.

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  Let’s have a question from the BBC.

Q    Mr. President, even if you don't have a meeting scheduled face-to-face with Vladimir Putin yourself, are you going to end up talking with him face-to-face in France?  And do you see real possibilities of opening up a path away from the crisis by you engaging with him? 

And Britain is potentially facing, Mr. President, two major decisions -- whether or not Scotland stays part of the United Kingdom, and whether the United Kingdom stays a part of the European Union.  What do those decisions mean to you and to the people of the United States?

Prime Minister, you’ll be the first leader I think after this summit to engage with Vladimir Putin face-to-face.  Despite everything you’ve said, is there something of an olive branch in your hand?  After all, Mr. Putin has not actually denounced the electoral process which brought the new President to power in Ukraine.  Is there a way out, and is that what you're really going to be exploring with him this evening?

And do you accept that Germany may not come to your aid and stop Jean-Claude Juncker becoming Commission President?  Will that actually potentially blow your entire strategy off course?  You think you may be able to negotiate a brilliant reform of the European Union, but if Jean-Claude Juncker becomes President of the European Commission, will your credibility be so damaged in Britain that people may simply vote to leave the Union?

Finally, who are you more afraid of -- Angela Merkel or Theresa May?  (Laughter.) 

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  Great question.  Do you want to go?  Let me take those.

  First of all, my meeting with Vladimir Putin -- I think it's just important to have this communication about some very important messages about what’s happening now is not acceptable; about the changes that need to take place.  I think as the President said, there is an opportunity for diplomacy to play a role and to chart a path, because we've had these elections, the Ukrainian people have chosen a President; he’s a capable man and it's quite possible that he could have a proper relationship with Putin and there could be a proper relationship between Ukraine and Russia.  But change is needed in order for that to happen, and that's the message that I will be delivering this evening.

In terms of your other questions, look, on this issue of who runs the European Commission, the European institutions, what matters is people who understand the need for change, who understand the need for reform, who realize that if things go on as they have this Union is not going to work for its citizens.  And that was the message that I think was loudly received in these European elections.

As for who -- as you put it, Angela Merkel or Theresa May  -- look, I'm very fortunate in my life to work with some extremely strong and capable women, of which they are undoubtedly two.  (Laughter.) 

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I have no doubt that I'll see Mr. Putin. And he and I have always had a businesslike relationship, and it is entirely appropriate that he is there to commemorate D-Day, given the extraordinary sacrifices that were made by the people of the Soviet Union during World War II.

And should we have the opportunity to talk, I will be repeating the same message that I've been delivering to him throughout this crisis.  Keep in mind that although we haven't had formal meetings, I've spoken to him by phone repeatedly from the outset of the protests in the Maidan.  And my message has been very consistent, and that is that Russia has a legitimate interest in what happens in Ukraine, given that it's on its border and given its historical ties, but ultimately it is up to the people of Ukraine to make their own decisions -- that Russian armed forces annexing pieces of a neighbor is illegal and violates international law, and the kinds of destabilizing activities that we now see, funded and encouraged by Russia, are illegal and are not constructive; and that there is a path in which Russia has the capacity to engage directly with President Poroshenko now -- he should take it.  If he does not, if he continues a strategy of undermining the sovereignty of Ukraine, then we have no choice but to respond. 

And perhaps he’s been surprised by the degree of unity that's been displayed.  I do think the fact that he did not immediately denounce the outcome of the May 25th election perhaps offers the prospect that he’s moving in a new direction.  But I think we have to see what he does and not what he says.

With respect to the future of the United Kingdom, obviously ultimately this is up to the people of Great Britain.  In the case of Scotland, there’s a referendum process in place and it's up to the people of Scotland.

I would say that the United Kingdom has been an extraordinary partner to us.  From the outside, at least, it looks like things have worked pretty well.  And we obviously have a deep interest in making sure that one of the closest allies that we will ever have remains strong, robust, united, and an effective partner.  But ultimately these are decisions that are to be made by the folks there.

With respect to the EU, we share a strategic vision with Great Britain on a whole range of international issues, and so it's always encouraging for us to know that Great Britain has a seat at the table in the larger European project.  I think in light of the events that we're going to be commemorating tomorrow, it's important to recall that it was the steadfastness of Great Britain that, in part, allows us to be here in Brussels, in the seat of a unified and extraordinarily prosperous Europe.  And it's hard for me to imagine that project going well in the absence of Great Britain.  And I think it's also hard for me to imagine that it would be advantageous for Great Britain to be excluded from political decisions that have an enormous impact on its economic and political life.

So this is why we have elections, and we'll see the arguments made and I'm sure the people of Great Britain will make the right decision.

Stephen Collinson.

Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  Have you been surprised by the backlash that's been whipped up by your decision to do a deal to free Bowe Bergdahl?  And what do you think is motivating that?  In retrospect, do you think you could have done more to consult with Congress or announce the deal in a way that might have spared him and his family being caught up in a political crossfire?

And, Prime Minister, how do you respond to criticism that your decision to meet Vladimir Putin and his meetings with other key European leaders are actually devaluing the punishment that was meted out to Russia by throwing it out of the G8?  And finally, should Qatar be deprived of the right to host the World Cup?  And if so, is England willing to host it?  (Laughter.) 

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I'm never surprised by controversies that are whipped up in Washington.  (Laughter.)  Right?  That's par for the course.  But I'll repeat what I said two days ago.  We have a basic principle:  We do not leave anybody wearing the American uniform behind. 

We had a prisoner of war whose health had deteriorated and we were deeply concerned about, and we saw an opportunity and we seized it.  And I make no apologies for that. 

We had discussed with Congress the possibility that something like this might occur.  But because of the nature of the folks that we were dealing with and the fragile nature of these negotiations, we felt it was important to go ahead and do what we did.  And we're now explaining to Congress the details of how we moved forward.  But this basic principle that we don’t leave anybody behind and this basic recognition that that often means prisoner exchanges with enemies is not unique to my administration -- it dates back to the beginning of our Republic.

And with respect to how we announced it, I think it was important for people to understand that this is not some abstraction, this is not a political football.  You have a couple of parents whose kid volunteered to fight in a distant land, who they hadn’t seen in five years and weren’t sure whether they’d ever see again.  And as Commander-in-Chief of the United States Armed Forces, I am responsible for those kids.  And I get letters from parents who say, if you are in fact sending my child into war, make sure that that child is being taken care of.  And I write too many letters to folks who unfortunately don’t see their children again after fighting the war. 

I make absolutely no apologies for making sure that we get back a young man to his parents and that the American people understand that this is somebody’s child and that we don’t condition whether or not we make the effort to try to get them back.

Did you have a second question?

Q    For the Prime Minister.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Oh, okay.  You can ask him about football.

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  First of all, on the issue of meeting President Putin, I think it’s right to have this dialogue, particularly if you have a clear message and a clear point to make.  And I think there’s a world of difference between having a dialogue with President Putin and excluding someone from an institution as significant as the G8, now the G7.  I think it was absolutely right to exclude Russia.  I think I was one of the first G8 leaders to make that point.  It was totally the right decision and there’s a world of difference between the meeting we’ve just held, which did not include Russia, and having a bilateral meeting where we discuss these issues about Ukraine.

On the issue of football, we should let the investigation run its course but, of course, England is the home of football as it’s the home and inventor of many sports -- tennis, rugby, golf, skiing, table tennis, cricket.  I don’t think we can lay claim to --

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Baseball, basketball.  (Laughter.)

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  Well, I’m not sure that it goes all the way --

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I just want to be clear here.

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  So we’re always happy to provide a home for these sports.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  You did invent the English language, though.

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  We did.  (Laughter.) 

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  We appreciate it.

PRIME MINSTER CAMERON:  You’ve made a few changes.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  We have.  (Laughter.)

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON.  You’ve made a few changes to it but they don’t hold us back.  (Laughter.)  Final question from Rageh Omaar of ITV, I think.

Q    Mr. President, Rageh Omaar, ITV News.  You spoke about the importance for you and your allies to be in complete lockstep on the crisis in Ukraine.  If this crisis shows no sign of deescalating, you say that the next step will be to add sectoral sanctions.  Are you confident that you will be in lockstep with all of the European allies and G7 allies?  Because there will be costs and consequences for them and their economies as sanctions get widened. 

Prime Minister, my question to you is you spoke forcefully about the threat of extremist ideology at home and abroad, described it as the greatest threat to Britain and its allies.  And even by your own government’s estimate, there are several hundred British citizens learning to fight and kill in Syria.  With regard to extremist ideology at home, particularly in schools where there has been a lot of concern, don’t you think it’s not only unseemly but wrong for members of your own government to engage in an argument about whether the priority should be protecting British children against extremist ideology?  Thank you.

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  First of all, let me just say on the issue of sectoral sanctions and this issue of lockstep between the U.S. and countries of the European Union, I think it has been very striking, actually, over the last few months how we’ve been able to stay as unified as we have.  And I pay tribute to Barack for his understanding of how important it is for us to try and work together and deliver these messages together.  And I think it has surprised people.  And I hope it has surprised President Putin.

In terms of tackling extremism, I mean, I set up the UK Extremism Task Force, which I chaired after the appalling murder of Lee Rigby, because I wanted to make sure that government was doing everything that it could to drive extremism out of our schools, out of our colleges, off campuses, out of prisons -- in every part of national life.  And I think it’s very important that we recognize that you’ve got to deal not only with violent extremism but also the sink of extremism, of tolerating extremist views from which violence can grow.  And the whole government is signed up to that agenda and is driving through changes to deliver that agenda.

As for these issues for the last day or so, I will get to the bottom of who said what and what has happened, and I’ll sort it all out once I’ve finished these important meetings I’m having here.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I think what has been striking is the degree of solidarity between the United States and Europe in dealing with the Ukraine crisis.  I think a lot of people anticipated very early on that immediately the two sides would fly apart.  And, in fact, there has been consistency in affirming the core values that had been at the heart of a united and prosperous Europe.  And that’s despite the very real economic consequences that can arise by applying sanctions against Russia.

I think Europeans understand that the reason we’ve seen such extraordinary growth and peace on this continent has to do with certain values and certain principles that have to be upheld.  And when they are so blatantly disregarded, the choice is clear:  Europeans have to stand up for those ideals and principles even if it creates some economic inconvenience.

Now, having said that, sectoral sanctions are broader; they’d be more significant.  Our technical teams have been consulting with the European Commission to identify sanctions that would maximize impact on Russia and minimize adverse impacts on European countries.  And that work is ongoing.  My hope is, is that we don’t have to exercise them because Mr. Putin has made some better decisions.  I think, by the way, it would also be better for Russia because the Russian economy is not in good shape right now.  We’ve seen significant capital flight just from the sanctions that we’ve already applied; that could easily worsen.  And if we have sectoral sanctions, I think it will inevitably hit Russia a lot worse than it hits Europe, which have much more diversified and resilient economies.

Do I expect unanimity among the 28 EU members?  I have now been President for five and a half years, and I’ve learned a thing or two about the European Union, the European Commission, the European Council.  Sometimes I get them mixed up --

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  Welcome to the club.  (Laughter.)

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  -- but the basic principle that if you’ve got 28 people sitting around a table, that not everybody is going to agree, I think we take that for granted.  And I also think that if, in fact, we have to move to sectoral sanctions, it’s important to take individual country sensitivities in mind and make sure that everybody is ponying up, that everybody is bearing their fair share.  Some people are going to be more concerned about defense relations, some people are going to be more concerned about the financial sector, others might be more concerned about trade and basic goods and services.  And so that’s the technical work that is being done.

Again, my hope is, is that we don’t have to use it.  But I’ve been heartened by the steadfastness of Europe thus far.  I think that people underestimate the degree to which, given the history of this continent -- certainly in the 20th century -- that people are not interested in seeing any chinks in the armor, and they recognize that that’s worth working for.

Thank you very much, everybody.  Thank you, David.

END
4:15 P.M. CET 

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
June 05, 2014

Remarks by Secretary of Education Arne Duncan and Dr. Biden

Roosevelt Room
 
11:07 A.M. EDT
     
SECRETARY DUNCAN:  We just appreciate you folks making an effort.  It’s a really interesting group of people; different backgrounds, different experiences, but with a sort of shared passion to figure out what we as a country can do to make college both more accessible and more affordable.  
     
And what you all recognize is that going to college has never been more important than it is today; unfortunately, it’s also never been more expensive.  And somehow we have to find ways to reduce that.  And we’re working on lots of stuff, as are many of you, and give you -- have you give us your best thinking -- obviously, if you tell us what we need to hear, not what we want to hear.  And the President, the Vice President, the First Lady, Dr. Biden, this is one where -- the highest levels of the White House.  It’s this huge passion and commitment.  
 
As Dr. Biden said, she has been teaching for a couple of decades now.  That’s where her heart is.  (Laughter.)  That’s where her passion is.  She hasn’t taken the easiest of jobs.  She’s taught in therapeutic situations, she’s taught in prisons, she teaches at a community college.  This is her passion.  This is her life’s work.  As I always say, she could be spending all her time at fancy parties and fancy lunches, and she teaches students every single day.
 
So we’re so lucky to have someone of her passion and commitment work on this every single day.  I’ll turn it over to her then we’ll go to Dexter, and we’ll just sort of open it up and get folks thinking.
 
Dr. Biden.
     
DR. BIDEN:  Thanks.  I leave all the fancy parties to Arne.  (Laughter.)  
     
SECRETARY DUNCAN:  I wish.  I wish.  (Laughter.)
    
DR. BIDEN:  Well, hello, everyone.  And it’s my pleasure to welcome everybody here to the White House.  And as a lifelong educator -- I like that a little better.  (Laughter.)
     
SECRETARY DUNCAN:  I’ll work it out.  I owe you one.  (Laughter.) 
     
DR. BIDEN:  Anyway, I’ve seen firsthand the power, really, of college education, and -- as well as many barriers to success, as Arne talked about.  And as I said, I teach full time at a community college in Northern Virginia.  And really, my students are juggling a lot.  They’re working full time, and balancing family and community obligations, along with taking classes.  But I see over and over, they are so committed to furthering their education because they know it’s the way to a better life for themselves and for their families.
     
And that’s why college affordability is so critical.  And we need to make sure that there’s an affordable path to higher education for all, and not just a luxury for a few.  And that’s why affordable student loans are essential.
    
And over the past three decades, the average tuition at a public four-year college has more than tripled.  The average undergraduate student who borrows for college graduates with almost $30,000 of debt.  So we all agree -- all of us -- that we need to do more.  And I’m proud to be part of an administration that has made college affordability a priority, reforming the student loan system and doubling the Pell grants. 
 
But we all know that we need to do more to make college affordable, and that’s why I’m so pleased to announce that the Senate Democrats are working on a proposal that would help more young people afford to repay college debt.  We will also hear from -- this issue from the President on Monday.  
    
So together, we can do more to lift this burden off our students.  I thank you all for being here, and I really look forward to hearing your stories.
                             
END
 

The White House

Office of the First Lady

For Immediate Release
June 04, 2014

Remarks by the First Lady Announcing Mayors Challenge to End Veterans Homelessness

East Room

1:49 P.M. EDT

MRS. OBAMA: Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you so much, everyone. Thank you all. Well, welcome. Rest yourselves. Thank you so much. This is a good-news day, and I am honored to welcome everyone here to the White House.

I want to start by thanking Chris. Let’s give Chris a round of applause for her courage. (Applause.) I look at Chris and I go she’s a baby. I mean, she served our country and she’s a baby. And Chris is also the face of veterans and the face of homelessness, which is why today is so important. And we are grateful that she could be here to share her story. We are proud of you, Chris, and proud of everything you’re going to do because we know you’re going to keep contributing.

I also want to thank Secretary Donovan for his tremendous leadership at HUD, as well as Mayor Julian Castro, who we are confident will continue to build on the progress that we’ve been making. I also want to thank acting Secretary Sloan Gibson. Sloan and I have done some really good work together, and I am so happy he’s joining us and is going to keep doing great work. And we’re just grateful for his distinguished service to our country for so many years -- as well as Mayor Becker for doing such phenomenal work in Salt Lake City.

I also want to recognize someone who doesn’t get a lot of attention, and that is Laura Zeilinger, who -- yes. (Applause.) Laura. Today is the first day I got to meet Laura, but her reputation precedes her. She is the Executive Director of the Interagency Council on Homelessness. So for many of the advancements we’ve made have, it’s been because of the Council’s work to streamline and coordinate our efforts across agencies. So I want to thank Laura and everyone from the Council for their outstanding leadership and service.

And most of all, I want to thank all of you here today -– our guests, our mayors, our community leaders; the county and city, federal employees who work day in and day out to repay our debt to our veterans.

Now, unfortunately, homelessness among our veterans is an issue that we’re all too familiar with. Sometimes we see these folks on our way to work or when we’re walking our kids home from school. We might pass them -- someone as we’re strolling through the park sitting on a bench and not even realize that he or she is a veteran. Maybe we say hello, offer to buy a sandwich, but often we just keep on going, rushing off to the next meeting, burying our heads into our smart phones. It’s not that we don’t care, it’s just that we think, well, there’s no way we’ll ever solve this problem, that’s just the way things go.

But that kind of thinking starts to melt away when we better understand the stories of these veterans. The man who lost his arm in Vietnam, and when he and his wife’s medical bills kept piling up they lost their home. The Gulf War vet who injured her back and lost her job, and then her house, and spent months on the streets. The Army veteran from the Iraq War who survived cancer, but when she and her two kids were evicted from their home they had nowhere to go.

These are just three stories. Altogether, roughly 58,000 veterans are experiencing homelessness in America today -– a number that, fortunately, has fallen sharply in the past few years. But whatever the number, these brave men and women have served this country with courage and grace.

Some volunteered to serve; many others were drafted. They went off to faraway jungles and deserts and mountain regions; they saw their best friends fall in ambush, or because of a suicide bomb. Some of them were left wondering why they were the ones who survived. And after all that, too many of them have come home only to fight a new battle -– a battle to keep a roof over their head, a battle just to have somewhere to go when it rains.

Now, I want to be very clear: The vast majority of our veterans return home in good health and good spirits. They go on to build good families, find good jobs. They keep serving this nation in their communities through their congregations and schools and neighborhoods. In fact, the percentage of veterans who are homeless today is actually just 0.3 percent of the total veteran population.

But even one homeless veteran is a shame. (Applause.) And the fact that we have 58,000 is a moral outrage. We should all be horrified. (Applause.) Tens of thousands of veterans who risked their lives for our country are sleeping in their cars, or in a shelter, or next to a subway vent. We should be horrified because that’s not who we are as Americans.

And so we can’t just throw up our hands and say that this problem is too big for us. Because the truth is, it’s not. When you break down the numbers, you see that those 58,000 homeless veterans are spread out across all of our cities and states. So even in some of our largest metropolitan areas, we’re often only talking about a few hundred people.

For example, as of a year and a half ago, New Orleans had a total of 211 homeless veterans, and they’ve been driving that number down ever since. In Indianapolis, the most recent count of vets still out on the streets was 11. These numbers are still too high, because any number above zero is too much. And that’s why as President, my husband vowed to end this problem once and for all, and he’s -- absolutely. (Applause.) And he has directed record levels of funding toward helping homeless veterans, achieving historic success in getting our men and women in uniform into housing.

Almost 90 percent of today’s homeless veterans served before 9/11, but this is the first time anyone has made this a government-wide priority. We’ve got HUD and the VA and the Interagency Council leading the way, and we’re also working with the Department of Health and Human Services, the Department of Labor and nonprofits and community leaders on the ground. We’ve cut through red tape and streamlined efforts across agencies, and together, we have made some extraordinary progress.

For instance, Chris told you about those housing vouchers from HUD and the VA that helped her find a home. That program has existed since the early ‘90s, and up until 2008 it had housed a total of about 1,800 veterans. But this administration strengthened it to historic levels, and since 2008 the program has brought more than 73,000 veterans out of homelessness. (Applause.) And I’m not mathematician, but somebody did the numbers for me. (Laughter.) That means that in the last few years, more than 40 times as many veterans have been helped than during most of the program’s entire history.

And the other program Chris mentioned, the Supportive Services for Veterans Families, the SSVF, is a new program started by this administration three years ago to prevent low-income veteran families from falling into homelessness. And last year alone, it served more than 60,000 veterans and their family members, and next year, we expect that number to grow to over 100,000. Yes. (Applause.) And as we all know, these programs are making a significant difference. Even during difficult economic times, veteran homelessness in America has dropped by 24 percent in just three years.

So we’re beginning to make some real important progress on this issue. But we know that we are nowhere near finished. As I said before, any number above zero is way too high, and we still have tens of thousands of vets without a home. So we can’t rest, not even for a moment.

And that’s why I am so thrilled and everyone in this building is so happy to announce a new effort called the Mayors Challenge to End Veteran Homelessness. We have got 77 mayors, four governors, four county officials on board already. These leaders -- yes, yes. (Applause.) These leaders are best equipped to tackle this challenge because they know their communities inside and out, and they’re in touch with service providers who know these veterans by name. So they aren’t just going to address veteran homelessness in their cities and states, they’re going to end it –- and they’re going to do it by the end of 2015. That is an audacious goal. (Applause.) It is an audacious goal, but it is achievable. It is absolutely achievable. We have seen incredible success at the local level already.

As you heard, Mayor Becker, as well as his counterpart in Phoenix, Mayor Greg Stanton, they’ve already effectively ended chronic homelessness among veterans in their states. In New York, they’ve housed more than 2,000 veterans in the last year alone. Governor John Hickenlooper in Colorado has been making some incredible progress on this issue for almost a decade. And Governors Mark Dayton and Dan Malloy in Minnesota and Connecticut are also on board, as well. And we’ve got mayors like Chris Coleman from St. Paul, Minnesota, Mitch Landrieu from New Orleans, and Annise Parker from Houston. And all of these leaders are involved because this isn’t just the right thing to do for our veterans, it’s also the right thing to do for their budgets.

Recent studies have shown that just one chronically homeless person can cost communities between $30,000 to $50,000 per year in emergency room visits, medical bills, and law enforcement. For some individuals, it can be even higher. But the cost to give someone a home of their own is only about $20,000.

So this makes sense on so many different levels. And that’s why I want to applaud everyone who is already leading the way in this effort. And I also want to urge more leaders across the country to get involved, as well. We’ve got to get more people. I know how competitive our mayors can be. (Laughter.) I’ve seen it. That’s why I’m very excited, because you all -- guys like to beat each other and challenge each other. We saw it in Phoenix and Salt Lake City.

So I want to know if more mayors can challenge each other on this issue. Can you challenge a neighboring mayor or governor to see who can get all their vets into housing first? That’s the kind of challenge -- can you challenge yourself to be the first to end veterans homelessness in the Midwest or in the South? Take a region, get it done. Can each of you get just one more mayor or one more governor to sign up? And this challenge isn’t just for mayors, governors, and county officials, but it’s for all of us –- for businesses and congregations and community organizations.

And that’s where we hope Joining Forces can help. When Jill Biden and I started Joining Forces three years ago, one of the groups we were most concerned about was our homeless vets. But the truth is, we didn’t really know how to get started. But over the past few years, as we’ve seen federal and local efforts succeed, we’ve realized that this problem isn’t too big for us to tackle.

So today, in addition to announcing this wonderful new effort, we are issuing a call to action to Americans all across the country to do their part to take this issue on. We’re asking all of you out there to volunteer your time to help these veterans navigate the system to find the resources they’ve earned. Maybe you can donate money from your business to pay a veteran’s security deposit. Maybe you can start a donation drive in your community to support efforts to get vets into housing. And if your mayor isn’t on board yet, light up their phone lines -- (laughter) -- write in to the newspaper. We all have power to make a real difference on this issue. We have the power to change lives here. You heard that from Chris.

But we have another example. We have a wonderful man named Doran Hocker, who’s here with us today. Doran served in the Air Force for three years, including a deployment to Korea during the Vietnam War. Now, he never saw combat, but he saw more death and devastation than most of us ever will. So when he got back to the States, Doran says the first thing he did was kneel down on a patch of grass and kiss the ground.

But in the months and years that followed, Doran just couldn’t shake the things he’d experienced. He started drinking more and isolated himself from his wife and his baby daughter. He ended up getting a divorce and falling in with the wrong people. And for almost three decades, Doran was homeless. As he says now, he says, “I tried to kill myself for 30 years, slowly.” He said, “It got so bad that people were throwing change at my feet in the streets.”

And finally, Doran decided to turn his life around. He wrote down a list of 21 things he wanted to accomplish -– things like opening a bank account, cooking in his own kitchen. He moved from Detroit to St. Paul, Minnesota, and once he got there he walked across town to a local nonprofit that he knew could help him. With their help and the help of the Minnesota Assistance Council for Veterans, he got into housing and a substance abuse treatment program.

And today, Doran has checked off all 21 items on that list. He’s cooking in his own kitchen -- Doran, please stand. (Applause.) A little cooking in the kitchen. (Laughter.) Paying his own rent. He even hugged his daughter who he’d been separated with for almost 25 years.

And like so many of our veterans, Doran continues to give back. He is working full time as a caseworker to help other veterans find and sustain housing of their own. He’s dedicating his life to making sure that every veteran who comes home will never have to go through what he did. And here’s the thing -- that’s especially important now, because with our war in Iraq over and our war in Afghanistan drawing to a close, thousands of men and women who risked their lives for this country are transitioning back home.

And we cannot make the same mistakes for this generation that we have had for the past generation. So that means we’ve got to move quickly. We’ve got to share best practices between cities. We’ve got to find every veteran like Chris and make sure that she doesn’t fall into homelessness in the first place. And we’ve got to reach out to every veteran from Doran’s generation and get them under a roof right this minute.

We have made great progress over the past few years because of leaders like all of you who refuse to accept veteran homelessness as a fact of life. And now we have to finish the job once and for all, because when a veteran comes home kissing the ground, it is unacceptable that he should ever have to sleep on it. (Applause.)

So just like it’s our country’s duty to bring back all of our men and women from the battlefield, we’ve also got a duty to make sure that every single veteran has a place to call home when they get here –- and for the rest of their lives.

So thank you all. Thank you for this effort. Thank you for your courage. Thank you for all the work that so many of you have been doing on the ground long before we ever showed up. This means so much to these men and women and their families. It is truly a sign that they are coming home to a grateful nation, and I am proud to be a part of this effort.

So let’s get to work. Thank you all. God bless. (Applause.)

END
2:10 P.M. EDT

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
June 04, 2014

Remarks by President Obama and President-elect Petro Poroshenko of Ukraine After Bilateral Meeting

Warsaw Marriott Hotel
Warsaw, Poland

10:45 A.M. CET

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, it is a great pleasure for me to have the opportunity to have my first extended meeting with President-elect Poroshenko and to hear about his plans for a peaceful and prosperous Ukraine.  Obviously, Ukraine has gone through a very challenging time.  And what we have seen has been a incredible outpouring of democracy in the face of actions by Russia as well as armed militias in certain portions of the east that violate international law, violate sovereignty, and have spurred great violence.

Despite all that, what the Ukrainians said in the election that resulted in President-elect Poroshenko’s inauguration on Saturday is that they reject that past.  They reject violence.  They reject corruption.  And what they’re interested in is the opportunity for Ukrainians to make their own decisions about their own future -- a future in which if people work hard, if they are willing to educate themselves and apply themselves, that they can succeed and that they can choose their own representatives, and that those representatives will look out for their interests and not the interests of only those in power. 

That’s the hope that President-elect Poroshenko represents.  And in my discussions with him today it’s clear that he understands the aspirations and the hopes of the Ukrainian people.  And when I say the Ukrainian people, I mean all the Ukrainian people.  I think that President-elect Poroshenko recognizes that his mandate is not just to help certain portions of his country succeed, but all portions of his country succeed.

We had the opportunity to discuss President-elect Poroshenko’s plans for bringing peace and order to the east that is still experiencing conflict.  We discussed his economic plans and the importance of rooting out corruption, increasing transparency, and creating new models of economic growth.  We discussed issues of energy -- making sure that Ukraine becomes a more energy-efficient economy but also one that is less dependent solely on energy sources from Russia.  And I have been deeply impressed by his vision, in part because of his experience as a businessman, in understanding what’s required to help Ukraine grow and to be effective. 

The challenge now for the international community is to make sure that we are supporting Petro’s efforts.  And the United States has already stepped up in a number of ways.  We’re supplementing the assistance that the IMF is providing with $1 billion in additional loan guarantees, and we’ve discussed additional steps that we might take to help during this reform and transition process.  We’ve discussed additional steps that we can take to help train and professionalize the Ukrainian law enforcement and military so they can deal with some of the challenges that are still taking place in certain portions of the country.  And, in fact, today we announced some additional non-lethal assistance that we can provide -- things like night vision goggles that will help a professional Ukrainian military force do its job. 

And finally, we discussed how in my meetings today with the G7 and tomorrow with the G7, as well as conversations that I’m having with other European leaders, it’s important for the international community to stand solidly behind the efforts of Petro to broker with the Russians a process whereby Russia no longer is financing or supporting or arming separatists on Ukraine’s sovereign territory, and that a unified international community that is clear that that is a violation of international law and that is willing to back up those principles with consequences for Russia should Mr. Putin not seize this opportunity to develop a lawful and better relationship with his neighbors -- that that has to be part of our mission over the next several days. 

So I’m excited about the opportunities.  I think that the Ukrainian people made a wise selection in somebody who has the ability to lead them through this difficult period.  And the United States is absolutely committed to standing behind the Ukrainian people and their aspirations not just in the coming days and weeks but in the coming years, because we’re confident that Ukraine can, in fact, be a thriving, vital democracy that has strong relationships with Europe and has strong relationships with Russia.  But that can only happen if we stand clearly behind them during this difficult time.

Thank you so much for taking the time to meet.

PRESIDENT-ELECT POROSHENKO:  I want to thank President Obama, the United States people, the United States government and Congress for the continuous support demonstrating for the fight, the Ukrainian people, for freedom, for democracy, for building up independent sovereign European state.  This is crucially important for us, and now we feel a friend in need is a friend indeed.  The American position of the American people is very, very important for us.  

Point number two is that from the very beginning, from the first day of inauguration, we are ready to present the plan for peaceful relation, the situation in the east.  And we think that the next several days will be very important, crucial, for the Ukrainian -- history of Ukrainian perspective.  We pay very much attention about the G7 meeting, about the statement, about the possibility for finding out the position for peaceful process on Normandy, when we have -- first Ukraine were invited as a member of anti-Hitler coalition and celebration of the D-Day.  And I think this will be very symbolic because exactly in Normandy we can start to find out this peaceful process in Ukraine.

I want to thank the President for the support in our initiative in the reforming in the energy sector.  I’m very satisfied about our future cooperation in the anti-corruption deal that I think this is crucially important points for the modernization of the country.  I think that our top two very important issue -- we thank you for supporting Ukraine in solving our Crimea problem.  We demonstrate that -- the whole world demonstrate the solidarity in Ukraine in not accepting the aggression in Crimea, in not accepting this whole fake referendum, and not accepting the annexing of the part of Ukrainian territory.  And all the time we will demand restoring law and order, and withdraw the foreign troops from the Crimean territory.

And also, I think it is very important that the United States support the European aspiration of the Ukrainian people.  That is half a year Ukrainian people, millions of Ukrainian people on the street fighting for now and signing a association agreement for the European perspective for my country.  And I think that the modernization of the country, providing the reform of the -- creating the good investment climate, building on the independent coal system, providing the energy efficiency and energy diversification helps Ukrainian people to receive membership perspective for the European Union in very near future after successful program for the modernization, with the strong assistance of the United States of America.

I thank you very much for that.  And I think this was very fruitful and effective negotiation.

END
10:55 A.M. CET

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
June 04, 2014

Remarks by President Obama at at 25th Anniversary of Freedom Day

 

Castle Square

Warsaw, Poland

 

12:10 P.M. CET

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Hello, Warsaw!  (Applause.)  Witaj, Polsko!  (Applause.)   

Mr. President; Mr. Prime Minister; Madam Mayor; heads of state and government, past and present -- including the man who jumped that shipyard wall to lead a strike that became a movement, the prisoner turned president who transformed this nation -- thank you, Lech Walesa, for your outstanding leadership.  (Applause.)   

Distinguished guests, people of Poland, thank you for your extraordinary welcome and for the privilege of joining you here today.  I bring with me the greetings and friendship of the American people -- and of my hometown of Chicago, home to so many proud Polish Americans.  (Applause.)  In Chicago, we think of ourselves as a little piece of Poland.  In some neighborhoods, you only hear Polish.  The faithful come together at churches like Saint Stanislaus Kostka.  We have a parade for Polish Constitution Day.  And every summer, we celebrate the Taste of Polonia, with our kielbasa and pierogies, and we’re all a little bit Polish for that day.  (Applause.)  So being here with you, it feels like home.  (Applause.)           

Twenty-five years ago today, we witnessed a scene that had once seemed impossible -- an election where, for the first time, the people of this nation had a choice.  The Communist regime thought an election would validate their rule or weaken the opposition.  Instead, Poles turned out in the millions.  And when the votes were counted, it was a landslide victory for freedom.  One woman who voted that day said, “There is a sense that something is beginning to happen in Poland.  We feel the taste of Poland again.”  She was right.  It was the beginning of the end of Communism -- not just in this country, but across Europe.

The images of that year are seared in our memory.  Citizens filling the streets of Budapest and Bucharest.  Hungarians and Austrians cutting the barbed wire border.  Protestors joining hands across the Baltics.  Czechs and Slovaks in their Velvet Revolution.  East Berliners climbing atop that wall.  And we have seen the extraordinary progress since that time.  A united Germany.  Nations in Central and Eastern Europe standing tall as proud democracies.  A Europe that is more integrated, more prosperous and more secure.  We must never forget that the spark for so much of this revolutionary change, this blossoming of hope, was lit by you, the people of Poland.  (Applause.) 

History was made here.  The victory of 1989 was not inevitable.  It was the culmination of centuries of Polish struggle, at times in this very square.  The generations of Poles who rose up and finally won independence.  The soldiers who resisted invasion, from the east and the west.  The Righteous Among the Nations -- among them Jan Karski -- who risked all to save the innocent from the Holocaust.  The heroes of the Warsaw Ghetto who refused to go without a fight.  The Free Poles at Normandy and the Poles of the Home Army who -- even as this city was reduced to rubble -- waged a heroic uprising. 

We remember how, when an Iron Curtain descended, you never accepted your fate.  When a son of Poland ascended to the Chair of Saint Peter, he returned home, and here, in Warsaw, he inspired a nation with his words -- “there can be no just Europe without the independence of Poland.”  (Applause.)  And today we give thanks for the courage of the Catholic Church and the fearless spirit of Saint John Paul II.  (Applause.)   

We also recall how you prevailed 25 years ago.  In the face of beatings and bullets, you never wavered from the moral force of nonviolence.  Through the darkness of martial law, Poles lit candles in their windows.  When the regime finally agreed to talk, you embraced dialogue.  When they held those elections -- even though not fully free -- you participated.  As one Solidarity leader said at the time, “We decided to accept what was possible.”  Poland reminds us that sometimes the smallest steps, however imperfect, can ultimately tear down walls, can ultimately transform the world.  (Applause.)  

But of course, your victory that June day was only the beginning.  For democracy is more than just elections.  True democracy, real prosperity, lasting security -- these are neither simply given, nor imposed from the outside.  They must be earned and built from within.  And in that age-old contest of ideas -- between freedom and authoritarianism, between liberty and oppression, between solidarity and intolerance -- Poland’s progress shows the enduring strength of the ideals that we cherish as a free people.

Here we see the strength of democracy:  Citizens raising their voices, free from fear.  Here we see political parties competing in open and honest elections.  Here we see an independent judiciary working to uphold the rule of law.  Here in Poland we see a vibrant press and a growing civil society that holds leaders accountable -- because governments exist to lift up their people, not to hold them down.  (Applause.)   

Here we see the strength of free markets and the results of hard reforms -- gleaming skyscrapers soaring above the city, and superhighways across this country, high-tech hubs and living standards that previous generations of Poles could only imagine. This is the new Poland you have built -- an economic “Miracle on the Vistula” -- Cud nad Wisłą.  (Applause.)    

Here we see the strength of free nations that stand united. Across those centuries of struggle, Poland’s fate too often was dictated by others.  This land was invaded and conquered, carved up and occupied.  But those days are over.  Poland understands as few other nations do that every nation must be free to chart its own course, to forge its own partnerships, to choose its own allies.  (Applause.)

This year marks the 15th anniversary of Poland’s membership in NATO.  We honor Polish service in the Balkans, in Iraq and Afghanistan.  And as Americans, we are proud to call Poland one of our strongest and closest allies.  (Applause.)  

This is the Poland we celebrate today.  The free and democratic Poland that your forebears and some who are here today dreamed of and fought for and, in some cases, died for.  The growing and secure Poland that you -- particularly the young people who are here today -- have enjoyed for your entire lives.

It’s a wonderful story, but the story of this nation reminds us that freedom is not guaranteed.  And history cautions us to never take progress for granted.  On the same day 25 years ago that Poles were voting here, tanks were crushing peaceful democracy protests in Tiananmen Square on the other side of the world.  The blessings of liberty must be earned and renewed by every generation -- including our own.  This is the work to which we rededicate ourselves today.  (Applause.) 

Our democracies must be defined not by what or who we’re against, but by a politics of inclusion and tolerance that welcomes all our citizens.  Our economies must deliver a broader prosperity that creates more opportunity -- across Europe and across the world -- especially for young people.  Leaders must uphold the public trust and stand against corruption, not steal from the pockets of their own people.  Our societies must embrace a greater justice that recognizes the inherent dignity of every human being.  And as we’ve been reminded by Russia’s aggression in Ukraine, our free nations cannot be complacent in pursuit of the vision we share -- a Europe that is whole and free and at peace.  We have to work for that.  We have to stand with those who seek freedom.  (Applause.)        

I know that throughout history, the Polish people were abandoned by friends when you needed them most.  So I’ve come to Warsaw today -- on behalf of the United States, on behalf of the NATO Alliance -- to reaffirm our unwavering commitment to Poland’s security.  Article 5 is clear -- an attack on one is an attack on all.  And as allies, we have a solemn duty -- a binding treaty obligation -- to defend your territorial integrity.  And we will.  We stand together -- now and forever -- for your freedom is ours. (Applause.)  Poland will never stand alone.  (Applause.)  But not just Poland -- Estonia will never stand alone.  Latvia will never stand alone.  Lithuania will never stand alone.  Romania will never stand alone.  (Applause.)  

These are not just words.  They’re unbreakable commitments backed by the strongest alliance in the world and the armed forces of the United States of America -- the most powerful military in history.  (Applause.)  You see our commitment today. In NATO aircraft in the skies of the Baltics.  In allied ships patrolling the Black Sea.  In the stepped-up exercises where our forces train together.  And in our increased and enduring American presence here on Polish soil.  We do these things not to threaten any nation, but to defend the security and territory of ourselves and our friends. 

Yesterday, I announced a new initiative to bolster the security of our NATO allies and increase America’s military presence in Europe.  With the support of Congress, this will mean more pre-positioned equipment to respond quickly in a crisis, and exercises and training to keep our forces ready; additional U.S. forces -- in the air, and sea, and on land, including here in Poland.  And it will mean increased support to help friends like Ukraine, and Moldova and Georgia provide for their own defense.  (Applause.) 

Just as the United States is increasing our commitment, so must others.  Every NATO member is protected by our alliance, and every NATO member must carry its share in our alliance.  This is the responsibility we have to each other.    

Finally, as free peoples, we join together, not simply to safeguard our own security but to advance the freedom of others. Today we affirm the principles for which we stand. 

We stand together because we believe that people and nations have the right to determine their own destiny.  And that includes the people of Ukraine.  Robbed by a corrupt regime, Ukrainians demanded a government that served them.  Beaten and bloodied, they refused to yield.  Threatened and harassed, they lined up to vote; they elected a new President in a free election -- because a leader’s legitimacy can only come from the consent of the people.

Ukrainians have now embarked on the hard road of reform.  I met with President-elect Poroshenko this morning, and I told him that, just as free nations offered support and assistance to Poland in your transition to democracy, we stand with Ukrainians now.  (Applause.)  Ukraine must be free to choose its own future for itself and by itself.  (Applause.)  We reject the zero-sum thinking of the past -- a free and independent Ukraine needs strong ties and growing trade with Europe and Russia and the United States and the rest of the world.  Because the people of Ukraine are reaching out for the same freedom and opportunities and progress that we celebrate here today -- and they deserve them, too.

We stand together because we believe that upholding peace and security is the responsibility of every nation.  The days of empire and spheres of influence are over.  Bigger nations must not be allowed to bully the small, or impose their will at the barrel of a gun or with masked men taking over buildings.  And the stroke of a pen can never legitimize the theft of a neighbor’s land.  So we will not accept Russia’s occupation of Crimea or its violation of Ukraine’s sovereignty.  (Applause.)   Our free nations will stand united so that further Russian provocations will only mean more isolation and costs for Russia. (Applause.)  Because after investing so much blood and treasure to bring Europe together, how can we allow the dark tactics of the 20th century to define this new century?

We stand together because we know that the spirit of Warsaw and Budapest and Prague and Berlin stretches to wherever the longing for freedom stirs in human hearts, whether in Minsk or Caracas, or Damascus or Pyongyang.  Wherever people are willing to do the hard work of building democracy -- from Tbilisi to Tunis, from Rangoon to Freetown -- they will have a partner in our nations.  For in the struggles of these citizens we recall our own struggles.  In their faces we see our own.  And few see this more clearly than the people of Poland.

The Ukrainians of today are the heirs of Solidarity -- men and women like you who dared to challenge a bankrupt regime.  When your peaceful protests were met with an iron fist, Poles placed flowers in the shipyard gate. 

Today, Ukrainians honor their fallen with flowers in Independence Square.  We remember the Polish voter who rejoiced to “feel the taste of Poland again.”  Her voice echoes in the young protestor in the Maidan who savored what she called “a taste of real freedom.”  “I love my country,” she said, and we are standing up for “justice and freedom.”  And with gratitude for the strong support of the Polish people, she spoke for many Ukrainians when she said, “Thank you, Poland.  We hear you and we love you.”  (Applause.)   

Today we can say the same.  Thank you, Poland -- thank you for your courage.  Thank you for reminding the world that no matter how brutal the crackdown, no matter how long the night, the yearning for liberty and dignity does not fade away.  It will never go away.  Thank you, Poland, for your iron will and for showing that, yes, ordinary citizens can grab the reins of history, and that freedom will prevail -- because, in the end, tanks and troops are no match for the force of our ideals. 

Thank you, Poland -- for your triumph -- not of arms, but of the human spirit, the truth that carries us forward. There is no change without risk, and no progress without sacrifice, and no freedom without solidarity.  (Applause.) 

Dziękuję, Polsko!  God bless Poland.  (Applause.)  God bless America.  God bless our unbreakable alliance.  Thank you very much.  (Applause.)

                        END             12:28 P.M. CET