The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
June 06, 2014

FACT SHEET: Normandy Landings

The Normandy Landings, codenamed Operation Neptune, supported Operation Overlord and paved the way for the liberation of Europe.  The Allies selected Normandy as the landing site for the invasion because it provided the best access to France’s interior.  Initially planned for May 1944, the invasion was delayed until June due to a lack of landing craft.  Weather conditions almost caused another delay, but Commander of the Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force General Dwight Eisenhower made the decision to proceed as planned. 

Background on the Normandy Landings

The assault began shortly after midnight on June 6, 1944, with an air bombardment consisting of more than 2,200 allied bombers attacking targets along the coast and inland.  Clouds hindered the air strikes, however, and the coastal bombing at Omaha Beach was particularly ineffective.  More than 24,000 American, British, and Canadian airborne assault troops and 1,200 aircraft followed the air bombardment.  At 1:30 a.m. the 101st (U.S.) Airborne Division began landing behind Utah beach to secure the exits from the beach, and the 82d (U.S.) Airborne Division began landing at 2:30 a.m. to secure bridges on the right flank of the beachhead.  Thick cloud cover also hindered the air insertion, and many of the units missed their landing zones, often by miles.  On the coastline, the second phase began at 5:30 a.m. as forces when six Allied divisions and numerous small units began landing on five beaches.  The Allies landed more than 160,000 troops at Normandy, of which 73,000 were American.  There were also 83,115 British and Canadian forces who landed on Gold, Juno, and Sword beaches.

By the end of the first day, none of the assault forces had secured their first-day objectives.  Allied casualties on June 6 have been estimated at 10,000 killed, wounded, and missing in action: 6,603 Americans, 2,700 British, and 946 Canadians.  Over the following days the Allies gradually expanded their tenuous foothold.  When a failed German counterattack on August 8 resulted in more than 50,000 German troops being encircled by Allied forces near the town of Falaise, the tide turned, and the Allies broke out of Normandy on August 15.  Once out of Normandy, Allied forces advanced quickly and liberated Paris on August 25.  German forces retreated across the Seine five days later, marking the end of Operation Overlord.

The cost of the Normandy campaign was high on both sides.  From D-day through August 21, the Allies landed more than two million men in northern France and suffered more than 226,386 casualties: 72,911 killed/missing and 153,475 wounded.  German losses included over 240,000 casualties and 200,000 captured.  Between 13,000 and 20,000 French civilians died, and many more were seriously wounded.

Normandy American Cemetery and Memorial

The Normandy American Cemetery is the resting place for 9,387 Americans, most of whom gave their lives during the landing operations and in the establishment of the beachhead.  The names of 1,557 soldiers are inscribed on tablets in the cemetery’s Garden of the Missing.  They came from all 50 states and the District of Columbia.  The remains of approximately 14,000 others originally buried in this region were returned home at the request of their next of kin.  A father and his son are buried here, side by side, and in 33 instances two brothers rest side by side.  The headstones are of white Italian marble -- a Star of David for those of Jewish faith and a Latin Cross for all others.  The permanent cemetery is located on land France granted to the United States in perpetuity, on the site of the temporary American cemetery established June 8, 1944.  It is one of 14 permanent World War II military cemeteries constructed on foreign soil by the American Battle Monuments Commission, an independent U.S. federal agency that commemorates the service, sacrifice, and achievements of the U.S. Armed Forces.

The memorial consists of a semi-circular colonnade with a loggia at each end.  On the platform immediately west of the colonnade is sculptor Donald De Lue’s 22-foot bronze statue, “The Spirit of American Youth Rising from the Waves,” a tribute to those who gave their lives in these operations.  Around its base is the inscription, “Mine Eyes Have Seen the Glory of the Coming of the Lord.”  The floor of the memorial’s open area is set with pebbles taken from the invasion beach below the cliff.

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
June 05, 2014

President Obama Announces Presidential Delegation to Ukraine to Attend the Inauguration of His Excellency Petro Poroshenko, President-elect of Ukraine

President Barack Obama today announced the designation of a Presidential Delegation to Kyiv, Ukraine to attend the Inauguration of His Excellency Petro Poroshenko, President-elect of Ukraine on June 7, 2014.

The Honorable Joseph R. Biden, Jr., Vice President of the United States, will be the head of the delegation.

Members of the Presidential Delegation:

The Honorable Geoffrey R. Pyatt, United States Ambassador to Ukraine, Department of State

The Honorable John McCain, United States Senator, Arizona

The Honorable Ron Johnson, United States Senator, Wisconsin

The Honorable Chris Murphy, United States Senator, Connecticut

The Honorable Marcia “Marcy” Kaptur, Member of the United States House of Representatives (OH-9)

The Honorable Daniel B. Baer, United States Representative to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), Department of State

The Honorable Victoria Nuland, Assistant Secretary for European and Eurasian Affairs, Department of State

President Obama and Prime Minister Cameron Hold a Joint Press Conference

June 05, 2014 | 39:18 | Public Domain

President Obama and Prime Minister David Cameron of the United Kingdom deliver remarks in a joint press conference in Brussels.

Download mp4 (1485MB) | mp3 (38MB)

Day 3: The President Attends the G-7 Summit

David Hudson
David Hudson
June 05, 2014
05:12 PM EST
President Obama With Other G7 Summit Leaders

President Barack Obama talks with other G7 Summit leaders before the start of their plenary session on the global economy, in Brussels, Belgium. June 5, 2014. (Official White House Photo by Pete Souza)

On the third day of President Obama's four-day European tour, he attended the 2014 G-7 Summit in Brussels, Belgium. The summit brought together like-minded, advanced industrial economies to discuss a number of key issues, including energy security, climate change, the global economy, development, and the situation in Ukraine.

Related Topics: 2014 Poland, Belgium, and France Trip, Economy, Energy and Environment, Foreign Policy

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
June 05, 2014

Presidential Proclamation --D-Day National Remembrance Day, 2014

D-DAY NATIONAL REMEMBRANCE DAY, 2014 
 
- - - - - - - 
 
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 
 
A PROCLAMATION 
 
 
On June 6, 1944, before dawn broke across the beaches of Normandy, scores of allied service members prepared to fight a battle that would decide the fate of freedom in the 20th century.  The odds weighed against them.  That year, the Nazis had fortified the Atlantic Wall against a seaborne invasion, lined the coast with mines, and planted sharpened poles to await allied paratroopers.  On D-Day, American, British, and Canadian forces advanced through thickets of barbed wire and scaled heavily protected cliffs.  They braved gales of bullets and artillery fire, taking heavy losses as they cut through Nazi defenses.  Thousands gave their last full measure of devotion, and by the end of the day, the ground on which they died was free once more. 
 
Victory on D-Day dealt a significant blow to an ideology fueled by hatred.  It allowed America and our allies to secure a foothold in France, open a path to Berlin, and liberate a continent from the grip of tyranny.  It made possible the achievements that followed the end of World War II -- the Marshall Plan, the NATO alliance, and the shared prosperity and security that flowed from each. 
 
Seventy years later, we pay tribute to the service members who secured a beachhead on an unforgiving shore -- the patriots who, through their courage and sacrifice, changed the course of an entire century.  Today, as we carry on the struggle for liberty and universal human rights, let us draw strength from a moment when free nations beat back the forces of oppression and gave new hope to the world. 
 
NOW, THEREFORE, I, BARACK OBAMA, President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the laws of the United States, do hereby proclaim June 6, 2014, as D-Day National Remembrance Day.  I call upon all Americans to observe this day with programs, ceremonies, and activities that honor those who fought and died so men and women they had never met might know what it is to be free. 
 
IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this fifth day of June, in the year of our Lord two thousand fourteen, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and thirty-eighth.
 
BARACK OBAMA
 

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
June 05, 2014

Press Gaggle by Principal Deputy Press Secretary Josh Earnest and Deputy National Security Advisor Ben Rhodes

Aboard Air Force One
En Route Orly, France
 
5:00 P.M. CEST
 
MR. EARNEST:  Good afternoon, everybody.  We just wanted to take this brief opportunity to give you a readout of the G7 meetings.  Ben sat in on a number of the meetings, so he’s in a position to give you a sense about what happened.  After that, we can take questions on topics that may be on your mind.  But we’ve got a short flight, so we’ll do this quick. 
Ben. 
 
MR. RHODES:  Just quickly, first of all, on Ukraine we believe the most important element coming out of this G7 is that all of the G7 countries are aligned in the messages that they’re sending to Russia.  Specifically, as you heard the President and Prime Minister say, Russia needs to recognize the election that just took place and President-elect Poroshenko as the legitimate leader of Ukraine and work with President-elect Poroshenko, who has committed to pursue a plan to deescalate the situation and reach out to eastern Ukraine. 
 
But Russia also must use its influence to cease its support for the separatist elements in the east, to use their influence to press those separatists to disarm and pursue a reduction of tensions, and to negotiate with the government in Kyiv going forward.  We also want to see Russia stop the flow of arms and materiel and people across the border who are destabilizing the situation in eastern Ukraine.  
 
So, essentially, we want there to be one message to Russia.  And, similarly, we want there to be a clear message to the Ukrainian government about the types of support that we’re prepared to provide as they seek to stabilize their democracy and their economy.  We see this as a moment of opportunity, given that there’s a new President-elect, that there’s an inauguration on Saturday.  We would like Russia to take that opportunity.  However, the leaders also agree that if they don’t, there are going to have to be additional costs for the Russians, including additional sanctions. 
 
Just very quickly on some of the other issues, I’d only highlight, again, energy and climate was a particularly important area of focus.  The President was able to brief the leaders on his rule, commit to working together towards a successful global framework next year -- agree to take steps to limit HFCs, consistent with a global effort that we’ve led.  We focused on global health security, agreeing to work with other countries, for instance, so that they are pressing countries around the world to join with the WHO in preventing the spread of disease.  On global economy -- a good discussion that focused on the importance of policies that promote growth, that combat long-term unemployment and that reduce inequality -- and the leaders agreed that this will continue to be a focus through the G7. 
 
And on energy, each of the G7 countries has been focused on diversification.  They will each do their own assessments about their energy picture.  And then, there can be a plan of action developed based on those assessments for further steps that we can take to diversify energy resources as you’ve heard us talking about throughout this trip.  And with that, I’d be happy to take questions on the G7, the Cameron bilat or anything else.
 
Q    Can you guys talk at all about having Hollande or Cameron try to arrange a Putin-Poroshenko meeting when they’re both in France tomorrow?
 
MR. RHODES:  I think there was a discussion about the various interactions that leaders will have with President Putin, and a discussion about the approach that leaders will take in those bilateral meetings with President Putin and, again, the importance that they’re carrying similar messages.  President-elect Poroshenko will be there as well.  One of the messages that we’ll be delivering is that President Putin should recognize President-elect Poroshenko as the legitimate leader.  So therefore, in that context, it’s important for him to reach out and demonstrate that he’s going to be willing to work with President-elect Poroshenko and the new government in Kyiv.  
 
There’s not a meeting planned among the different leaders, but they’ll certainly be together, for instance, around the lunch.  So, again, there will be interactions.  But, again, we do know that several of the European leaders have formal bilateral meetings with President Putin where they can deliver that message. 
 
Q    Would an informal meeting between Poroshenko and Putin be more significant than an informal meeting between President Putin and President Obama?
 
MR. RHODES:  We certainly believe it’s most important for there to be dialogue with the government in Kyiv.  We’ve always said that.  I mean, it’s a good question.  And what we’ve said is it’s not for Russia and the United States to talk to each other about the future of Ukraine.  The important thing is the government of Kyiv is in those conversations, whether it’s with us or with the Russians.  Importantly though, it’s not just whether or not they have an interaction.  It’s also about whether or not Russia recognizes the results of the election and formally moves forward in dealing with the new administration in Kyiv that’s going to be inaugurated on Saturday.  
 
So, yes, interactions are important.  But we also believe that they have to be coupled with a formal acceptance that this election was legitimate, that this is the new leader of Ukraine and that they will have a bilateral relationship that can allow them to reduce tensions. 
 
Q    One other question on sectoral sanctions, does status quo a month from now mean sectoral sanctions?  Or does Putin have to escalate it, as has been the threat in the past?
 
MR. RHODES:  Well, I think what the leaders agreed is that they’ll be looking at both the actions that President Putin takes, or the actions that he doesn’t take.  So, for instance, if he fails to recognize the results of the election -- if he fails to work with the new government in Ukraine to reduce tensions -- that’s going to factor into our calculus.  
 
But, similarly, if he continues to support these separatists, if he continues -- if we continue to see arms and other materiel flowing across the border and see the violence that we’ve seen, that there should be additional sanctions.  I think we’ll have to make a judgment at that time about whether or not we move all the way to sectoral sanctions.  But clearly, sectoral sanctions are on the table.  The leaders understand that.  We’ve actually begun to have discussions with them about how those would be implemented.  So, yes, I think Russia should take the message that if we see the status quo continuing, that we are going to move to additional sanctions, and that again we’ll be calibrating those based on what the situation is and that sectoral sanctions are in the toolkit. 
 
And we also, again, while I’m not setting any deadlines, because we’re entering into a very fluid period with a new administration, it’s going to be a very important couple of weeks to see what develops with President-elect Poroshenko coming into office and pursuing an effort to reduce tensions, that the European Council -- the European leaders made clear that the European Council meeting in late June is a natural point to review progress to date and to discuss new steps going forward. 
 
Q    Would it be fair to say that some of your European partners would prefer to respond to inaction by Putin with similar sanctions that have been levied already short of sectoral sanctions, and the U.S. wants to go straight to sectoral sanctions?
 
MR. RHODES:  Well, look, we have made very clear that there needs to be both a credible cost imposed on Russia for what’s taken place.  And we believe that the sanctions to date have done that.  There needs to be a very clear deterrent for Russian action or inaction through sectoral sanctions.  So Russia needs to know that the U.S. and Europe are serious about this, and that, then we’d discuss what the range is between targeted and sectoral sanctions.  You heard Prime Minister Cameron be very clear about sectoral sanctions, for instance, in his statement with the President.  Again, I think that this is something that we’re going to calibrate based on where the situation is.  But I think what the leaders understand is that there cannot be a status quo in which you have this level of violence and destabilization in eastern Ukraine, especially when you have a newly-elected government that should have the legitimacy that comes with a democratic election.  
 
So, again, we’ll be calibrating the extent of those sanctions.  Everybody agrees that there needs to be cost.  Everybody agrees that sectoral sanctions need to be on the table.  We’ll judge what the -- how far to turn the dial based on how events transpire in the coming weeks. 
 
Q    Ben, on Sergeant Bergdahl, the President made clear he had no apologies for the action he took.  But some members of the military are upset not that he was rescued or the trade was done, but there was a lot of pomp and circumstance around the Rose Garden ceremony and with Ambassador Rice calling him -- saying he served with honor.  Can you respond to the concerns of some military members that there was a lot of flourish around the rescue and the public relations around the rescue, rather than the actual rescue?
 
MR. RHODES:  Well, look, I actually think the President spoke to this quite well today.  He met with the parents of Sergeant Bergdahl, and he spoke with them at the White House.  And, frankly, I think everybody should feel that parents who have been away from their son for nearly five years -- knowing that he was in harm’s way, knowing that he was in captivity from the Taliban -- that it is a joyful thing that those parents are going to be reunited with their son.  And I think the President was very clear that it was the right thing to do, again, to share in the joy that those parents felt that they were going to be reunited with Sergeant Bergdahl.  So I think he’s addressed that. 
 
And frankly, again, our military has made clear its commitment to the principle that we don’t leave service members behind.  The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff has been very clear about that.  Our Army leadership has been very clear about that.  Whatever the circumstances of Sergeant Bergdahl’s capture, clearly it still applies that we leave no service member behind.  We don’t want a service member to die in Taliban captivity.  We want to bring him home.  And that was worth doing.  It was the right thing to do.  It would be done again in a heartbeat if we knew we could get him home.  
 
And, again, I think the President expressed both the way in which he made that decision and the importance, again, of seeing those parents. 
 
Q    Ben, do you think the energy and climate portion of today’s G7 meeting will help advance talks next year on a climate deal?
 
MR. RHODES:  Yes.  A number of the leaders made a point of welcoming the President’s new effort on climate change.  And we think that it will help, because it gives concrete meaning to the commitments we made at Copenhagen about how we’re going to reach our emissions reduction target.  And so what the United States, through the Climate Action Plan, demonstrating the means by which we’re going to reduce our emissions, it put us in a strong position together with G7 countries to work with nations like China and India and others who have to similarly take bold action and articulate how they’re going to reach their emissions reduction target as well. 
 
So we do feel there is some momentum on the climate change issue, given again our clear roadmap for reducing our emissions.  And there’s more work to be done for sure, both domestically and with other international partners.  The key principle here is that every nation has got to step up to the plate in its own way.  And, again, if the G7 can lead, we’ll be better able to bring China and India with us. 
 
MR. EARNEST:  Thanks, guys.
 
END 
5:12 P.M. CEST

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
June 05, 2014

Presidential Nominations Sent to the Senate

NOMINATIONS SENT TO THE SENATE:

Kevin F. O'Malley, of Missouri, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to Ireland.

Jessie Hill Roberson, of Alabama, to be a Member of the Defense Nuclear Facilities Safety Board for a term expiring October 18, 2018. (Reappointment)

Daniel J. Santos, of Virginia, to be a Member of the Defense Nuclear Facilities Safety Board for a term expiring October 18, 2017, vice Joseph F. Bader, term expired.

Senate Confirms Sylvia Mathews Burwell as Secretary of Health and Human Services

David Hudson
David Hudson
June 05, 2014
02:48 PM EST
President Barack Obama, with Vice President Joe Biden, announces Sylvia Mathews Burwell as his nominee to succeed Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebeliu

President Barack Obama, with Vice President Joe Biden, announces Sylvia Mathews Burwell as his nominee to succeed Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius, in the Rose Garden of the White House, April 11, 2014. (Official White House Photo by Lawrence Jackson)

Today, a bipartisan majority of Senators confirmed Sylvia Mathews Burwell as the new Secretary of Health and Human Services. In a statement released this afternoon, President Obama commended the group of Senators and reiterated his confidence in Burwell's leadership.

I applaud the strong, bipartisan majority of Senators who today confirmed Sylvia Mathews Burwell as America’s next Secretary of Health and Human Services. Sylvia is a proven manager who knows how to deliver results, and over her career she has built deep relationships with Democrats and Republicans alike.  I’m confident Sylvia’s unparalleled experience will serve her well in her new role as she works to ensure the safety of our food and drug supply, protect our nation from outbreaks or bioterror attacks, keep America at the forefront of medical research, and make sure every American has access to quality, affordable healthcare. 

Related Topics: Health Care

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
June 05, 2014

Statement by the President on the Confirmation of Sylvia Mathews Burwell as the Secretary of Health and Human Services

I applaud the strong, bipartisan majority of Senators who today confirmed Sylvia Mathews Burwell as America’s next Secretary of Health and Human Services.  Sylvia is a proven manager who knows how to deliver results, and over her career she has built deep relationships with Democrats and Republicans alike.  I’m confident Sylvia’s unparalleled experience will serve her well in her new role as she works to ensure the safety of our food and drug supply, protect our nation from outbreaks or bioterror attacks, keep America at the forefront of medical research, and make sure every American has access to quality, affordable healthcare.  

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
June 05, 2014

Remarks by President Obama and Prime Minister David Cameron of the United Kingdom in Joint Press Conference

Justus Lipsius Building
Headquarters of the Council of the European Union
Brussels, Belgium

3:35 P.M. CET

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Good afternoon, everybody.  It is good to be here with my great friend and partner, Prime Minister David Cameron.  Earlier this afternoon we concluded our summit with our fellow G7 leaders.  And I want to thank His Majesty King Philippe, the Prime Minister, as well as the Belgian people for welcoming us back to Brussels.

David and I also just had the opportunity to meet and discuss some pressing challenges -- including Syria, Libya and Iran, as well as the process of ending our combat mission in Afghanistan.  We spoke about the deepening partnership that we have on issues like Nigeria, in support of our shared goal of safely returning the kidnapped girls to their families.  But what I want to focus on briefly before we take questions are two issues that dominated our discussion over the last two days, and that’s the situation in Ukraine and energy security.

Originally, of course, our summit was supposed to be in Sochi.  But after Russia’s actions in Ukraine, our nations united quickly around a common strategy.  We suspended Russia from the G8 and we cancelled the Sochi meeting, making this the first G7 held without Russia in some 20 years.  All seven of our nations have taken steps to impose costs on Russia for its behavior.  Today, in contrast to a growing global economy, a sluggish Russian economy is even weaker because of the choices made by the Russia’s leadership.  Meanwhile, our nations continue to stand united in our support and assistance to the Ukrainian people.  And the G7 Summit was an occasion for me, David and our fellow leaders to ensure that we’re in lockstep going forward.

On Ukraine, I shared the results of my meeting yesterday with President-elect Poroshenko.  Like so many Ukrainians, he wants to forge closer ties with Europe and the United States, but also recognizes that Ukraine will benefit from a constructive relationship with Russia.  So I believe his inauguration provides an opportunity, particularly since he has demonstrated a commitment to reach out to the east, and pursue reforms.  Russia needs to seize that opportunity.  Russia needs to recognize that President-elect Poroshenko is the legitimately elected leader of Ukraine and engage the government in Kyiv.

Given its influence over the militants in Ukraine, Russia continues to have a responsibility to convince them to end their violence, lay down their weapons, and enter into a dialogue with the Ukrainian government.  On the other hand, if Russia’s provocations continue, it’s clear from our discussions here that the G7 nations are ready to impose additional costs on Russia.

I also briefed David on the new initiative I announced in Warsaw to bolster the security of our NATO allies, especially in Central and Eastern Europe, as well as our focus on building counterterrorism capabilities across the Middle East and North Africa.  David will be hosting the next NATO Summit in Wales in September, and I appreciated him updating me on the preparations for that summit.  We agree that it’s going to be an opportunity for every ally to make sure they’re carrying their share and investing in the capabilities our alliance needs for the future.

The situation in Ukraine has also highlighted the need for greater energy security.  At the G7, we agreed to help Ukraine reduce its energy risks to include diversifying its supplies.  We’re going to help countries in Central and Eastern Europe strengthen their energy security as well.  And following the review I called for in the United States earlier this year, every G7 country will conduct an energy assessment to identify the possible impact of any potential disruptions and to offer ways we can better prevent disruptions and recover from them more quickly.

Related to this, we agreed at the G7 to continue to lead by example in the fight against climate change, which poses a danger to our environment, our economies, and our national security.  I made it clear that the United States will continue to do our part.  Earlier this week, we took a major step -- proposing new standards that, for the first time, would limit carbon pollution from our existing power plants.  This is one of the most ambitious steps that any nation has taken to combat climate change.  It would reduce carbon emissions from our electricity sector by 30 percent.  It will help us meet the commitments that we made when I first came into office, at Copenhagen.  And it will improve our public health.  It’s also going to be good for our economy -- by helping to create more clean energy jobs and ultimately lower electricity bills for Americans.  So it’s the right thing to do.

This builds on the steps we’ve taken over the past five years to invest more in renewables like solar and wind, raise fuel standards for our cars and trucks, and make our homes and businesses more energy efficient.  And today we’re holding our carbon emissions to levels not seen in nearly 20 years.  So we’re making important progress, but my Climate Action Plan for climate change indicates that we’ve got to keep at it and do more. 

I know this is a cause that David is also passionate about.  We agree that every nation has to do its share.  All the major economies, including the G7 and emerging markets like China, need to show leadership as we work on a new global climate agreement.  And that includes putting forward by March of next year ambitious long-term targets for reducing emissions.

So, again, I want to thank Prime Minister Cameron and our fellow leaders for our work here together in Brussels.  David, I believe that whenever our two nations stand together it can lead to a world that is more secure and more prosperous and more just.  And we’ll be reminded of that again tomorrow in Normandy as we mark the 70th anniversary of D-Day. 

On that day, like so many others, American and British troops stood together and fought valiantly alongside our allies.  It didn’t just help to win the war; they helped to turn the tide of human history and are the reason that we can stand here today in a free Europe and with the freedoms our nations enjoy.  So theirs is the legacy that our two nations and our great alliance continue to uphold.  And I’m grateful to have a fine partner in David in making that happen. 

Thank you, David. 

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  Thank you.  And good afternoon.  And I’m delighted to be here with you today, Barack.  As we stand together in Europe on the 70th anniversary of the D-Day landings, we should remind the world of the strength and steadfastness of the bond between the United Kingdom and the United States. 

Seventy years ago, as you just said, our countries stood like two rocks of freedom and democracy in the face of Nazi tyranny.  Seventy years ago tonight, thousands of young British and American soldiers, with their Canadian and free French counterparts, were preparing to cross the channel in the greatest liberation force that the world has ever known.  Those young men were united in purpose:  to restore democracy and freedom to continental Europe; to free by force of arms ancient European nations; and to allow the nations and peoples of Europe to chart their destiny in the world.

Thousands of those young men paid the ultimate price, and we honor their memory today and tomorrow.  Shortly after D-Day, my own grandfather was wounded and came home.  We will never forget what they did, and the debt that we owe them for the peace and the freedom that we enjoy on this continent.

Today, in a new century, our two democracies continue to stand for and to uphold the same values in the world:  democracy, liberty, the rule of law.  And day in, day out, our people work together to uphold those values right across the globe.  And that approach has been at the heart of what we’ve discussed here at the G7 and in our bilateral meeting today. 

We’ve talked about one of the greatest opportunities we have to turbocharge the global economy by concluding trade deals, including the EU-U.S. deal, which would be the biggest of them all -- the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership that would create growth and jobs.  A deal that could be worth up to 10 billion pounds a year for Britain alone.  It would help to secure our long-term economic success and generate a better future for hardworking families back at home.  That is why I was so determined to launch those negotiations a year ago in Lough Erne.  And since then, we’ve made steady progress but we’ve got to keep our eyes on the huge prize on offer and not get bogged down.

We also discussed what I believe is the greatest threat that we face:  How we counter extremism and the threat that terrorist groups operating elsewhere pose to the safety of our people, both at home and abroad.  This year we will bring our troops home from Afghanistan.  They can be proud of what they’ve achieved over the last decade -- denying terrorists the safe haven from which to plot attacks against Britain or the United States.  But at the same time as we’ve reduced the threat from that region, so al Qaeda franchises have grown in other parts of the world.  Many of these groups are focused on the countries where they operate, but they still pose a risk to our people, our businesses, and our interests.

Barack and I share the same view of how we tackle this threat in the fragile regions of the world where terrorist networks seek a foothold.  As I’ve said before, our approach must be tough, patient, intelligent, and based on strong international partnerships.  So when it comes to Syria, now the number-one destination for jihadists anywhere in the world, we’ve agreed to intensify our efforts to address the threat of foreign fighters traveling to and from Syria.  We’ll be introducing new measures in the UK to prosecute those who plan and train for terrorism abroad.

And here at the G7, we’ve agreed to do more to work with Syria’s neighbors to strengthen border security and to disrupt the terrorist financing that funds these jihadist training camps.

In Libya, we want to help the government as it struggles to overcome the disastrous legacy of Qaddafi’s misrule and to build a stable, peaceful and prosperous future.  Barack and I have both recently appointed envoys who will be working together to support efforts to reach a much-needed political settlement.  And we are fulfilling our commitment to train the Libyan security forces with the first tranche of recruits due to begin their training in the UK this month.

In Nigeria, we’re both committed to supporting the Nigerian government and its neighbors as they confront the scourge of Boko Haram.  The kidnap of the Chobok girls was an act of pure evil, and Britain and the United States have provided immediate assistance in the search.  In the longer term, we stand ready to provide more practical assistance to help the Nigerians and the region to strengthen their defense and security institutions, and to develop the expertise needed to counter these barbaric extremists.

And finally, as Barack said, we had an important discussion on Ukraine and relations with Russia.  From the outset of this crisis, the G7 nations have stood united, clear in our support for the Ukrainian people and their right to choose their own future, and firm in our message to President Putin that Russia’s actions are completely unacceptable and totally at odds with the values of this group of democracies.  That is why Russia no longer has a seat at the table here with us. 

At this summit, we were clear about three things.  First, the status quo is unacceptable; the continuing destabilization of eastern Ukraine must stop.  Second, there are a set of things that need to happen.  President Putin must recognize the legitimate election of President Poroshenko.  He must stop arms crossing the border into Ukraine.  He must cease Russian support for separatist groups.  And third, if these things don’t happen, then sectoral sanctions will follow.  The next month will be vital in judging if President Putin has taken these steps, and that is what I will urge President Putin to do when I meet him later today.

Finally, we discussed the cancer eating away at the world’s economic and political systems:  corruption.  Corruption is the archenemy of democracy and development.  The best way to fight corruption and to drive growth is through what I call the three T’s:  greater transparency, fair tax systems, and freer trade.  That was at the heart of our G8 agenda in Lough Erne, and today we agreed to push for more action on fair tax systems, freer trade, and greater transparency -- things that are now hardwired into these international gatherings this year and for many years to come.

Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  All right.  We’ve got a couple questions from each press delegation.  We’ll start with Jeff Mason at Reuters.

Jeff.

Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  You’re going to France later this evening.  Since you last had French President Hollande’s visit in a state visit earlier this year, a lot of tensions have arisen in the relationship, including on BNP Paribas.  The French say that a potential multibillion-dollar fine on that bank could affect the global economy and could affect trade talks.  Do you believe those concerns are valid? And how do you expect to address them with him tonight and also U.S. concerns about the French selling Mistral warships to Russia? 

And to the Prime Minister, do you feel isolated, sir, among your EU leaders about your position on Jean-Claude Juncker as the European Commission President?  And who would you like to see get the job?  And separately, do you feel any pressure from President Obama about your position on keeping the UK in the EU?  Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  First of all, the relationship between the United States and France has never been stronger.  On a whole range of issues we’re seeing intense cooperation.  And I’m looking forward to seeing President Hollande this evening to talk about a range of issues and continue some of the work that was done here in Brussels.

My answer on the banking case is short and simple.  The tradition of the United States is that the President does not meddle in prosecutions.  We don't call the Attorney General -- I do not pick up the phone and tell the Attorney General how to prosecute cases that have been brought.  I do not push for settlements of cases that have been brought.  Those are decisions that are made by an independent Department of Justice.

I've communicated that to President Hollande.  This is not a unique position on my part.  Perhaps it is a different tradition than exists in other countries, but it is designed to make sure that the rule of law is not in any way impacted by political expediency.  And so this will be determined by U.S. attorneys in discussion with representatives of the bank, and I'll read about it in the newspapers just like everybody else.

Q    He said he’s going to confront you about it tonight.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  He’ll hear the same answer from me tonight as he just heard at this podium.

Q    And Mistral?

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I have expressed some concerns -- and I don't think I'm alone in this -- about continuing significant defense deals with Russia at a time when they have violated basic international law and the territorial integrity and sovereignty of their neighbors.  So President Hollande understands my position.  I recognize that this is a big deal.  I recognize that the jobs in France are important.  I think it would have been preferable to press the pause button.  President Hollande so far has made a different decision. 

And that does not negate the broader cooperation that we've had with France with respect to its willingness to work with us on sanctions to discourage President Putin from engaging in further destabilizing actions and hopefully to encourage him to move in a more constructive direction.

We are at a point where Mr. Putin has the chance to get back into a lane of international law.  He has a President in Poroshenko who he can negotiate directly with.  Having spoken to President Poroshenko this morning -- or yesterday morning, it's clear that he recognizes that Ukraine needs to have a good relationship with Russia, but also, rightly, affirms the right of Ukraine to engage with the rest of the world. 

And the steps that David outlined earlier and that the G7 unanimously agrees with, which is for Mr. Putin to take -- seize this moment, recognize Poroshenko is the legitimate leader of Ukraine, cease the support of separatists and the flow of arms, work with Ukraine to engage those in the east during this process of constitutional and economic reform -- if Mr. Putin takes those steps, then it is possible for us to begin to rebuild trust between Russia and its neighbors and Europe.  Should he fail to do so, though, there are going to be additional consequences. 

And one of the important things that came out of this meeting today was the recognition on the part of all of us that we can't simply allow drift.  The mere fact that some of the Russian soldiers have moved back off the border and that Russia is now destabilizing Ukraine through surrogates, rather than overtly and explicitly, does not mean that we can afford three months, or four months, or six months of continued violence and conflict in eastern Ukraine.

We will have a chance to see what Mr. Putin does over the next two, three, four weeks.  And if he remains on the current course, then we've already indicated the kinds of actions that we're prepared to take. 

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  You asked a couple of questions about Europe.  It’s worth setting the context.  We've just had a set of European elections where -- to take two countries at random, France and Britain -- in France, the Front National, an openly anti-European party, won; and an anti-European party in my country won.  And when these things happen you can stick your head in the sand and wish these results would go away, or you can have a strategy for addressing the concerns of the people that you represent in your country.  I have a strategy to represent and understand and reflect those concerns. 

And that's why I think it's important that we have people running the institutions of Europe who understand the need for change, the need for reform.  And I would argue that that is a view that is quite widely shared amongst other heads of government and heads of state in the European Union.

As for Britain’s future, I'm very clear what I want to achieve -- is to secure Britain’s place in a reformed European Union.  And I have a strategy for delivering that.  It’s about renegotiating our position.  It’s about recovering some important powers.  It's about making some significant changes, and then putting that decision in a referendum to the British people but very much recommending that we stay in a reformed European Union.

Again, it's a strategy for dealing with an issue which I think if we just walked away from it we’d see Britain drift towards the exits, and I don't want that to happen.

Q    Do you feel any pressure from the United States about that?

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  No.  We have good discussions about these issues as we discuss everything else.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Absolutely.

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  Let’s have a question from the BBC.

Q    Mr. President, even if you don't have a meeting scheduled face-to-face with Vladimir Putin yourself, are you going to end up talking with him face-to-face in France?  And do you see real possibilities of opening up a path away from the crisis by you engaging with him? 

And Britain is potentially facing, Mr. President, two major decisions -- whether or not Scotland stays part of the United Kingdom, and whether the United Kingdom stays a part of the European Union.  What do those decisions mean to you and to the people of the United States?

Prime Minister, you’ll be the first leader I think after this summit to engage with Vladimir Putin face-to-face.  Despite everything you’ve said, is there something of an olive branch in your hand?  After all, Mr. Putin has not actually denounced the electoral process which brought the new President to power in Ukraine.  Is there a way out, and is that what you're really going to be exploring with him this evening?

And do you accept that Germany may not come to your aid and stop Jean-Claude Juncker becoming Commission President?  Will that actually potentially blow your entire strategy off course?  You think you may be able to negotiate a brilliant reform of the European Union, but if Jean-Claude Juncker becomes President of the European Commission, will your credibility be so damaged in Britain that people may simply vote to leave the Union?

Finally, who are you more afraid of -- Angela Merkel or Theresa May?  (Laughter.) 

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  Great question.  Do you want to go?  Let me take those.

  First of all, my meeting with Vladimir Putin -- I think it's just important to have this communication about some very important messages about what’s happening now is not acceptable; about the changes that need to take place.  I think as the President said, there is an opportunity for diplomacy to play a role and to chart a path, because we've had these elections, the Ukrainian people have chosen a President; he’s a capable man and it's quite possible that he could have a proper relationship with Putin and there could be a proper relationship between Ukraine and Russia.  But change is needed in order for that to happen, and that's the message that I will be delivering this evening.

In terms of your other questions, look, on this issue of who runs the European Commission, the European institutions, what matters is people who understand the need for change, who understand the need for reform, who realize that if things go on as they have this Union is not going to work for its citizens.  And that was the message that I think was loudly received in these European elections.

As for who -- as you put it, Angela Merkel or Theresa May  -- look, I'm very fortunate in my life to work with some extremely strong and capable women, of which they are undoubtedly two.  (Laughter.) 

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I have no doubt that I'll see Mr. Putin. And he and I have always had a businesslike relationship, and it is entirely appropriate that he is there to commemorate D-Day, given the extraordinary sacrifices that were made by the people of the Soviet Union during World War II.

And should we have the opportunity to talk, I will be repeating the same message that I've been delivering to him throughout this crisis.  Keep in mind that although we haven't had formal meetings, I've spoken to him by phone repeatedly from the outset of the protests in the Maidan.  And my message has been very consistent, and that is that Russia has a legitimate interest in what happens in Ukraine, given that it's on its border and given its historical ties, but ultimately it is up to the people of Ukraine to make their own decisions -- that Russian armed forces annexing pieces of a neighbor is illegal and violates international law, and the kinds of destabilizing activities that we now see, funded and encouraged by Russia, are illegal and are not constructive; and that there is a path in which Russia has the capacity to engage directly with President Poroshenko now -- he should take it.  If he does not, if he continues a strategy of undermining the sovereignty of Ukraine, then we have no choice but to respond. 

And perhaps he’s been surprised by the degree of unity that's been displayed.  I do think the fact that he did not immediately denounce the outcome of the May 25th election perhaps offers the prospect that he’s moving in a new direction.  But I think we have to see what he does and not what he says.

With respect to the future of the United Kingdom, obviously ultimately this is up to the people of Great Britain.  In the case of Scotland, there’s a referendum process in place and it's up to the people of Scotland.

I would say that the United Kingdom has been an extraordinary partner to us.  From the outside, at least, it looks like things have worked pretty well.  And we obviously have a deep interest in making sure that one of the closest allies that we will ever have remains strong, robust, united, and an effective partner.  But ultimately these are decisions that are to be made by the folks there.

With respect to the EU, we share a strategic vision with Great Britain on a whole range of international issues, and so it's always encouraging for us to know that Great Britain has a seat at the table in the larger European project.  I think in light of the events that we're going to be commemorating tomorrow, it's important to recall that it was the steadfastness of Great Britain that, in part, allows us to be here in Brussels, in the seat of a unified and extraordinarily prosperous Europe.  And it's hard for me to imagine that project going well in the absence of Great Britain.  And I think it's also hard for me to imagine that it would be advantageous for Great Britain to be excluded from political decisions that have an enormous impact on its economic and political life.

So this is why we have elections, and we'll see the arguments made and I'm sure the people of Great Britain will make the right decision.

Stephen Collinson.

Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  Have you been surprised by the backlash that's been whipped up by your decision to do a deal to free Bowe Bergdahl?  And what do you think is motivating that?  In retrospect, do you think you could have done more to consult with Congress or announce the deal in a way that might have spared him and his family being caught up in a political crossfire?

And, Prime Minister, how do you respond to criticism that your decision to meet Vladimir Putin and his meetings with other key European leaders are actually devaluing the punishment that was meted out to Russia by throwing it out of the G8?  And finally, should Qatar be deprived of the right to host the World Cup?  And if so, is England willing to host it?  (Laughter.) 

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I'm never surprised by controversies that are whipped up in Washington.  (Laughter.)  Right?  That's par for the course.  But I'll repeat what I said two days ago.  We have a basic principle:  We do not leave anybody wearing the American uniform behind. 

We had a prisoner of war whose health had deteriorated and we were deeply concerned about, and we saw an opportunity and we seized it.  And I make no apologies for that. 

We had discussed with Congress the possibility that something like this might occur.  But because of the nature of the folks that we were dealing with and the fragile nature of these negotiations, we felt it was important to go ahead and do what we did.  And we're now explaining to Congress the details of how we moved forward.  But this basic principle that we don’t leave anybody behind and this basic recognition that that often means prisoner exchanges with enemies is not unique to my administration -- it dates back to the beginning of our Republic.

And with respect to how we announced it, I think it was important for people to understand that this is not some abstraction, this is not a political football.  You have a couple of parents whose kid volunteered to fight in a distant land, who they hadn’t seen in five years and weren’t sure whether they’d ever see again.  And as Commander-in-Chief of the United States Armed Forces, I am responsible for those kids.  And I get letters from parents who say, if you are in fact sending my child into war, make sure that that child is being taken care of.  And I write too many letters to folks who unfortunately don’t see their children again after fighting the war. 

I make absolutely no apologies for making sure that we get back a young man to his parents and that the American people understand that this is somebody’s child and that we don’t condition whether or not we make the effort to try to get them back.

Did you have a second question?

Q    For the Prime Minister.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Oh, okay.  You can ask him about football.

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  First of all, on the issue of meeting President Putin, I think it’s right to have this dialogue, particularly if you have a clear message and a clear point to make.  And I think there’s a world of difference between having a dialogue with President Putin and excluding someone from an institution as significant as the G8, now the G7.  I think it was absolutely right to exclude Russia.  I think I was one of the first G8 leaders to make that point.  It was totally the right decision and there’s a world of difference between the meeting we’ve just held, which did not include Russia, and having a bilateral meeting where we discuss these issues about Ukraine.

On the issue of football, we should let the investigation run its course but, of course, England is the home of football as it’s the home and inventor of many sports -- tennis, rugby, golf, skiing, table tennis, cricket.  I don’t think we can lay claim to --

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Baseball, basketball.  (Laughter.)

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  Well, I’m not sure that it goes all the way --

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I just want to be clear here.

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  So we’re always happy to provide a home for these sports.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  You did invent the English language, though.

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  We did.  (Laughter.) 

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  We appreciate it.

PRIME MINSTER CAMERON:  You’ve made a few changes.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  We have.  (Laughter.)

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON.  You’ve made a few changes to it but they don’t hold us back.  (Laughter.)  Final question from Rageh Omaar of ITV, I think.

Q    Mr. President, Rageh Omaar, ITV News.  You spoke about the importance for you and your allies to be in complete lockstep on the crisis in Ukraine.  If this crisis shows no sign of deescalating, you say that the next step will be to add sectoral sanctions.  Are you confident that you will be in lockstep with all of the European allies and G7 allies?  Because there will be costs and consequences for them and their economies as sanctions get widened. 

Prime Minister, my question to you is you spoke forcefully about the threat of extremist ideology at home and abroad, described it as the greatest threat to Britain and its allies.  And even by your own government’s estimate, there are several hundred British citizens learning to fight and kill in Syria.  With regard to extremist ideology at home, particularly in schools where there has been a lot of concern, don’t you think it’s not only unseemly but wrong for members of your own government to engage in an argument about whether the priority should be protecting British children against extremist ideology?  Thank you.

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  First of all, let me just say on the issue of sectoral sanctions and this issue of lockstep between the U.S. and countries of the European Union, I think it has been very striking, actually, over the last few months how we’ve been able to stay as unified as we have.  And I pay tribute to Barack for his understanding of how important it is for us to try and work together and deliver these messages together.  And I think it has surprised people.  And I hope it has surprised President Putin.

In terms of tackling extremism, I mean, I set up the UK Extremism Task Force, which I chaired after the appalling murder of Lee Rigby, because I wanted to make sure that government was doing everything that it could to drive extremism out of our schools, out of our colleges, off campuses, out of prisons -- in every part of national life.  And I think it’s very important that we recognize that you’ve got to deal not only with violent extremism but also the sink of extremism, of tolerating extremist views from which violence can grow.  And the whole government is signed up to that agenda and is driving through changes to deliver that agenda.

As for these issues for the last day or so, I will get to the bottom of who said what and what has happened, and I’ll sort it all out once I’ve finished these important meetings I’m having here.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I think what has been striking is the degree of solidarity between the United States and Europe in dealing with the Ukraine crisis.  I think a lot of people anticipated very early on that immediately the two sides would fly apart.  And, in fact, there has been consistency in affirming the core values that had been at the heart of a united and prosperous Europe.  And that’s despite the very real economic consequences that can arise by applying sanctions against Russia.

I think Europeans understand that the reason we’ve seen such extraordinary growth and peace on this continent has to do with certain values and certain principles that have to be upheld.  And when they are so blatantly disregarded, the choice is clear:  Europeans have to stand up for those ideals and principles even if it creates some economic inconvenience.

Now, having said that, sectoral sanctions are broader; they’d be more significant.  Our technical teams have been consulting with the European Commission to identify sanctions that would maximize impact on Russia and minimize adverse impacts on European countries.  And that work is ongoing.  My hope is, is that we don’t have to exercise them because Mr. Putin has made some better decisions.  I think, by the way, it would also be better for Russia because the Russian economy is not in good shape right now.  We’ve seen significant capital flight just from the sanctions that we’ve already applied; that could easily worsen.  And if we have sectoral sanctions, I think it will inevitably hit Russia a lot worse than it hits Europe, which have much more diversified and resilient economies.

Do I expect unanimity among the 28 EU members?  I have now been President for five and a half years, and I’ve learned a thing or two about the European Union, the European Commission, the European Council.  Sometimes I get them mixed up --

PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  Welcome to the club.  (Laughter.)

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  -- but the basic principle that if you’ve got 28 people sitting around a table, that not everybody is going to agree, I think we take that for granted.  And I also think that if, in fact, we have to move to sectoral sanctions, it’s important to take individual country sensitivities in mind and make sure that everybody is ponying up, that everybody is bearing their fair share.  Some people are going to be more concerned about defense relations, some people are going to be more concerned about the financial sector, others might be more concerned about trade and basic goods and services.  And so that’s the technical work that is being done.

Again, my hope is, is that we don’t have to use it.  But I’ve been heartened by the steadfastness of Europe thus far.  I think that people underestimate the degree to which, given the history of this continent -- certainly in the 20th century -- that people are not interested in seeing any chinks in the armor, and they recognize that that’s worth working for.

Thank you very much, everybody.  Thank you, David.

END
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