The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by the President during Town Hall Meeting in Elyria, Ohio

Lorain County Community College, Elyria, Ohio

1:45 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT:  Hello, everybody!  (Applause.)  Hello, Ohio! (Applause.)  Thank you very much, everybody.  Thank you.  Everybody, please relax.  (Laughter.)  We're going to be here for a little bit.  Everybody take a seat -- if you have a seat.  (Laughter.)  It is great to see you -- can everybody please give Jody a big round of applause for the introduction?  (Applause.) 

Everybody is a special guest, but we've got a few that I just want to mention.  First of all, obviously you've got one of the finest governors in the country in Ted Strickland.  Please give him a round of applause.  (Applause.)  My former colleague when he was in the Senate -- nobody fights harder for working people than Sherrod Brown.  Give him a big round of applause.  (Applause.)  

We've got a dynamo pair of members of the House of Representatives, who are so committed to their districts and committed to this state -- Betty Sutton and Marcy Kaptur.  (Applause.) 

I have been having just a wonderful time here in town, and your mayor has just been a really nice person.  (Applause.)  He and I shared a burger over at Smitty's -- (applause) -- give Bill Grace a big round of applause.  (Applause.)

And somebody who I'm hugely impressed with because I'm just so impressed with this institution, and his leadership obviously has been critical to it -- Dr. Ray Church, your school president here at Lorain County Community College.  (Applause.)

Well, listen, it is great to be here in Elyria.  Thank you so much for the great hospitality, the wonderful reception.  Look, it's just nice being out of Washington, let me say. (Laughter.)  I mean, there are some nice people in Washington, but it can drive you crazy.  (Laughter.)  Am I wrong, Sherrod? (Laughter.)  

For two years, I had the privilege of traveling across this country, and I had a chance to talk to people like you, and go to diners and sit in barbershops, and hear directly about the challenges that all of you are facing in your lives, and the opportunities that you're taking advantage of, and all the things that we face together as a nation.  And the single hardest thing -- people ask me this all the time -- the single hardest thing about being President is that it's harder for me to do that nowadays.  It's harder to get out of the bubble. 

I mean, don't get me wrong, the White House is a wonderful place to work.  You live above the store -- (laughter) -- which means I've got a very short commute.  I'm having -- I see my daughters before they go to school and I see them at night for dinner, even if I have to go back down to the office.  And that makes everything so much better.  But the truth is, this job is a little confining, and that is frustrating.  I can't just go to the barbershop or sit in a diner.  I can't always visit people directly.

This is part of the reason why I've taken to the practice of reading 10 letters, out of the 40,000 that I get, every night just so that I can stay in touch and hear from you.  But nothing beats a day where I can make an escape, I break out.  And so I appreciate the chance to come here and spend a day. 

Before I came here I visited the EMC Precision Machining plant.  I saw the great clean energy job training program here at Lorain County Community College.  And I'm obviously thrilled to be able to spend some time with you.

AUDIENCE MEMBERS:  We love you!

THE PRESIDENT:  I love you back.  (Applause.)  Thank you. 

Now, look, let's be honest.  These are difficult and unsettling times.  They're difficult times here in Elyria; they're tough in Ohio; they're tough all across the country.  I walked into office a year ago in the middle of a raging economic storm that was wreaking devastation on your town and communities everywhere.  We had to take some very difficult steps to deal with that mess, to stave off an even greater economic catastrophe.  We had to stabilize the financial system, which, given the role of the big banks in creating this mess, was a pretty tough pill to swallow.

I knew it would be unpopular -- and rightly so.  But I also knew that we had to do it because if they went down, your local banks would have gone down.  And if the financial system went down, it would have taken the entire economy and millions more families and businesses with it.  We would have looked -- we would have been looking at a second Great Depression.

So in my first months in office, we also had to save two of the big three automakers from a liquidation bankruptcy, complete collapse.  Some people weren't happy about that, either.  I understand that.  They felt like if you're in a business, you make a bad decision, you ought to reap the consequences, just like any business would.  The problem was, if we let GM and Chrysler simply go under, hundreds of thousands of Americans would have been hurt, not just at those companies themselves, but at auto suppliers and other companies and dealers here in Michigan, up in -- here in Ohio, up in Michigan, all across this country.

So we said, if you're willing to take some tough and painful steps to make yourself more competitive, we're willing to invest in your future.  And earlier this week, we heard that the auto industry planned to make almost 3 million cars and trucks here in North America in the next three months, which is up 69 percent from the first three months of last year.  (Applause.)

We also passed a Recovery Act to pull our economy back from the brink.  Now, there's been a lot of misunderstanding about this Recovery Act.  Sherrod and Marcy and Betty and I were talking about this on the way over here.  If you ask the average person, what was the Recovery Act, the stimulus package, they'd say, "the bank bailout."  So let me just be clear here:  The Recovery Act was cutting taxes for 95 percent of working families -- 15 different tax cuts for working families, seven different tax cuts for small businesses so they can start up and grow and hire.  The Recovery Act was extending and increasing unemployment insurance and making COBRA available at a cheaper rate for people who had lost their jobs so they could keep their health care.  (Applause.)

We gave aid directly to states to help them through tough times.  Ted can testify the help that it provided to the Ohio budget so we wouldn't have to lay off teachers and firefighters and police officers all across this state.  And we made the largest investment in infrastructure since the creation of the Interstate Highway System, putting Americans to work rebuilding our roads, bridges, waterways -- doing the work that America needs to be done.

Now, today, because we took those actions, the worst of this economic storm has passed.  But families like yours and communities like this one are still reeling from the devastation it left in its wake.  At one of the companies, at EMC, where I went today -- wonderful company, passed on through generations -- they have hung on with their precision manufacturing, high value added.  They can do things that can't be shipped off to China because they're so attuned to their customers' needs.  But they had 77 employees; now they've got 44.  They want to start hiring back, but it's going to take a little time.  The good news is they're starting to see orders pick up just a little bit.

But it's tough.  Folks have seen jobs you thought would last forever disappear.  You've seen plants close and businesses shut down.  I've heard about how the city government here is starting to cut into bone, not just fat.  You can't get to work or go buy groceries like you used to because of cuts in the county transit system.

And this all comes after one of the toughest decades our middle class has faced in generations.  I mean, think about what's happened over the last 10 years, even before the crisis hit.  This is a decade where some folks made tons of money, but so many others were just pedaling faster and faster, but they were stuck in the same place, sometimes slipping behind.  The average wage, the average income over the last decade actually flat-lined; in some cases went down.  That was before the crisis.

So, for many of you, even as you found your paychecks shrinking, even as after the crisis you found the value of your biggest asset, your home, falling, the cost of everything else has gone up:  the cost of groceries, the cost of sending your kids to college, costs of retirement.  And you've also faced the breakneck, unrelenting climb of costs for your health care needs.

Now, here's the message I want you to take away -- and we're going to have a lot of time for questions, but I want to make this absolutely clear.  I did not run for President to turn away from these challenges.  I didn't run to kick these challenges down the road.  I ran for President to confront them –- once and for all.  (Applause.)

I ran for this office to rebuild our economy so it works not just for the fortunate few, but for everybody who's willing to work hard in this country -- (applause) -- to create good jobs that can support a family; to get wages growing and incomes rising; to improve the quality of America's schools and lift up great community colleges like this one so that people are constantly learning, constantly retraining for the jobs of the 21st century; to make higher education affordable for the children of working families -- and, yes, to deal with the problem of runaway health insurance costs that are breaking family budgets and breaking business budgets and breaking our national budgets.  (Applause.)

Now, since this has been in the news a little bit this week -- (laughter) -- let me say a little something about health care. I had no illusions when I took this on that this was going to be hard.  Seven Presidents had tried it, seven Congresses had tried it -- and all of them had failed. 

And I had a whole bunch of political advisors telling me this may not be the smartest thing to do.  "You've got a lot on your plate:  the biggest economic crisis since the Great Depression; two wars.  You may not get a lot of cooperation. you're going to have a lot of pushback from the insurance companies and the drug companies.  It's complicated.  Don't do it."

Now, let me tell you why I did it.  I knew that insurance premiums had more than doubled in the past decade.  I knew that out-of-pocket expenses had skyrocketed.  I knew that millions more people had lost their insurance, and I knew that because of that economic crisis that was only going to get worse.  When you lose 7 million jobs, like we lost over the last two years, what do you think happens to those folks' health insurance?  What happens when their COBRA runs out? 

I took this up because I wanted to ease the burdens on all the families and small businesses that can't afford to pay outrageous rates.  And I wanted to protect mothers and fathers and children by being targeted by some of the worst practices of the insurance industry that I had heard time and time again as I traveled through this country.  (Applause.)

Now, let me dispel this notion that somehow we were focused on that, and so, as a consequence, not focused on the economy.  First of all, all I think about is how we're going to create jobs in this area.  All I think about is how do we get banks lending again.  I've been doing that the entire year.  So have folks like Sherrod and Marcy and Betty.  But what I also know is, is that health care is part of the drag on our economy.  It's part of the eroding security that middle-class families feel. 

So here's the good news:  We've gotten pretty far down the road.  But I've got to admit, we had a little bit of a buzz saw this week.  (Laughter.) 

Now, I also know that part of the reason is, is that this process was so long and so drawn out -- this is just what happens in Congress.  I mean, it's just an ugly process.  You're running headlong into special interests, and armies of lobbyists, and partisan politics that's aimed at exploiting fears instead of getting things done.  And then you've got ads that are scaring the bejesus out of everybody.  (Laughter.)  And the longer it take, the uglier it looks. 

So I understand why people would say, boy, this is -- I'm not so sure about this -- even though they know that what they got isn't working.  And I understand why, after the Massachusetts election, people in Washington were all in a tizzy, trying to figure out what this means for health reform, Republicans and Democrats; what does it mean for Obama?  Is he weakened?  Is he  -- oh, how's he going to survive this?  (Laughter.)  That's what they do.  (Laughter.)

But I want you -- I want you to understand, this is not about me.  (Applause.)  This is not about me.  This is about you. This is not about me; this is about you.  I didn't take this up to boost my poll numbers.  You know the way to boost your poll numbers is not do anything.  (Laughter.)  That's how you do it.  You don't offend anybody.  I'd have real high poll numbers.  All of Washington would be saying, "What a genius!"  (Laughter.) 

I didn't take this on to score political points.  I know there are some folks who think if Obama loses, we win.  But you know what?  I think that I win when you win.  (Applause.)  That's how I think about it. 

So if I was trying to take the path of least resistance, I would have done something a lot easier.  But I'm trying to solve the problems that folks here in Ohio and across this country face every day.  And I'm not going to walk away just because it's hard.  We are going to keep on working to get this done -- with Democrats, I hope with Republicans -- anybody who's willing to step up.  Because I'm not going to watch more people get crushed by costs or denied care they need by insurance company bureaucrats.  I'm not going to have insurance companies click their heels and watch their stocks skyrocket because once again there's no control on what they do.

So long as I have some breath in me, so long as I have the privilege of serving as your President, I will not stop fighting for you.  I will take my lumps, but I won't stop fighting to bring back jobs here.  (Applause.)  I won't stop fighting for an economy where hard work is rewarded.  I won't stop fighting to make sure there's accountability in our financial system.  (Applause.)  I'm not going to stop fighting until we have jobs for everybody.

That's why I'm calling on Congress to pass a jobs bill to put more Americans to work -- (applause) -- building off our Recovery Act; put more Americans back to work rebuilding roads and railways; provide tax breaks to small businesses for hiring people; offer families incentives to make their homes more energy-efficient, saving them money while creating jobs.

That's why we enacted initiatives that are beginning to give rise to a clean energy economy.  That's part of what's going on in this community college.  If we hadn't done anything with the Recovery Act, talk to the people who are building wind turbines and solar panels.  They would have told you their industry was about to collapse because credit had completely frozen.  And now you're seeing all across Ohio some of the -- this state has received more funds than just about anybody in order to build on that clean energy economy -- new cutting-edge wind turbines and batteries that are going to be going into energy-efficient cars.

Almost $25 million of our investment went to a plant right here in Elyria that's helping produce the car batteries of the future. (Applause.)  That's what we're going to keep on doing for the rest of 2010 and 2011 and 2012, until we've got this country working again.  (Applause.)

So long as I'm President, I'll never stop fighting for policies that will help restore home values, to redeem the investment that folks have made.  We've seen some of those values return in some places, in some pockets, but it's still tough out there.  We're going to have to do more this year to make sure that banks are responsive to folks who are working hard, have been paying their mortgage, but have found themselves in a tough situation.

I'm not going to stop fighting to give our kids the best education possible -- (applause) -- to take the tens of billions of dollars we pay banks to act as middlemen on student loans and invest that money in students who actually need it.  We don't need the middlemen -- cut them out.  (Applause.)

I won't stop fighting to give every American a fair shake.  That's why the very first bill I signed into law was the Lilly Ledbetter Act to uphold the principle of equal pay for equal work for men and women alike -- (applause) -- especially when families need two paychecks to survive.  (Applause.)

So long as I'm President, I won't stop fighting to protect you from the kinds of deceptive practices we've seen from some in the financial sector.  That's why I signed a Credit Card Bill of Rights into law, to protect you from surprise charges and retroactive rate hikes and other unfair rules.  That's why I'm fighting for a tough consumer financial protection agency to protect you against those hidden overdraft fees that can make a single ATM withdrawal cost 30 bucks.  (Applause.)  That happened to you, didn't it?  (Applause.)

I won't stop fighting to open up government.  Now, this is hard to do because we don't control every branch.  But I can tell you we have put in place the toughest ethics laws and toughest transparency rules of any administration in history.  In history.

By the way, this is the first administration since the founding of the country where all of you can find out who visits the White House.  First time in history.  And that's just one example of how we're trying to constantly open the process. 

And so long as I'm President, I won't stop fighting to cut waste and abuse in Washington -- to eliminate what we don't need, to pay for what we do; to rein in exploding deficits that we've been accumulating not just last year but for the last 10.  (Applause.)

And I'm going to keep on fighting for real, meaningful health insurance reform.  (Applause.)  We expanded the Children's Health Insurance Program to include four million kids -- we already did that.  But we are also going to fight to hold the insurance industry accountable, to bring more stability and security to folks who are in our health care system.  And, yes, I want to make sure that people who don't have health care right now can get some.  (Applause.)  It's shameful that we don't do that.

Now, these are some of the fights we've already had, and I can promise you there will be more fights ahead.  I'm not going to win every round.  We're having a fight right now because I want to charge Wall Street a modest fee to repay taxpayers in full for saving their skins in a time of need.  (Applause.)  We want our money back.  (Applause.)  We want our money back.  And we're going to get your money back, every dime -- each and every dime. 

But it's going to be a fight.  You watch.  I guarantee you when we start on financial regulatory reform, trying to change the rules to prevent what has caused so much heartache all across the country, there are people who are goIng to say, "Why is he meddling in government -- why is meddling in the financial industry?  It's another example of Obama being big government."

No, I just want to have some rules in place so that when these guys make dumb decisions, you don't end up having to foot the bill.  (Applause.)  That's pretty straightforward.  I don't mind having that fight.  (Applause.)

You know, I said at the beginning how much it means to me to be able to travel this country, and how much it means for me to be here.  And that is true now more than ever, because there's no doubt that it's easy to get a pretty warped view of things in Washington.  But then you start talking to the guys working on those machines, creating products all across the country, you go into the diner and you meet folks who are raising their kids and working hard and trying to keep things together, and I'm reminded of the strength and the resilience and the perseverance of the American people.  I'm reminded of the fundamental character of the Americans that I'm so privileged to serve. 

It's that character that has borne our nation through the roughest of seas, a lot rougher than the ones we're going through right now.  That's the character that will carry us through this storm to better days ahead.  I am confident of that, because of you.  And I'm very grateful for all of you taking the time to be here today.  Thank you.  Thank you, everybody.  Thank you.  Thank you.  (Applause.)

All right.  Let's take some questions.  You guys -- everybody, sit down, sit back down.  All right.  So I'm just going to call on people.  We're going to do girl-boy-girl-boy -- (laughter) -- so that there's no accusations of bias.  But we'll try to get as many questions in as we can.

All right, this young lady right back here.  Yes, you.  There should be a microphone -- wait till the mic comes so everybody can hear you.  Oh, I'm sorry -- that's okay, I'll call on you next.  Well -- (laughter) -- one of you ask your question. (Laughter.)

Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  It's an honor to be here with you today.  I work here in LCCC's financial services office. I am proud to be part of finding pathways for students who attend college.  I feel that a college education is a lifeline to the future of our citizens.  We greatly appreciate the increase in the Pell Grant, which allowed our neediest students to access a college education.  (Applause.)  It increased buying power as  college costs continue to rise.  My question to you is, will your administration support continued increases to the Pell Grant so that our neediest students have access to higher education?

THE PRESIDENT:  The answer is yes.  I want everybody to understand, we made -- and this was the help -- with the help of the members of Congress who are here -- made an enormous investment in higher education, making sure that young people could afford to go to great institutions like this.  So we significantly increased the level of each Pell Grant, and we also put more money so that we could have more Pell Grants.

Now, we want to continue to do this.  I mentioned during my formal remarks the fact that a lot of banks and financial institutions are still serving as middlemen in the financial aid process, and they take out several billions dollars' worth of profits from that.  It turns out that actually it can be administered in such a way where these loans go directly to the students.  And if you do that, then you're saving several billion dollars that can then be put back into the system.  We want to get that finalized; we want to get that done.  That will be an enormous boost.

Now, one thing I have to say, though.  Even as we put more money into the Student Loan Program, we are also trying to reach out to university presidents and administrators to figure out how can we reduce the inflation in higher education -- because the fact is, is that the only thing that has gone up faster in cost than health care is -- guess what.  Higher education.  And the problem is, if we're not thinking about ways to curve the inflation, then even if we put more money in, what that money is buying becomes less and less.  And so trying to find creative ways for universities to do more with less is going to be important.

Now, in fairness to universities and colleges, part of the reason they've been having to jack up their costs is they used to get more support from the state.  State budgets got into a hole, and then it became harder, and so they had to make it up on the tuition side.  Nevertheless, what is also true, though, is just their general costs of operating have gone up in ways that I think we can improve.  So we're going to be working on that as well.

All right?  Okay, I've got to call a gentleman, then I got to go back to you because you thought that I called you and I feel bad.  (Laughter.)

All right.  This gentleman right here in the tie.  Yes, you look sharp.  (Laughter.)

Q    Mr. President, thank you.  It's an honor to stand before you.  Thank you.  Earlier in your message, you mentioned our transit system.  Obviously we do need help and we're in dire need to have some assistance there.  But what I didn't hear in anything is your interest in our steel mill.  That's a big part of our community and we desperately need help there as well.  (Applause.)  We just wondered where Washington's stance is on our steel mill.  Thank you.

THE PRESIDENT:  Well, I was talking to your mayor about this.  Obviously he's a big advocate for manufacturing in the region.  I do not have all the details in terms of what's happening at the steel mill at this moment.  But what we've done is we've set up an office in the White House just focused on manufacturing -- because it's my view that America's got to make things.  (Applause.) 

Now, we're not going to make -- I want to be honest.  Not all the manufacturing jobs that have gone are going to come back.  And if people tell you they are, that's just not true -- because a lot of that has moved to places where the wages are just much lower.  And I know that some people say, well, then we should just set up tariffs so that folks can't ship them in.  But these days the economy, the global economy is so interconnected that that's just not a practical solution. 

The solution is to find -- and I don't Know the details of the steel mill here -- but I know that the ones that have been successful, they do what EMC is doing as well, which is you find what's the high-end market.  What's the market that involves a lot of technology, specialization, highly trained workers, quick turnarounds to spec so that the customers really feel like they're getting something special and different -- that's how you compete, because that's something that a steel mill in China or in Brazil can't do.  They can't compete with you being on the spot working closely with customers. 

So finding ways to develop specialty steels and so forth, that's going to be the key.  Our manufacturing office will be working with folks here in town to see what we can do.

All right?  Thank you.  (Applause.)  All right, back to this young lady here.

Q    First I want to start by saying that I am very grateful to be here to meet you in person.  I absolutely support you and back you.  I feel like Rome wasn't built in a day, and I know that everybody is really impatient, but I know that with time things can be turned around.  And I believe that your intentions are really honorable in that.

THE PRESIDENT:  I appreciate it.

Q    I am a single mother of three, and I have two quick issues that are very important to me -- one being that I have a three-year-old, who has just turned three, who got lead poisoning last year and almost died.  And I called everyone, including the EPA of Ohio, and I cannot seem to get any response to this.

THE PRESIDENT:  Well, guess what.  I guarantee you that somebody from the EPA is going to call you in about -- (applause) -- in about five minutes.  Before you sit down, there's going to be a phone call from the EPA.  (Laughter.) 

All joking aside -- and I know you have a second question, but I just want to focus on this -- lead poisoning, a lot of it from lead paint, from older homes all across the country and all across the Midwest is something that we have to be more aggressive on.  This is something that I worked on when I was a U.S. senator, when I was a state senator.  I'm working on it as President, and I will find out directly from them how they can help not only with your particular situation but what we're doing in this area in terms of lead abatement.

Q    Okay.

THE PRESIDENT:  Okay?

Q    The second thing that I wanted to address to you is the unfair labor laws that they seem to have in some of these industries as far as discrimination and different issues of that nature that don't seem to get addressed from the bigger companies.  I have actually worked for Ford -- I'm a full-time student now here at LC, gratefully -- and even when I was working there and I have -- my whole family has actually come up through Ford -- and there's a lot of very unjust situations that come about, but no attorneys will deal with it, no one will talk about it, and it's always pushed under the rug.  And I -- I do owe my  -- what I have now to Ford because it was what was bread and butter for my family.  But at the same time, it's not fair that even at this point my mother still can't retire, she has to continue to suffer.

THE PRESIDENT:  Well, look, let me just say generally, one of the things that my administration has been able to do over the last year that does not cost money is just enforcing laws that are on the books a little more aggressively, making sure -- I mentioned earlier equal pay for equal work. 

We are so past the point where it should be debatable that women get paid the same as men for doing the same job.  (Applause.)  And it is something that -- especially because there was a -- it was just released I think last week showing that increasingly the wives are making more than the husbands in some circumstances.  And whoever is making more, you've got to have two paychecks.  So this is not just a "feminist issue" -- you know, sometimes guys say, well, why do I -- why should I care about it?  Well, let me tell you something.  If your wife is getting paid fairly, that means your family is getting paid fairly.  (Applause.)  And I want my daughters to be treated the same way as your sons.  That's something we shouldn't be arguing about anymore.  (Applause.)

All right, gentleman right back here.  Yes, it's a guy's turn.  Yes, sir.

Q    I'm an inventor, and I hold U.S. patent number 7,397,731.

THE PRESIDENT:  Okay.

Q    And before I ask my question I'd like to make a sales pitch.  (Laughter.)  If you can use my patent in your next election, I think you can raise a ton of money worldwide.  You should take a look at it.

THE PRESIDENT:  All right, we'll take a look.  All right.

Q    If you can't use it, the government could use it, and I could build a multibillion-dollar business here in Ohio.  (Laughter.)

THE PRESIDENT:  All right, we'll take a look at your patent.  Go ahead, what's your question?

Q    Yes, okay, it has to do with international patent rights.  With all this free trade and trade barriers falling, it's really hard for an individual like me with a global-scope patent to file all over the world and get patent protection everywhere, and having to go overseas to fight infringement.  So if you're going to drop trade barriers, maybe you can extend my patent rights to the foreign countries.

THE PRESIDENT:  Well, this is a great question, and this is a huge problem.  (Applause.)  Look, our competitive advantage in the world is going to be people like this who are using their minds to create new products, new services.  But that only helps us and helps you build a multibillion-dollar company if somebody can't just steal that idea and suddenly start making it in Indonesia or Malaysia or Bangladesh with very cheap workers. 

And one of the problems that we have had is insufficient protection for intellectual property rights.  That's true in China; it's true for everything from bootleg DVDs to very sophisticated software.  And there's nothing wrong with other people using our technologies.  We just want to make sure that it's licensed and you're getting paid.

So I've given instructions to my trade offices -- and we actually highlight this at the highest levels of foreign policy  -- that these are issues that have to be addressed because that's part of the reciprocity of making our markets open.  And so when I met with President Hu of China, this is a topic that, at dinner, I directly brought up with him.  And -- but as you point out, it's got to be sustained, because a lot of times they'll say, yes, yes, yes, but then there's no enforcement on their end.

And one of the things that we're also doing is using our export arm of the U.S. government to help work with medium-sized businesses and small businesses, not just the big multinationals to protect their rights in some of these areas, because we need to boost exports. 

Can I just say, we just went through a decade where we were told that it didn't matter, we'll just -- you just keep on importing, buying stuff from other countries, you just take out a home equity loan and max out your credit card, and everything is going to be okay.  And it looked, for a lot of people, like, well, the economy seems to be growing -- but it was all built on a house of cards.  That's what we now know.  And that's why if we're going to have a successful manufacturing sector, we've got to have successful exports. 

When I went and took this trip to China, and took this trip to Asia, a lot of people said, "Well, why is he going to Asia?  He's traveling overseas too much.  He needs to be coming back home and talking about jobs."  I'm there because that's where we're going to find those jobs, is by increasing our exports to those countries, the same way they've been doing in our country. If we increased our exports -- our share of exports by just 1 percent, that would mean hundreds of thousands of jobs here in the United States.  Five percent -- maybe a million jobs, well-paying jobs.  So we're going to have to pry those markets open.  Intellectual property is part of that process.

All right, great question. 

It's a woman's turn now.  You guys just put down your hands. (Laughter.)  Oh, okay, well, this young lady right in front.  We've got a microphone over here.  You know, I would give it to you if I could reach, but -- go ahead.  (Laughter.)

Q    I introduce myself.  I'm 83 years old.  I know I don't look it.  (Laughter.)  

THE PRESIDENT:  You don't.  You don't.  You look great.

Q    Thank you.  I'm very concerned about Social Security.  I think there's a few here who are probably living on that or supplementing that.  I understand that Congress has given themselves a raise but has denied us COLA for possibly the next three years.  At the time of the H1N1 thing, people over 65 were not given the right to have the shot.  For some reason or other this health care crisis was left on our senior backs.  What can we do about this?

THE PRESIDENT:  Well, let me address all three of your issues, because you're raising actually three separate issues. 

First is how do we make sure that Social Security is sustainable over the long term.  Social Security is one of our entitlement programs that for now is stable, but will not be if we don't make some changes.  Now, here's the good news.  Compared to Medicare, Social Security is actually in reasonably good shape, and with some relatively small adjustments, you can have that solvent for a long time.  So Social Security is going to be there.  I know a lot of people are concerned about it.  Social Security we can fix.

Now, in terms of the COLA, the formula -- COLA stands for Cost of Living Allowance, so it's put in place to make sure that Social Security is keeping up with inflation.  Here's the problem.  This past year, because of the severity of the recession, we didn't have inflation; we actually had deflation.  So prices actually fell last year.  As a consequence, technically, seniors were not eligible for a Cost of Living Adjustment, to have it go up because prices did not go up in the aggregate.  That doesn't mean that individual folks weren't being pinched by higher heating prices or what have you, but on average prices went down.

Here's what we did.  Working with these key members of Congress here, we did vote to provide a $250 one-time payment to seniors, which, when you factored it in, amounted to about 1.8 percent.  So it was almost the equivalent of the COLA, even though it wasn't actually the COLA.

So we didn't forget seniors.  We never forget seniors because they vote at very high rates.  (Laughter.)  Not to mention you changed our diapers and things.  And so we appreciate that.

The third point that you made had to do with the H1N1 virus. The reason that seniors were not prioritized was because, unlike the seasonal flu shot, H1N1 was deadliest in young people and particularly children.  And because the virus came up fairly late in the time frame for preparing flu shots, we had a limited number of vaccines, and we had to decide who gets the vaccines first. 

Now, by the way, let me just do a little PSA here.  Anybody who has not gotten a H1N1 shot, along with their seasonal flu, I would still advise you to get it, because historically there are two waves of this.  Particularly make sure your kids have gotten it, because there have been a significantly higher number of children killed under H1 -- who get H1N1 than those who just get the seasonal flu.  It's still a small fraction, I don't want to make everybody afraid.  But it's just -- it's a little more serious than the normal seasonal flu.

So it's not that seniors were neglected here.  What happened was, according to the science, according to the CDC, it was determined that we had to go to the most vulnerable groups the quickest, and that was children, particularly those who had underlying neurological disorders or immunity disorders. 

All right?  We haven't forgotten about you.  And you don't look 83.  (Laughter.)

Okay.  This young man -- he's been standing up quite a long time.  There you go.

Q    Mr. President, my name is Jordan Brown.  Can you hear me?

THE PRESIDENT:  Yes.

Q    Okay.

THE PRESIDENT:  Go ahead and give him the mic.  I don't want to have him fall over there.  (Laughter.)

Q    Okay.  I don't have a question but I do want to know if I would like -- if I can shake your hand.  (Laughter.)

THE PRESIDENT:  Well, yes, yes, you'll be able to come up here.  If somebody lets you through, I'll definitely give you a handshake.  (Applause.)

All right, who -- I want to make sure -- you know, there's another young man here so I'll call on him.

Q    I'm 29 years old, and I've never had a job in my life. I went to jail when I was younger.  It's like hard to get a job as a felon.  Is this -- any programs that hire people with felonies like something that -- because it's sad, it's like -- 29 years old, I'm 29.  (Applause.)

THE PRESIDENT:  All right.  Jerome --

Q    And also I wanted to -- I'm a poet and I wrote a poem for you and I've been dying to put this poem in your hand.

THE PRESIDENT:  Okay.  Give me the poem.  (Applause.)  First of all, it's never too late.  It's never too late.  (Applause.)  One of these gentlemen here will hand this poem to me.  There you go.  I won't read it from the stage but -- because it's --

Q    I'd appreciate it, later when you get back to the White House.

THE PRESIDENT:  But I will definitely think about it. 

Look, I'm proud of the fact that you're bringing this up because there are people who've made mistakes, particularly when they're young, and it is in all of our interests to help them redeem themselves and then get on a straight path.  Now, I don't blame employers obviously for being nervous about hiring somebody who has a record.  It's natural if they've got a lot of applicants for every single job that that's a question that they'd have in their minds.  On the other hand, I think one of the great things about America is we give people second chances. (Applause.)

And so what we've tried to do -- and I want to say, this has been a bipartisan effort -- when I was in the Senate, working with Sam Brownback; my Vice President, Joe Biden -- passing a Second Chance Act that helps to fund programs that help the reintegration of ex-felons.

It's smart for us to do.  You know, sometimes people say, well, that's just coddling people.  No; you reduce the recidivism rate, they pay taxes, it ends up being smart for taxpayers to do.

I don't know, Jerome, what particular programs may exist in this county, but I promise you I'll find out.  And we'll see if we can get you hooked up with one of them.  All right?  (Applause.)

Okay, right here.  Yes.  No, no, no.  Right here.  Yes.  Go ahead.

Q    Mr. President, I started a Great Lakes Truck Driving School in 2008 in Lorain County.

THE PRESIDENT:  I'm sorry, what kind of school?

Q    Great Lakes Truck Driving School.

THE PRESIDENT:  Cross driving school?  Oh, truck driving school, I'm sorry.

Q    Great Lakes Truck Driving School.  Started in 2008.  Our first year we trained 287 people and we placed over 70 percent of those people into jobs.  At that time there was enough money, through the Workforce Investment Board, to train those people.  In the past few months we've had a number of people on a daily basis coming into our school that's unemployed, but there are no training funds for truck driver training.  And I want to know why that has changed.

THE PRESIDENT:  Well, the Recovery Act put a huge amount of money into retraining.  We are now preparing for next year's budget, and I know that we have actually allocated additional money for retraining.

I don't know specifically what's happening that would cause those dollars to dry up with respect to a truck driving school.  Let me see if I can find out.  I'll have one of my staff get your card, and maybe we can provide you some information.

Q    Thank you very much.

THE PRESIDENT:  Here's the broader point, though.  The story of retraining has become so important.  When I went to EMC, the precision tool-making place, there were a group of guys -- and one guy who said I should call him "Jerry the Mechanic."  (Laughter.)  He shakes my hand, and he and his buddy are talking to me.  I said, "How long have you been working here?"  They said, "Twenty years."  And I'd noticed that a lot of the equipment now is all digital and fancy, compared to the old machines on the other side of the building.  I said, "Well, did you guys have to get additional training for this?"  And they said, "Well, you know what happened was, we used to work in this old plant, and we got laid off.  We came here to Lorain Community College and took a six-month, 12-hour-a-day course that completely retrained us, and that's what got us these new jobs, and we've been working for over a decade now at these new jobs." (Applause.)

Now, here's the thing.  These guys were -- these guys -- first of all, they weren't plants, as far as I know -- unless the mayor is a lot slicker than I think.  (Laughter.)  But these guys did point out that it was JTPA funds -- job training funds that the federal government and the state and local all work together to make sure that people have access to funds.  They also said, though, during that time they were still working eight hours a day because they had found sort of lower-paying jobs just to pay the rent while they were getting retrained.  I said, "Okay, so you've been working eight hours and going to class 12 hours?"  "Yes."  I said, "Well, when do you sleep?"  "Well, in between class and taking the shift." 

They did this for six months.  I tell this story, one, to emphasize how important the college system is in making our workforce prepared for the 21st century.  I make the point because, number two, it only works if the government is providing some help for people to finance their educations, their retraining.

But point number three is, even if you've got a great community college, you've got the financing, you've also got to want it.  You've also got to want it.  Think about these guys -- you work eight hours, you go to class 12 hours, you're working -- you're sleeping in between, doing that for six months.  But because they were hungry and they had confidence about their ability to translate their old skills into new skills, they've had steady jobs ever since that allow them to support their families.

Now, that's the partnership between the government, the free market, businesses, individuals -- that's what we're trying to forge.  And that's why I get so frustrated when we have these ideological debates in Washington where people start saying how, "oh, Obama is just trying to perpetrate big government."  What big government exactly have we been trying to perpetrate here?  We're trying to fund those guys who want to go to truck driving school.  We want to make sure that they've got some money to get trained for a job in the private sector. 

When we passed the Recovery Act, these aren't all a bunch of government jobs.  These are jobs that private contractors contract with the state or the city or the county to build roads and highways, the same way that we built the Interstate Highway System and the Intercontinental Railroad System. 

I mean, I understand how people have become mistrustful of government.  We don't need big government; we need smart government -- that works and interacts with the private sector to create opportunity for ordinary people.  But it can't be this constant ideological argument.  People need help.  We need to provide them a helping hand.  That's what we stand for.  (Applause.)

All right.  I've got time for only, unfortunately, one more question.  I've been having a great time.  But it is a man's turn here.  All right.  Is that you, Joe?  Well, this is a ringer.  I'm going to talk -- I'll talk to you separately.  This is a friend of mine.  People will say, ah, he called on a friend of his.  I'll talk to you over to the side here.

Go ahead, this gentleman right here.

Q    Thank you for taking my question.  Thank you for coming here.  I'm a 52-year-old businessman from Akron, Ohio.  I want to create 1,200 jobs.  I spend $60,000 of my own money to do a due diligence, travel to China with a German-designed turbine, and they're producing it now in China.  I have rights to North America, primarily the Great Lakes.

Two things that I'm challenged by -- I'm having a very difficult time raising money.  I'm not asking for a handout.  All I'm asking is loan me the money; I'll account for it, every dollar, I'll pay it back.

Secondly -- and I'm willing to risk millions -- 99 percent of my net worth.  The second thing is that GE has a patent -- and I believe in patents.  I listened to this gentleman back here, and I can truly appreciate what he's going through.  But in this instance, GE inherited this patent from Enron, and it's created a wall so that they won't let people come in and build turbines in the United States.  Now, the patent is going to expire very soon. But now they're calling it a royalty but it's really a gate to keep people out. 

Is there any programs -- I've talked to Governor Strickland, I've talked to Sherrod Brown, I've talked to Lee Fisher.  This company was identified by the city of Akron and Donald Plusquellic's visionary leadership down in Akron.  But I want to bring this to the United States.  I want to bring these jobs -- and this not about money for me.  This is about creating jobs.

I can feel for that gentleman that wants to work.  He should have a right to work.  God bless him.  (Applause.)

THE PRESIDENT:  Let me respond -- first of all --

Q    Is there any -- is there any federal programs that can help me -- I just want to borrow the money to create this factory and create these jobs.

THE PRESIDENT:  Well, obviously I don't know about the particular situation so I'll just speak generally to it.  And if you want to get one of my team your card, then maybe they can follow up with you. 

But one of the things that we've done -- or one of the things that we've seen coming out of the financial crisis is that banks are still not lending to small businesses enough.  The mayor and I talked about this.  The business owners that I talked to will confirm this.  And if you ask why -- if you ask the banks why, they'll say, well, it's a combination of, in some cases, demand really is down; businesses don't have as many customers as they used to so revenues are down and -- so they don't want to lend.  That's some cases.  But in some cases what you've got is very profitable businesses that are ready to go, ready to invest, got a proven track record -- the banks feel as if regulators are looking over their shoulder and discouraging them from lending.

So what I've said to Treasury Secretary Geithner and others is we can't meddle with independent regulators -- their job is to stay apart from politics and make sure the banking system is sound -- but there should be a discussion about whether or not we have seen the pendulum swing too far, where it used to be they'd just lend anybody anything; then they lost all this money and now they won't lend people with good credit anything.  That is not good for the economy. 

So what we've tried to do is to fill some of these gaps in the meantime.  For example, our small business lending through the SBA has actually gone up 70 percent.  And we've been waiving fees, increasing guarantees, and what we're trying to do is streamline the process for SBA loans because right now there's just too much paperwork.  It's typical government not having caught up with the 21st century.  And you can't have a 50-pound application form.  People just -- after a while, it's not worth it, in some cases.  So we're trying to do all those things.

Now, with respect to patents, again, I don't know the particular situation.  I will say this.  It's important that we protect internationally intellectual property.  It is also important though that we have a patent system that encourages innovation but doesn't just lock in big monopolies that prevent new people from bringing new products into the system.

The worst offender of this problem is actually the drug companies, because they will try to lock in their patents for as long as they can to prevent generics from coming onto the market, and that costs customers billions of dollars.  And sometimes the drug company will redesign it so it's a caplet instead of a pill, and then try to get a new patent, to get another seven or nine or 10 years of coverage.  That is something that we've got to change.  I don't know whether that applies to your particular situation, but we have to have a patent system that doesn't prevent competition.  We want a patent system that encourages innovation.

Now, I'm out of time, but I want to say one last thing.  First of all, because there's been so much attention focused on this health care issue this week, I just want to emphasize not the myths but the reality of what is trying to -- that both the House and the Senate bill were trying to accomplish, because it's actually very simple.  There are a bunch of provisions in it, but it's pretty simple.

Number one, for those of you who have health insurance, we are trying to get in place reforms that make sure you are getting your money's worth for the insurance that you pay for.  That means, for example, that they can't impose a lifetime cap where if you really get sick and suddenly there's some fine print in there that says you're not completely covered.  We're trying to make sure that there is a cap on out-of-pocket expenses so that you don't find out, when you read the fine print, that you've got to pay a huge amount that you thought you were covered for.  We're trying to make sure that if you've got a preexisting condition, you can actually still get health insurance, because a lot of people have been banned from getting health insurance because of a preexisting condition.  (Applause.)

One of the provisions -- one of the reforms we want is to make sure that your 26- or 27-year-old could, up until that age, could stay on your insurance, so that once they get out of high school and college, they can stay on their parents' insurance for a few years until they've got a more stable job. 

So you've got all these insurance reforms that we're trying to get passed.  Now, some people ask, well, why don't you just pass that and forget everything else?  Here's the problem.  Let's just take the example of preexisting conditions.  We can't prohibit insurance companies from preventing people with preexisting conditions getting insurance unless everybody essentially has insurance.  And the reason for that is otherwise what would happen is people would just -- just wouldn't get insurance until they were sick and then they'd go and buy insurance and they couldn't be prohibited.  And that would drive everybody else's premiums up.

So a lot of these insurance reforms are connected to some other things we have to do to make sure that everybody has some access to coverage.  All right? 

So the second thing we've been trying to do is to make sure that we're setting up an exchange, which is just a big pool so that people who are individuals, who are self employed, who are small business owners, they can essentially join a big pool of millions of people all across the country, which means that when you go to negotiate with your insurance company you've got the purchasing power of a Ford or a GM or Wal-Mart or a Xerox or the federal employees.  That's why federal employees have good insurance, and county employees and state employees have good insurance, in part is because they're part of this big pool.

And our attitude is, can we make sure that everybody is part of a big pool to drive down costs.  That's the second thing we're trying to do.

Third thing we're trying to do is to try to reduce costs overall because the system -- how many of you, you go into the doctor's office, you fill out a form, you get a checkup, you go fill out another form, somebody else asks you for the form you just filled out.  Then the doctor fills out a form, you got to take it to the pharmacist.  The pharmacist can't read the doctor's -- this is the only industry in the country that still does that, that still operates on paper systems, that still orders all kinds of unnecessary tests. 

Because a lot of times, I walk in the doctor, I just do what I'm told -- I don't know what he's doing.  I don't know whether this test was necessary or whether we could have had the test that I took six months ago e-mailed to the doctor so I wouldn't have to take another test and pay for another test.  Right?  (Applause.)  So there are all these methods of trying to reduce costs.  And that's what we've been trying to institute.

Now, I just want to say, as I said in my opening remarks, the process has been less than pretty.  When you deal with 535 members of Congress, it's going to be a somewhat ugly process -- not necessarily because any individual member of Congress is trying to do something wrong, it's just they may have different ideas, they have different interests, they've got a particular issue of a hospital in their district that they want to see if they can kind of get dealt with and this may be the best vehicle for doing it.  They're looking out for their constituents a lot of times.

But when you put it all together, it starts looking like just this monstrosity.  And it makes people fearful.  And it makes people afraid.  And they start thinking, you know what, this looks like something that is going to cost me tax dollars and I already have insurance so why should I support this.

So I just want to be clear that there are things that have to get done.  This is our best chance to do it.  We can't keep on putting this off.  Even if you've got health insurance right now, look at what's happening with your premiums and look at the trend.  It is going to gobble up more and more of your paycheck. Ask a chunk of you folks in here who have seen your employers say you've got to pick up more of your payments in terms of higher deductibles or higher copayments.  (Applause.)  Some of you, your employers just said, we can't afford health insurance at all.  That's going to happen to more and more people.

You asked about Social Security.  Let me talk about Medicare.  Medicare will be broke in eight years if we do nothing.  Right now we give -- we give about $17 billion in subsidies to insurance companies through the Medicare system -- your tax dollars.  But when we tried to eliminate them, suddenly there were ads on TV -- "Oh, Obama is trying to cut Medicare."  I get all these seniors writing letters:  "Why are you trying to cut my Medicare benefits?"  I'm not trying to cut your Medicare benefits.  I'm trying to stop paying these insurance companies all this money so I can give you a more stable program.

The point is this:  None of the big issues that we face in this country are simple.  Everybody wants to act like they're simple.  Everybody wants to say that they can be done easily.  But they're complicated.  They're tough.  The health care system is a big, complicated system, and doing it right is hard. 

Energy.  If we want to be energy independent -- I'm for more oil production.  I am for -- I am for new forms of energy.  I'm for a safe nuclear industry.  I'm not ideological about this.  But we also have to acknowledge that if we're going to actually have a energy-independent economy, that we've got to make some changes.  We can't just keep on doing business the same way.  And that's going to be a big, complicated discussion. 

We can't shy away from it, though.  We can't sort of start suddenly saying to ourselves, America or Congress can't do big things; that we should only do the things that are noncontroversial; we should only do the stuff that's safe.  Because if that's what happens, then we're not going to meet the challenges of the 21st century.  And that's not who we are.  That's not how we used to operate, and that's not how I intend us to operate going forward. 

We are going to take these big things on, and I'm going to do it, and you're going to do it, because you know that we want to leave a better America for our children and our grandchildren. And that doesn't mean standing still; that means marching forward.  (Applause.)

I want to march forward with you.  I want to work with you. I want to fight for you.  I hope you're willing to stand by me, even during these tough times, because I believe in a brighter future for America.

Thank you, everybody.  God bless you.  (Applause.)

END
3:00 P.M. EST

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

U.S.-ASEAN Leaders Joint Statement

1st ASEAN-U.S. Leaders’ Meeting
Singapore, 15 November 2009


JOINT STATEMENT
Enhanced Partnership for Enduring Peace and Prosperity

1. We, the Heads of State/Government of Brunei Darussalam, the Kingdom of Cambodia, the Republic of Indonesia, the Lao People's Democratic Republic, Malaysia, the Union of Myanmar, the Republic of the Philippines, the Republic of Singapore, the Kingdom of Thailand and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, the Member States of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and the United States (U.S.), held our first ASEAN-U.S. Leaders’ Meeting on 15 November 2009 in Singapore. The Meeting was co-chaired by H.E. Abhisit Vejjajiva, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Thailand, in his capacity as Chairman of ASEAN, and the Honourable Barack Obama, President of the United States. The Secretary-General of ASEAN was also in attendance. We agreed to hold a second Leaders' meeting in 2010.

2. We noted with satisfaction that over the last 32 years of Dialogue relations, ASEAN and the United States have developed mutually beneficial cooperation in many areas, reflecting our broad shared interests guided by the Joint Vision Statement on the ASEAN-U.S. Enhanced Partnership of 17 November 2005, the 2006 Plan of Action to Implement the ASEAN-U.S. Enhanced Partnership, and Revised Priorities for Cooperation under the ASEAN-U.S. Enhanced Partnership 2009. We welcomed the role of the Philippines as the Country Coordinator for ASEAN-U.S. Dialogue Relations from July 2009 to July 2012, and requested the Philippines to lead the drafting of the next five-year Plan of Action.

3. The United States welcomed ASEAN's plans to achieve an ASEAN Community by 2015 based on the ASEAN Charter, and reaffirmed its commitment to support those plans. We have agreed to increase our collaboration and will establish an ASEAN-U.S. Eminent Persons Group in support of enhanced ASEAN-U.S. cooperation in addressing regional and global issues.

4. We agreed on the need for a broader and deeper ASEAN-U.S. cooperation to promote educational exchanges, including in science and technology and in people-to-people interactions. We pledged to increase opportunities for English language learning and those studying overseas in the United States and ASEAN. We also agreed to explore future areas of cooperation such as people/labour mobility, interfaith dialogue and development cooperation.

5. The President of the United States pronounced the U.S. policy of enhancing engagement with ASEAN which it regards as a key partner in the promotion of peace, stability and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region. The Leaders of ASEAN welcomed the accession of the United States to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) in Southeast Asia, the naming of an Ambassador for ASEAN Affairs, the intent to open a U.S. Mission to ASEAN in Jakarta, and its ASEAN Development Vision to Advance National Cooperation and Economic Integration (ADVANCE) program.

6. We shared a vision of a regional architecture that is inclusive, promotes shared values and norms, and respects the diversity within the region. We agreed to work closely together in building this regional architecture, and were ready to study initiatives of this nature. We reaffirmed the importance of ASEAN centrality in this process.

7. The President of the United States also expressed U.S. support for the establishment of the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights, which demonstrates the commitment of the ASEAN Member States in the promotion and protection of human rights. The United States invited the members of the Commission to visit the United States in 2010 to consult with international experts in this field. The United States also supported the Human Rights Resource Centre for ASEAN, a track 2 initiative, with a university in Jakarta as the hub of the Centre and including a network of universities throughout ASEAN.
8. The United States welcomed the ASEAN Leaders Statement on ASEAN Connectivity adopted at the 15th ASEAN Summit in Hua Hin, Thailand.

9. The Leaders of ASEAN welcomed the continued active support of the United States in the other regional fora, such as the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), which is a critically important regional political and security forum. ASEAN noted the interest of the United States in the ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting-Plus (ADMM-Plus) and welcomed the intention of the U.S. Secretary of Defence to undertake consultations with his ASEAN counterparts concerning the ADMM-Plus.

10. The Leaders of ASEAN welcomed the high level dialogue and the policy of the United States to engage with the Government of Myanmar, as indicated by the recent visit of U.S. officials to Myanmar. We expressed our hope that this effort, as well as ASEAN’s, would contribute to broad political and economic reforms and the process will be further enhanced in the future. We also underscored the importance of achieving national reconciliation and that the general elections to be held in Myanmar in 2010 must be conducted in a free, fair, inclusive and transparent manner in order to be credible to the international community. We called on the Government of Myanmar to help create the conditions for credible elections including by initiating a dialogue with all stakeholders to ensure that the process is fully inclusive. We also reiterated our continued support to the good offices of the United Nations Secretary-General in the democratization process in Myanmar. We also noted the Joint Communiqué of the 42nd ASEAN Foreign Ministers Meeting in Phuket, 20 July 2009.

11. Drawing on valuable lessons from the crises of 1997 and 2008, we resolved to contribute to reforming the global economic and financial architecture to safeguard the global economy from future crises, and to promote regional and global economic growth and recovery.

12. We discussed ASEAN's growing capacity and role in global issues. The United States will support ASEAN's continuing role in multilateral efforts where ASEAN has a growing ability to make contributions. The President of the United States also supported regional efforts initiated by ASEAN and ASEAN-led fora, to address the impact of the global financial and economic crisis in the region and looked forward to continued close coordination between such regional efforts and the global efforts undertaken by the G-20. The Leaders of ASEAN will endeavour to do their part to implement policies in support of the G-20 principles laid out in the Framework for Strong, Sustainable and Balanced Growth.

13. We were pleased to note that economic relations between ASEAN and the United States continue to be strong and dynamic. We applauded the sizeable increase in trade and investment between ASEAN and the United States over the past several years. Two-way goods trade reached $178 billion in 2008, and, ASEAN is host to U.S. foreign direct investment of $153 billion, making it the favoured U.S. investment destination in Asia. We stressed the need to further enhance economic cooperation and partnership through new initiatives under the ASEAN-U.S. Trade and Investment Framework Arrangement (ASEAN-U.S. TIFA), to be agreed upon by the ASEAN Trade Ministers and the United States Trade Representative. We tasked the officials to initially focus on trade and customs facilitation. We also welcomed the meeting of ASEAN Finance Ministers and the U.S. Secretary of the Treasury on 12 November 2009 in Singapore as another element of broader engagement of ASEAN and the United States.

14. Recognizing the importance of trade and investment liberalization to our future economic growth and prosperity, we welcomed the results of the 2009 APEC Leaders' meeting, and reaffirmed our commitment to accelerating regional economic integration in the Asia-Pacific by promoting greater convergence among APEC economies in key trade and investment policy areas, and the importance of bringing the Doha Round to a successful conclusion in 2010. We also supported the G-20 statement in fighting protectionism.

15. We resolved to deepen cooperation against international terrorism under the framework of the ASEAN-U.S. Joint Declaration for Cooperation to Combat International Terrorism. We requested our concerned officials to identify and implement actions towards this goal.

16. We also agreed to strengthen efforts to prevent and combat other transnational crimes, such as illicit drug trafficking, trafficking in persons, money laundering, arms smuggling, sea piracy, international economic crime and cyber crime, in accordance with national laws and regulations.

17. We agreed to intensify ASEAN-U.S. development cooperation in support of ASEAN efforts in achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), narrowing development gap among ASEAN Member States, and enhancing regional integration and realising an ASEAN Community by 2015.

18. We welcomed the U.S.-Lower Mekong Initiative to promote cooperation in the areas of environment, health, education and infrastructure development and the U.S. commitment to discuss specific activities for cooperation and follow-up. We supported the convening of ministerial meetings between the United States and Lower Mekong Basin countries on an annual basis. We also welcomed cooperation in the other sub-regional frameworks.

19. We reaffirmed our commitment to nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament. The Leaders of ASEAN also welcomed the efforts of the President of the United States in promoting international peace and security including the vision of a nuclear weapons free world through efforts such as the agreement between the United States and Russia to reduce their respective nuclear arsenals through the START Follow-on Treaty negotiations.

20. We are convinced that the establishment of a South-East Asia Nuclear Weapons Free Zone (SEANWFZ) will contribute towards global nuclear disarmament and nuclear non proliferation and peace and security in the region. We encouraged nuclear weapon states and States parties to the SEANWFZ to conduct consultations, in accordance with the objectives and principles of the Treaty, to resolve comprehensively outstanding issues with the view to ensuring the early accession of the nuclear weapon states including the United States to the Protocol of the Treaty.

21. We will increase consultation and cooperation on the challenges affecting the international community, including non-proliferation, disarmament and regional peace and security. We agreed to work towards preventing the spread of nuclear weapons and work together to build a world without nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. We reaffirmed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) as the essential foundation for the pursuit of nuclear disarmament, nuclear non-proliferation and peaceful uses of nuclear energy. We agreed to support the Philippines as it assumes the presidency of the 2010 NPT Review Conference, which provides an important opportunity for the international community to act in a concerted manner towards these ends. We also declared our support for the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, and welcomed the declared intention of the United States to ratify the treaty. We urged all states to ratify the treaty and facilitate its early entry into force. We welcomed the establishment in the ARF of an Inter-sessional Meeting on Non-proliferation and Disarmament as a venue to further explore dialogue and cooperation on these issues.

22. We urged the DPRK to return to the Six-Party Talks process and to fully implement its commitments made in the September 19, 2005 Joint Statement of the Six-Party Talks to abandoning all nuclear weapons and existing nuclear programs and returning, at an early date, to the NPT and to IAEA safeguards. We also urged the DPRK to comply fully with its obligations in accordance with the relevant United Nations Security Council Resolutions, including those related to denuclearization and resuming its missile launch moratorium.

23. We agreed to work closely to ensure the success of the United Nations Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen and that the agreed outcome should incorporate long-term cooperative actions to address climate change. We also recognized the critical importance of adapting to the increasingly severe effects of climate change in the region. We agreed to strengthen our collaboration in both research on climate impacts and development and implementation of appropriate policies and measures.

24. We stressed that access to diverse, reliable, affordable, and clean energy is critical for sustainable economic growth, and agreed that accelerated deployment of clean energy technology and energy efficiency measures would diversify our energy supplies and strengthen our energy security. The United States proposed that the U.S. Secretary of Energy and the ASEAN Ministers on Energy meet in 2010 to advance energy security and clean energy and to explore cooperation in renewable and alternative energy, such as hydro power and biofuels in order to supplement the region’s traditional fossil fuel energy sources. We agreed to study the possibility of establishing of public/private working groups to make policy recommendations to develop clean energy.

25. We agreed to strengthen cooperation on food security, in particular to promote investment, capacity building, sharing of experience and best practices, research and development as well as infrastructure development in the agricultural sector.

26. We also agreed to further strengthen cooperation on disaster management by building on initiatives such as the ARF Voluntary Demonstration of Response on Disaster Relief (ARF-VDR). The Leaders of ASEAN expressed their appreciation for the recent contribution of the United States to disaster relief efforts in the region. The United States also supported ASEAN efforts to enhance its capacity building in disaster management and emergency response. The Leaders of ASEAN welcomed the U.S. support for the ASEAN Agreement on Disaster Management and Emergency Response (AADMER) and its offer of assistance to establish an ASEAN multi-hazard early warning system.

27. We welcomed the cooperation initiated by the ASEAN Health Ministers Meeting and the U.S. Centre for Disease Control in May 2009 to address the threat of the Influenza A(H1N1) virus. We recognized that multisectoral pandemic preparedness and response efforts need to be strengthened to fight future outbreaks of diseases with pandemic potential. In this regard, we asked relevant officials to further enhance consultation, including on stockpiling of antiviral and other essential medicines and medical equipment to jointly prevent and control the Influenza A(H1N1) and other pandemic diseases. We agreed to study the possibility of establishing public/private working groups to make policy recommendations to develop health initiatives.

28. With a view to sustaining the momentum of the ASEAN-U.S. dialogue partnership after the Inaugural Leaders’ Meeting, we stressed the importance of continuing dialogue at the highest level between the two sides.

 

▄ ▄ ▄

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by President Barack Obama at Suntory Hall

Suntory Hall, Tokyo, Japan

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you so much.  Arigatou.  Thank you very much.  (Applause.)  Good morning.  It is a great honor to be in Tokyo -- the first stop on my first visit to Asia as President of the United States.  (Applause.)  Thank you.  It is good to be among so many of you -- Japanese and I see a few Americans here  -- (applause) -- who work every day to strengthen the bonds between our two countries, including my longtime friend and our new ambassador to Japan, John Roos.  (Applause.)
 
It is wonderful to be back in Japan.  Some of you may be aware that when I was a young boy, my mother brought me to Kamakura, where I looked up at that centuries-old symbol of peace and tranquility -- the great bronze Amida Buddha.  And as a child, I was more focused on the matcha ice cream.  (Laughter.)  And I want to thank Prime Minister Hatoyama for sharing some of those memories with more ice cream last night at dinner.  (Laughter and applause.)  Thank you very much.  But I have never forgotten the warmth and the hospitality that the Japanese people showed a young American far from home.

And I feel that same spirit on this visit:  In the gracious welcome of Prime Minister Hatoyama.  In the extraordinary honor of the meeting with Their Imperial Majesties, the Emperor and Empress, on the 20th anniversary of his ascension to the Chrysanthemum Throne.  In the hospitality shown by the Japanese people.  And of course, I could not come here without sending my greetings and gratitude to the citizens of Obama, Japan.  (Applause.)

Now, I am beginning my journey here for a simple reason.  Since taking office, I have worked to renew American leadership and pursue a new era of engagement with the world based on mutual interests and mutual respect.  And our efforts in the Asia Pacific will be rooted, in no small measure, through an enduring and revitalized alliance between the United States and Japan.

From my very first days in office, we have worked to strengthen the ties that bind our nations.  The first foreign leader that I welcomed to the White House was the Prime Minister of Japan, and for the first time in nearly 50 years, the first foreign trip by an American Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, was to Asia, starting in Japan.  (Applause.)

In two months, our alliance will mark its 50th anniversary  -- a day when President Dwight Eisenhower stood next to Japan's Prime Minister and said that our two nations were creating "an indestructible partnership" based on "equality and mutual understanding." 

In the half-century since, that alliance has endured as a foundation for our security and prosperity.  It has helped us become the world's two largest economies, with Japan emerging as America's second-largest trading partner outside of North America.  It has evolved as Japan has played a larger role on the world stage, and made important contributions to stability around the world -- from reconstruction in Iraq, to combating piracy off the Horn of Africa, to assistance for the people of Afghanistan and Pakistan -- most recently through its remarkable leadership in providing additional commitments to international development efforts there.

Above all, our alliance has endured because it reflects our common values -- a belief in the democratic right of free people to choose their own leaders and realize their own dreams; a belief that made possible the election of both Prime Minister Hatoyama and myself on the promise of change.  And together, we are committed to providing a new generation of leadership for our people and our alliance.

That is why, at this critical moment in history, the two of us have not only reaffirmed our alliance -- we've agreed to deepen it.  We've agreed to move expeditiously through a joint working group to implement the agreement that our two governments reached on restructuring U.S. forces in Okinawa.  And as our alliance evolves and adapts for the future, we will always strive to uphold the spirit that President Eisenhower described long ago -- a partnership of equality and mutual respect.  (Applause.)

But while our commitment to this region begins in Japan, it doesn't end here.  The United States of America may have started as a series of ports and cities along the Atlantic Ocean, but for generations we have also been a nation of the Pacific.  Asia and the United States are not separated by this great ocean; we are bound by it.  We are bound by our past -- by the Asian immigrants who helped build America, and the generations of Americans in uniform who served and sacrificed to keep this region secure and free.  We are bound by our shared prosperity -- by the trade and commerce upon which millions of jobs and families depend.  And we are bound by our people -- by the Asian Americans who enrich every segment of American life, and all the people whose lives, like our countries, are interwoven. 

My own life is a part of that story.  I am an American President who was born in Hawaii and lived in Indonesia as a boy. My sister Maya was born in Jakarta, and later married a Chinese-Canadian.  My mother spent nearly a decade working in the villages of Southeast Asia, helping women buy a sewing machine or an education that might give them a foothold in the world economy.  So the Pacific Rim has helped shape my view of the world.

And since that time, perhaps no region has changed as swiftly or dramatically.  Controlled economies have given way to open markets.  Dictatorships have become democracies.  Living standards have risen while poverty has plummeted.  And through all these changes, the fortunes of America and the Asia Pacific have become more closely linked than ever before.

So I want everyone to know, and I want everybody in America to know, that we have a stake in the future of this region, because what happens here has a direct effect on our lives at home.  This is where we engage in much of our commerce and buy many of our goods.  And this is where we can export more of our own products and create jobs back home in the process.  This is a place where the risk of a nuclear arms race threatens the security of the wider world, and where extremists who defile a great religion plan attacks on both our continents.  And there can be no solution to our energy security and our climate challenge without the rising powers and developing nations of the Asia Pacific.

To meet these common challenges, the United States looks to strengthen old alliances and build new partnerships with the nations of this region.  To do this, we look to America's treaty alliances with Japan, South Korea, Australia, Thailand and the Philippines -- alliances that are not historical documents from a bygone era, but abiding commitments to each other that are fundamental to our shared security.

These alliances continue to provide the bedrock of security and stability that has allowed the nations and peoples of this region to pursue opportunity and prosperity that was unimaginable at the time of my first childhood visit to Japan.  And even as American troops are engaged in two wars around the world, our commitment to Japan's security and to Asia's security is unshakeable -- (applause) -- and it can be seen in our deployments throughout the region -- above all, through our young men and women in uniform, of whom I am so proud.

Now, we look to emerging nations that are poised as well to play a larger role -- both in the Asia Pacific region and the wider world; places like Indonesia and Malaysia that have adopted democracy, developed their economies, and tapped the great potential of their own people.

We look to rising powers with the view that in the 21st century, the national security and economic growth of one country need not come at the expense of another.  I know there are many who question how the United States perceives China's emergence.  But as I have said, in an interconnected world, power does not need to be a zero-sum game, and nations need not fear the success of another.  Cultivating spheres of cooperation -- not competing spheres of influence -- will lead to progress in the Asia Pacific.  (Applause.)

Now, as with any nation, America will approach China with a focus on our interests.  And it's precisely for this reason that it is important to pursue pragmatic cooperation with China on issues of mutual concern, because no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century alone, and the United States and China will both be better off when we are able to meet them together.  That's why we welcome China's effort to play a greater role on the world stage -- a role in which their growing economy is joined by growing responsibility.  China's partnership has proved critical in our effort to jumpstart economic recovery.  China has promoted security and stability in Afghanistan and Pakistan.  And it is now committed to the global nonproliferation regime, and supporting the pursuit of denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.

So the United States does not seek to contain China, nor does a deeper relationship with China mean a weakening of our bilateral alliances.  On the contrary, the rise of a strong, prosperous China can be a source of strength for the community of nations. 

And so in Beijing and beyond, we will work to deepen our strategic and economic dialogue, and improve communication between our militaries.  Of course, we will not agree on every issue, and the United States will never waver in speaking up for the fundamental values that we hold dear -- and that includes respect for the religion and cultures of all people -- because support for human rights and human dignity is ingrained in America.  But we can move these discussions forward in a spirit of partnership rather than rancor. 

In addition to our bilateral relations, we also believe that the growth of multilateral organizations can advance the security and prosperity of this region.  I know that the United States has been disengaged from many of these organizations in recent years. So let me be clear:  Those days have passed.  As a Asia Pacific nation, the United States expects to be involved in the discussions that shape the future of this region, and to participate fully in appropriate organizations as they are established and evolve.  (Applause.)

That is the work that I will begin on this trip.  The Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum will continue to promote regional commerce and prosperity, and I look forward to participating in that forum this evening.  ASEAN will remain a catalyst for Southeast Asian dialogue, cooperation and security, and I look forward to becoming the first American President to meet with all 10 ASEAN leaders.  (Applause.)  And the United States looks forward to engaging with the East Asia Summit more formally as it plays a role in addressing the challenges of our time.

We seek this deeper and broader engagement because we know our collective future depends on it.  And I'd like to speak for a bit about what that future might look like, and what we must do to advance our prosperity, our security, and our universal values and aspirations.

First, we must strengthen our economic recovery, and pursue growth that is both balanced and sustained.

The quick, unprecedented and coordinated action taken by Asia Pacific nations and others has averted economic catastrophe, and helped us to begin to emerge from the worst recession in generations.  And we have taken the historic step of reforming our international economic architecture, so that the G20 is now the premier forum for international economic cooperation.

Now, this shift to the G20, along with the greater voice that is being given to Asian nations in international financial institutions, clearly demonstrates the broader, more inclusive engagement that America seeks in the 21st century.  And as a key member of the G8, Japan has and will continue to play a leading and vital role in shaping the future of the international financial architecture.  (Applause.)

Now that we are on the brink of economic recovery, we must also ensure that it can be sustained.  We simply cannot return to the same cycles of boom and bust that led to a global recession. We can't follow the same policies that led to such imbalanced growth.  One of the important lessons this recession has taught us is the limits of depending primarily on American consumers and Asian exports to drive growth -- because when Americans found themselves too heavily in debt or lost their jobs and were out of work, demand for Asian goods plummeted.  When demand fell sharply, exports from this region fell sharply.  Since the economies of this region are so dependent on exports, they stopped growing.  And the global recession only deepened. 

So we have now reached one of those rare inflection points in history where we have the opportunity to take a different path.  And that must begin with the G20 pledge that we made in Pittsburgh to pursue a new strategy for balanced economic growth.

I'll be saying more about this in Singapore, but in the United States, this new strategy will mean that we save more and spend less, reform our financial systems, reduce our long-term deficit and borrowing.  It will also mean a greater emphasis on exports that we can build, produce, and sell all over the world. For America, this is a jobs strategy.  Right now, our exports support millions upon millions of well-paying American jobs.  Increasing those exports by just a small amount has the potential to create millions more.  These are jobs making everything from wind turbines and solar panels to the technology that you use every day.

For Asia, striking this better balance will provide an opportunity for workers and consumers to enjoy higher standards of living that their remarkable increases in productivity have made possible.  It will allow for greater investments in housing and infrastructure and the service sector.  And a more balanced global economy will lead to prosperity that reaches further and deeper.

For decades, the United States has had one of the most open markets in the world, and that openness has helped to fuel the success of so many countries in this region and others over the last century.  In this new era, opening other markets around the globe will be critical not just to America's prosperity, but to the world's, as well.

An integral part of this new strategy is working towards an ambitious and balanced Doha agreement -- not any agreement, but an agreement that will open up markets and increase exports around the world.  We are ready to work with our Asian partners to see if we can achieve that objective in a timely fashion -- and we invite our regional trading partners to join us at the table. 

We also believe that continued integration of the economies of this region will benefit workers, consumers, and businesses in all our nations.  Together, with our South Korean friends, we will work through the issues necessary to move forward on a trade agreement with them.  The United States will also be engaging with the Trans-Pacific Partnership countries with the goal of shaping a regional agreement that will have broad-based membership and the high standards worthy of a 21st century trade agreement. 

Working in partnership, this is how we can sustain this recovery and advance our common prosperity.  But it's not enough to pursue growth that is balanced.  We also need growth that is sustainable -- for our planet and the future generations that will live here.

Already, the United States has taken more steps to combat climate change in 10 months than we have in our recent history -- (applause) -- by embracing the latest science, by investing in new energy, by raising efficiency standards, forging new partnerships, and engaging in international climate negotiations. In short, America knows there is more work to do -- but we are meeting our responsibility, and will continue to do so.

And that includes striving for success in Copenhagen.  I have no illusions that this will be easy, but the contours of a way forward are clear.  All nations must accept their responsibility.  Those nations, like my own, who have been the leading emitters must have clear reduction targets.  Developing countries will need to take substantial actions to curb their emissions, aided by finance and technology.  And there must be transparency and accountability for domestic actions.

Each of us must do what we can to grow our economies without endangering our planet -- and we must do it together.  But the good news is that if we put the right rules and incentives in place, it will unleash the creative power of our best scientists, engineers, and entrepreneurs.  It will lead to new jobs, new businesses, and entire new industries.  And Japan has been at the forefront on this issue.  We are looking forward to being a important partner with you as we achieve this critical global goal.  (Applause.) 

Yet, even as we confront this challenge of the 21st century, we must also redouble our efforts to meet a threat to our security that is the legacy of the 20th century -- the danger posed by nuclear weapons.  

In Prague, I affirmed America's commitment to rid the world of nuclear weapons, and laid out a comprehensive agenda to pursue this goal.  (Applause.)  I am pleased that Japan has joined us in this effort, for no two nations on Earth know better what these weapons can do, and together we must seek a future without them. This is fundamental to our common security, and this is a great test of our common humanity.  Our very future hangs in the balance.

Now, let me be clear:  So long as these weapons exist, the United States will maintain a strong and effective nuclear deterrent that guarantees the defense of our allies -- including South Korea and Japan.  (Applause.)

But we must recognize that an escalating nuclear arms race in this region would undermine decades of growth and prosperity. So we are called upon to uphold the basic bargain of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty -- that all nations have a right to peaceful nuclear energy; that nations with nuclear weapons have a responsibility to move toward nuclear disarmament; and those without nuclear weapons have a responsibility to forsake them.

Indeed, Japan serves as an example to the world that true peace and power can be achieved by taking this path.  (Applause.) For decades, Japan has enjoyed the benefits of peaceful nuclear energy, while rejecting nuclear arms development -- and by any measure, this has increased Japan's security and enhanced its position.

To meet our responsibilities and to move forward with the agenda I laid out in Prague, we have passed, with the help of Japan, a unanimous U.N. Security Council resolution embracing this international effort.  We are pursuing a new agreement with Russia to reduce our nuclear stockpiles.  We will work to ratify and bring into force the test ban treaty.  (Applause.)  And next year at our Nuclear Security Summit, we will advance our goal of securing all the world's vulnerable nuclear materials within four years.

Now, as I've said before, strengthening the global nonproliferation regime is not about singling out any individual nations.  It's about all nations living up to their responsibilities.  That includes the Islamic Republic of Iran.  And it includes North Korea. 

For decades, North Korea has chosen a path of confrontation and provocation, including the pursuit of nuclear weapons.  It should be clear where this path leads.  We have tightened sanctions on Pyongyang.  We have passed the most sweeping U.N. Security Council resolution to date to restrict their weapons of mass destruction activities.  We will not be cowed by threats, and we will continue to send a clear message through our actions, and not just our words:  North Korea's refusal to meet its international obligations will lead only to less security -- not more.

Yet there is another path that can be taken.  Working in tandem with our partners -- supported by direct diplomacy -- the United States is prepared to offer North Korea a different future.  Instead of an isolation that has compounded the horrific repression of its own people, North Korea could have a future of international integration.  Instead of gripping poverty, it could have a future of economic opportunity -- where trade and  investment and tourism can offer the North Korean people the chance at a better life.  And instead of increasing insecurity, it could have a future of greater security and respect.  This respect cannot be earned through belligerence.  It must be reached by a nation that takes its place in the international community by fully living up to its international obligations.

So the path for North Korea to realize this future is clear: a return to the six-party talks; upholding previous commitments, including a return to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty; and the full and verifiable denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. And full normalization with its neighbors can also only come if Japanese families receive a full accounting of those who have been abducted.  (Applause.)  These are all steps that can be taken by the North Korean government if they are interested in improving the lives of their people and joining the community of nations.

And as we are vigilant in confronting this challenge, we will stand with all of our Asian partners in combating the transnational threats of the 21st century:  by rooting out the extremists who slaughter the innocent, and stopping the piracy that threatens our sea lanes; by enhancing our efforts to stop infectious disease, and working to end extreme poverty in our time; and by shutting down the traffickers who exploit women, children and migrants, and putting a stop to this scourge of modern-day slavery once and for all.  Indeed, the final area in which we must work together is in upholding the fundamental rights and dignity of all human beings.

The Asia Pacific region is rich with many cultures.  It is marked by extraordinary traditions and strong national histories. And time and again, we have seen the remarkable talent and drive of the peoples of this region in advancing human progress.  Yet this much is also clear -- indigenous cultures and economic growth have not been stymied by respect for human rights; they have been strengthened by it.  Supporting human rights provides lasting security that cannot be purchased in any other way -- that is the story that can be seen in Japan's democracy, just as it can be seen in America's democracy.   

The longing for liberty and dignity is a part of the story of all peoples.  For there are certain aspirations that human beings hold in common:  the freedom to speak your mind, and choose your leaders; the ability to access information, and worship how you please; confidence in the rule of law, and the equal administration of justice.  These are not impediments to stability, they are the cornerstones of stability.  And we will always stand on the side of those who seek these rights.

That truth, for example, guides our new approach to Burma.  Despite years of good intentions, neither sanctions by the United States nor engagement by others succeeded in improving the lives of the Burmese people.  So we are now communicating directly with the leadership to make it clear that existing sanctions will remain until there are concrete steps toward democratic reform.  We support a Burma that is unified, peaceful, prosperous, and democratic.  And as Burma moves in that direction, a better relationship with the United States is possible.

There are clear steps that must be taken -- the unconditional release of all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi; an end to conflicts with minority groups; and a genuine dialogue between the government, the democratic opposition and minority groups on a shared vision for the future. That is how a government in Burma will be able to respond to the needs of its people.  That is the path that will bring Burma true security and prosperity.  (Applause.)

These are steps that the United States will take to improve prosperity, security, and human dignity in the Asia Pacific.  We will do so through our close friendship with Japan -- which will always be a centerpiece of our efforts in the region.  We will do so as a partner -- through the broader engagement that I've discussed today.  We will do so as a Pacific nation -- with a President who was shaped in part by this piece of the globe.  And we will do so with the same sense of purpose that has guided our ties with the Japanese people for nearly 50 years.

The story of how these ties were forged dates back to the middle of the last century, sometime after the guns of war had quieted in the Pacific.  It was then that America's commitment to the security and stability of Japan, along with the Japanese peoples' spirit of resilience and industriousness, led to what's been called "the Japanese miracle" -- a period of economic growth that was faster and more robust than anything the world had seen for some time.

In the coming years and decades, this miracle would spread throughout the region, and in a single generation the lives and fortunes of millions were forever changed for the better.  It is progress that has been supported by a hard-earned peace, and strengthened by new bridges of mutual understanding that have bound together the nations of this vast and sprawling space. 

But we know that there's still work to be done -- so that new breakthroughs in science and technology can lead to jobs on both sides of the Pacific, and security from a warming planet; so that we can reverse the spread of deadly weapons, and -- on a divided peninsula -- the people of South can be freed from fear, and those in the North can live free from want; so that a young girl can be valued not for her body but for her mind; and so that young people everywhere can go as far as their talent and their drive and their choices will take them.

None of this will come easy, nor without setback or struggle.  But at this moment of renewal -- in this land of miracles -- history tells us it is possible.  This is the --America's agenda.  This is the purpose of our partnership with Japan, and with the nations and peoples of this region.  And there must be no doubt:  As America's first Pacific President, I promise you that this Pacific nation will strengthen and sustain our leadership in this vitally important part of the world.
 
Thank you very much.  (Applause.)

                                       
END
10:40 A.M. JST
 

THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
___________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                                 September 15, 2009
September 14, 2009
Presidential Determination
No. 2009-29
MEMORANDUM FOR THE SECRETARY OF STATE
SUBJECT: Presidential Determination with Respect to Foreign Governments' Efforts Regarding Trafficking in Persons
Consistent with section 110 of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000 (Division A of Public Law 106-386), as amended, (the "Act"), I hereby:
Make the determination provided in section 110(d)(1)(A)(i) of the Act, with respect to Burma, the Democratic People's Republic of North Korea (DPRK), and Zimbabwe, not to provide certain funding for those countries' governments for fiscal year 2010, until such government complies with the minimum standards or makes significant efforts to bring itself into compliance, as may be determined by the Secretary of State in a report to the Congress pursuant to section 110(b) of the Act;
Make the determination provided in section 110(d)(1)(A)(ii) of the Act, with respect to Cuba, Eritrea, Fiji, Iran, and Syria, not to provide certain funding for those countries’ governments for fiscal year 2010, until such government complies with the minimum standards or makes significant efforts to bring itself into compliance, as may be determined by the Secretary of State in a report to the Congress pursuant to section 110(b) of the Act;
Make the determination provided in section 110(d)(3) of the Act, concerning the determination of the Secretary of State with respect to Swaziland;
Determine, consistent with section 110(d)(4) of the Act, with respect to Chad, Kuwait, Malaysia, Mauritania, Niger, Papua New Guinea, Saudi Arabia, and Sudan, that provision to these countries’ governments of all programs, projects, or activities of assistance described in sections 110(d)(1)(A)(i) and 110(d)(1)(B) of the Act would promote the purposes of the Act or is otherwise in the national interest of the United States;
Determine, consistent with section 110(d)(4) of the Act, with respect to Burma, that a partial waiver to allow funding for programs described in section 110(d)(1)(A)(i) of the Act to combat infectious disease would promote the purposes of the Act or is otherwise in the national interest of the United States;
Determine, consistent with section 110(d)(4) of the Act, with respect to Eritrea, that a partial waiver to allow funding for participation by government officials and employees in educational and cultural exchange programs described in section 110(d)(1)(A)(ii) of the Act would promote the purposes of the Act or is otherwise in the national interest of the United States;
Determine, consistent with section 110(d)(4) of the Act, with respect to Fiji, that a partial waiver to allow funding for participation by government officials and employees in educational and cultural exchange programs described in section 110(d)(1)(A)(ii) of the Act would promote the purposes of the Act or is otherwise in the national interest of the United States;
Determine, consistent with section 110(d)(4) of the Act, with respect to Iran, that a partial waiver to allow funding for participation by government officials and employees in educational and cultural exchange programs described in section 110(d)(1)(A)(ii) of the Act would promote the purposes of the Act or is otherwise in the national interest of the United States;
Determine, consistent with section 110(d)(4) of the Act, with respect to Syria, that a partial waiver to allow funding for participation by government officials and employees in educational and cultural exchange programs described in section 110(d)(1)(A)(ii) of the Act would promote the purposes of the Act or is otherwise in the national interest of the United States;
Determine, consistent with section 110(d)(4) of the Act, with respect to Zimbabwe, that a partial waiver to allow funding for programs described in section 110(d)(1)(A)(i) of the Act for assistance for victims of trafficking in persons or to combat such trafficking, the promotion of health, good governance, education, agriculture, poverty reduction, livelihoods, or family planning, or which would have a significant adverse effect on vulnerable populations if suspended, would promote the purposes of the Act or is otherwise in the national interest of the United States;
Determine, consistent with section 110(d)(4) of the Act, that assistance to Eritrea, Fiji, and Zimbabwe, described in section 110(d)(1)(B) of the Act:
(1) is a regional program, project, or activity under which the total benefit to Eritrea, Fiji, or Zimbabwe does not exceed 10 percent of the total value of such program, project, or activity; or
(2) has as its primary objective the addressing of basic human needs, as defined by the Department of the Treasury with respect to other, existing legislative mandates concerning U.S. participation in the multilateral development banks; or
(3) is complementary to or has similar policy objectives to programs being implemented bilaterally by the United States Government; or
(4) has as its primary objective the improvement of the country's legal system, including in areas that impact the country's ability to investigate and prosecute trafficking cases or otherwise improve implementation of a country's anti-trafficking policy, regulations, or legislation; or
(5) is engaging a government, international organization, or civil society organization, and seeks as its primary objective(s) to:
(a) increase efforts to investigate and prosecute trafficking in persons crimes;
(b) increase protection for victims of trafficking through better screening, identification, rescue/removal, aftercare (shelter, counseling), training, and reintegration; or
(c) expand prevention efforts through education and awareness campaigns highlighting the dangers of trafficking or training and economic empowerment of populations clearly at risk of falling victim to trafficking would promote the purposes of the Act or is otherwise in the national interest of the United States.
The certification required by section 110(e) of the Act is provided herewith.
You are hereby authorized and directed to submit this determination to the Congress, and to publish it in the Federal Register.
BARACK OBAMA
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
_______________________________________________________________________________
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE                                                             June 19, 2009

President Obama Announces More Key Administration Posts

WASHINGTON, DC – Today, President Barack Obama announced his intent to nominate the following individuals for key administration posts:
  • Matthew Barzun, Ambassador to Sweden
  • John R. Bass, Ambassador to Georgia
  • Ertharin Cousin, Nominee for U.S. Representative to the United Nations Agencies for Food and Agriculture with the rank of Ambassador during her tenure of service
  • James B. Foley, Ambassador to the Republic of Croatia
  • Kenneth E. Gross, Jr. Ambassador to the Republic of Tajikistan
  • Samuel L. Kaplan, Ambassador to the Kingdom of Morocco
  • Jerry P. Lanier, Ambassador to the Republic of Uganda
  • Teddy B. Taylor, Ambassador to the Solomon Islands, the Republic of Vanuatu, and Papua New Guinea
President Obama said, "I am grateful that these fine individuals will serve in my administration and I am confident that they will well represent our nation abroad and help strengthen our relationships within the international community. I look forward to working with them in the months and years ahead." 
President Obama announced his intent to nominate the following individuals today:
Matthew Barzun, Nominee for Ambassador to Sweden
Mr. Barzun is the president at BrickPath LLC, where he advises and invests in Internet media companies.  Prior to BrickPath, Mr. Barzun served as the Executive Vice President for CNET Networks' Business Technology group. Mr. Barzun was responsible for helping further cement the leadership position of CNET Networks' business technology brands, including News.com, ZDNet, TechRepublic, and Builder.com. Prior to that position, Mr. Barzun was chief strategy officer of CNET Networks, where he advised the CEO and the executive committee on business and organizational alignment across the company's divisions, including leading the efforts to define and communicate the company's mission, values, and corporate goals. Mr. Barzun graduated magna cum Laude from Harvard College.
John R. Bass, Nominee for Ambassador to Georgia
John Bass has led the Provincial Reconstruction Team-Baghdad, a joint team of civilians and military personnel supporting the government and citizens of Baghdad province, since July 2008.    Prior to serving in Iraq, Mr. Bass served as Director of the State Department Operations Center for three years, coordinating the State Department’s response to crises threatening American embassies, personnel and citizens.  A career member of the Senior Foreign Service, Mr. Bass also has served in Italy, Belgium and Chad.  In Washington, his assignments include a detail to the Office of the Vice President as Special Advisor for Europe and Eurasia, Chief of Staff to Deputy Secretary Strobe Talbott and special assistant to the Deputy Secretary for Europe and Eurasia.  Other assignments at the State Department include work on Turkey, Cyprus, NATO-Russia relations and conventional arms reductions in Europe.  Mr. Bass joined the Foreign Service in 1988.  Born and raised in upstate New York, Mr. Bass holds a B.A. from Syracuse University. 
Ertharin Cousin, Nominee for U.S. Representative to the United Nations Agencies for Food and Agriculture with the rank of Ambassador during her tenure of service

Ertharin Cousin currently serves as President of The Polk Street Group, a national public affairs firm located in Chicago, Illinois. Cousin is a national leader in the domestic hunger relief community, and served as one of the leading African American corporate executives in the retail food community. She has served as the Executive Vice-President and COO of America' Second Harvest, now known as Feeding America (2004-2006), board member for America's Second Harvest (2002-2004), and a member of Board for International Food and Agriculture Development (1997-2000). Her professional experiences in retail food  have included assignments as Senior Vice President Public Affairs, Albertsons Foods (2001-2004); Group Vice President Public Affairs, Albertsons Foods (1999-2001); Vice-President Government and Community Affairs, Jewel Food stores (1997-1999).  During her service as White House Liaison at the State Department (1994-1996), Cousin was awarded the Meritorious Service Award.  Before coming to Washington, she served as Assistant Illinois Attorney General, Deputy Director of the Chicago Ethics Board and a member of the affirmative action enforcement team at the Water Reclamation District.  Born in Chicago, Illinois, Cousin is a graduate of the University of Illinois at Chicago, and the University of Georgia School of Law. 
James B. Foley, Nominee for Ambassador to the Republic of Croatia
James B. Foley, a career member of the Senior Foreign Service, has served as the State Department’s Senior Coordinator for Iraqi Refugee Issues since 2007, working to alleviate the plight of several million Iraqis displaced by the war.  Previously, Mr. Foley served as faculty member and Deputy Commandant of the National War College from 2006-2007, as Diplomat-in-Residence at the State University of New York at Fredonia from 2005-2006, and as U.S. Ambassador to Haiti from 2003-2005.  He joined the Foreign Service in 1983 and served overseas as vice consul and political officer in Manila, Philippines from1984-1986 and as political officer in Algiers, Algeria from1986-1988.  Mr. Foley was subsequently a speechwriter and adviser to former Secretary of State Lawrence S. Eagleburger from 1989-1993 and Deputy Director of the Private Office of the NATO Secretary General in Brussels, Belgium from 1993-1996.   He was special assistant to the late Senator Paul Coverdell from 1996-1997 under the State Department’s Pearson Fellowship program, and served as State Department Deputy Spokesman and Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs from 1997-2000.  Mr. Foley received his B.A. from the State University of New York at Fredonia and an M.A. from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy.
Kenneth E. Gross, Jr. Nominee for Ambassador to the Republic of Tajikistan
Kenneth Gross currently serves as a Career Development Officer for senior-level officers in the Bureau of Human Resources at the Department of State.  A career Senior Foreign Service Officer, he joined the Department in 1987.  His previous overseas diplomatic assignments include Principal Officer at the U.S. regional office in Basrah, Iraq, Deputy Chief of Mission in Dushanbe, Tajikistan, and tours in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, Kathmandu, Nepal, and Frankfurt, Germany.  Mr. Gross’s Washington assignments include Director of the Middle East Partnership Initiative Office, aviation negotiator in the Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs, and desk officer for Austria and Germany in the Bureau of European Affairs.  Mr. Gross earned a B.A. from Auburn University, a J.D. from the University of Georgia School of Law, and a M.S. from the National War College.
Samuel L. Kaplan, Nominee for Ambassador to the Kingdom of Morocco
Mr. Samuel L. Kaplan is a founding member of Kaplan, Strangis and Kaplan, P.A. established in 1978.  Clients of the firm include TCF Bank Savings fsb, The Minnesota Twins, Adams Affinity Group, Liberty Diversified Industries, Caldrea Home Care, Polaris Industries, Inc., Lupient Automotive Enterprises, and Davisco Foods International, Inc.  Mr. Kaplan has served for over 25 years as General Counsel for the Minnesota Wine and Spirits Association. Mr. Kaplan received his B.B.A. degree in accounting with distinction from the University of Minnesota and his J.D. degree, magna cum laude, from the University of Minnesota where he was president of the University of Minnesota Law Review, and received the Order of the Coif.  He served as an adjunct professor of law during the early years following law school graduation.  He is often a visiting lecturer at law school classes and speaker at continuing legal education programs.
Jerry P. Lanier, Nominee for Ambassador to the Republic of Uganda
Jerry P. Lanier is a career diplomat with 26 years of service in the Department of State.  He is currently the Foreign Policy Advisor for U.S. Africa Command headquartered in Stuttgart, Germany.  Prior to that, he was the Director of the Office of Regional and Security Affairs in the Africa Bureau at the State Department.  Mr. Lanier has also served in the Philippines, Kenya, Thailand, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Ghana.  At State he has served as the Special Assistant to the Assistant Secretary for African Affairs, country officer for the Republic of Korea, Legislative Management Officer for Africa, Deputy Director for the Office of West African Affairs, and Deputy Director for the Office Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Bangladesh Affairs.  He received his B.A. at Pembroke State University, his M.A. at the University of  North Carolina at Chapel Hill, and served three years as lecturer in the history department of the University of North Carolina at Charlotte.
Teddy B. Taylor, Nominee for Ambassador to the Solomon Islands, the Republic of Vanuatu, and Papua New Guinea
Teddy Taylor has served as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State in the Bureau of Human Resources since June 2006.  Immediately prior to this post, Mr. Taylor was Director of the Office of Employee Relations in the Bureau of Human Resources.  A career member of the Senior Foreign Service, Mr. Taylor began his diplomatic career in 1978.   He has served as US Consul at the American Embassy in Budapest and the US Interest Section in Havana.  Other assignments abroad include service as a consular officer at the US Embassies in Guatemala, Panama and Honduras.  Mr. Taylor’s domestic assignments include: Director of the Orientation Division at the Foreign Service Institute,  Special Assistant in the Office of Visa Services in the Bureau of Consular Affairs, Deputy Examiner, Board of Foreign Service Examinations, Bureau of Human Resources, Deputy Director for East Asian and Pacific Assignments in the Bureau of Human Resources, Deputy Policy Officer for Latin America at the former United States Information Agency and Deputy Director of Press and Public Affairs in the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs.   Mr. Taylor holds a BS from Florida A&M University and is a life member of Omega Psi Phi Fraternity.