Presidential Nominations Sent to the Senate

NOMINATIONS SENT TO THE SENATE:

John R. Bass, of New York, a Career Member of the Senior Foreign Service, Class of Minister-Counselor, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to the Republic of Turkey.

Leslie Ann Bassett, of California, a Career Member of the Senior Foreign Service, Class of Minister-Counselor, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to the Republic of Paraguay.

Allan P. Mustard, of Washington, a Career Member of the Senior Foreign Service, Class of Career Minister, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to Turkmenistan.

Todd D. Robinson, of New Jersey, a Career Member of the Senior Foreign Service, Class of Minister-Counselor, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to the Republic of Guatemala.

Press Gaggle by Principal Deputy Press Secretary Josh Earnest and Deputy National Security Advisor Ben Rhodes

Aboard Air Force One
En Route Brussels, Belgium

2:17 P.M. CET

MR. EARNEST:  Good afternoon, everybody.  Now that we’ve assumed the position here, I have one important piece of news from Washington that is not related to our trip that I wanted to share.  And then Ben and I will both take your questions. 

It’s been reported today that members of the Senate are preparing to introduce legislation allowing Americans working hard to pay back their student loans to refinance at lower rates. As you heard the President say many times, college has never been more important, but it’s also never been more expensive.  So we commend the efforts in the Senate and look forward to working with them to pass this bill. 

As you know, making college more affordable and accessible has been a priority of the President since the early days of the administration.  And next Monday we’ll have an event at the White House where the President will have the opportunity to discuss this topic once again.  We’ll have some more details about that event as they become available.  So that’s an important priority that we’ll be spending some more time on next week and look forward to the opportunity to talk about it. 

But with that, why don’t we open it up to your questions.

MR. RHODES:  Just to start, let me just do a quick readout of the meeting with President-elect Poroshenko.  The President made comments, but I’d just add to that. 

First of all, the President conveyed that we are invested in the success of President-elect Poroshenko’s effort to advance Ukraine’s democracy.  The President made clear that we’ve been inspired by the Ukrainians who turned out to vote in very challenging circumstances and, as you heard him say in his speech, strongly believe that the Ukrainian people have to make decisions about their own future.

We discussed our support for President-elect Poroshenko’s efforts to reach out to the east in Ukraine.  He’s put forward some ideas about promoting dialogue with the east with some of the actors there and has supported reforms and decentralization that we believe provides a basis for a reduction of tensions.  Of course, we would continue to call on Russia to engage in a dialogue with the government of Ukraine to use its own influence on the separatists in eastern and southern Ukraine to diffuse tensions, and that is a message we’ll be continuing to underscore.  

In addition to discussing President-elect Poroshenko’s plans to reduce tensions and pursue that type of effort in the east, we discussed generally our support for Ukraine, our support for the Ukrainian economy, which includes our loan guarantees as well as the IMF package.  And President-elect Poroshenko underscored the importance of Ukraine undertaking reforms to root out corruption and to modernize Ukraine’s economy. 

They discussed energy.  And as the President has discussed throughout his time in Eastern Europe here, they reviewed ways to potentially have more diversification in terms of Ukraine’s energy resources so that Russia does not have the type of leverage that they’ve been able to exercise in the past.

And they discussed security assistance and how the United States can continue to be responsive to Ukrainian requests on security.  Today, the President indicated an additional tranche of security assistance focused on body armor, night vision googles, communications equipment that the Ukrainians have requested.  And we agreed to continue to have a dialogue with the Ukrainians about the type of equipping that we can do, the type of potential training we can do as it relates to their security forces.

And then, lastly, they discussed the need for the international community to continue to speak with one voice on the subject of Ukraine and its right to determine its own future. And the President was able to I think compare notes with President-elect Poroshenko before his dinner tonight at the G7, where this will be a principal topic.  So it’s useful for them to be able to check in before the President sees his G7 partners tonight. 

Very quickly, I’d just say for the G7, tonight the dinner will focus on foreign policy issues, principally the situation in Ukraine.  We expect it’s an important time for the G7 to discuss ways to continue to support Ukraine’s democracy, to continue to make clear to Russia that there’s an opportunity with this newly elected government to reduce tensions, but that if Russia does not take that opportunity it should face continued costs. 

The agenda tomorrow we’ve gone through with you.  Just very quickly, there will be discussions around energy security and climate change.  On energy security, building on the conversations we’ve had throughout this trip about diversification of resources.  But on climate change, I think with the President’s new climate rule announced at home, I think it puts the United States in a strong position to lift up the need for international action heading into next year on concrete plans to reduce emissions.  And that will be a subject. 

There will also be a discussion on growth and jobs, where we’ll obviously address T-TIP and TPP, the two major trade negotiations that we have underway with G7 countries, and then a discussion on development in which we’ll be raising issues around global health security. 

With that, happy to take questions.

QOn security assistance, did President-elect Poroshenko ask for lethal aid?

MR. RHODES:  He didn’t make specific requests of that nature, but he did ask for additional support for both the Ukrainian military and the Ukrainian National Guard.  And I think President Obama expressed that he was very open to those discussions, that we want to have a strategic conversation with the Ukrainians about what their needs are not just in the short term where we can plug some gaps as with body armor, but also in the medium and longer term as they aim to continue the professionalization of their security forces, the improvement of their security forces.

So as you heard, the President indicated this will be an ongoing dialogue and we're very open to Ukrainian requests for different types of assistance.  But we want to make sure that it's attached to a plan for both the short term but also the long term, as Ukraine is taking steps to improve its military readiness and its internal security.

QAs far as the type of aid that you gave today, it's obviously a significant change from what we've been giving in the past.  Is it because of the developments, the continuing casualties that they’re suffering, their military is suffering there?

MR. RHODES:  Well, on the one hand, there’s clearly a need given the difficult security situation for this type of support for the Ukrainian military.  And so we’re mindful about trying to be responsive where we believe we can make a difference in meeting needs. 

Also, the Ukrainians have now had an election.  The election was a focus of ours for some time, making sure that that could go off well, making sure that the opportunity was provided to vote for as many Ukrainians as possible.  And I think now as you get a new government in place that also opens up the prospect for discussion on all these issues -- energy, the economy, and security assistance.  With that partner in place, with the legitimacy of the mandate of a democratic election, I think that allows for not just a short-term conversation but a long-term conversation about our support for Ukraine.

QSo just to clarify on that, the President is very open to considering future requests for lethal aid, just not at this point?  There was none directly made and it’s not time yet, but in the future that’s something you might be open to?

MR. RHODES:  We’ve been focused on nonlethal aid in part because, frankly, we didn’t want to -- well, number one, we weren’t going to bring the Ukrainian military to parity, for instance, with the Russian military in any near-term timeframe.  And number two, we have been seeking to defuse tensions and we continue to believe that the best way forward, even in the east in dealing with some of these armed separatists groups, is for there to be a political process.  And President-Elect Poroshenko articulated that, too. 

That’s still our preference.  That’s why, in part, we focused on nonlethal assistance that could meet some immediate needs that are rooted in the difficulties and the instability and the challenges within the country, but that as we talk about different types of assistance, we want to put that in a bigger context of how is Ukraine improving its military, its national guard.  Because ultimately that’s not just about dealing with the immediate challenge of these separatists; it’s about building Ukrainian capacity over time, too.

QCan you tell us whether Poroshenko and Putin will now meet?  Have you heard anything definitively on that?  And does that have anything to do with whether the U.S. will meet with Putin?  We heard some remarks earlier today from Putin in a French interview -- I don’t know what he was doing, but maybe suggesting that he wants to meet with President Obama.  Can you talk about whether there is sort of a quid pro quo?  Does he need to meet with Poroshenko in order for President Obama to talk to him?  And how and when will you make that decision?

MR. RHODES:  Well, we have no plans to meet with President Putin, although as we’ve said, obviously we’ll be in the same venue as him at the lunch and at the ceremony in Normandy.  So there will certainly be the opportunity for leaders to interact in that context. 

I think I’d just make a couple of points, Margaret.  Number one, as a general matter, we believe that the most important conversation is the one between Russia and the government in Kyiv.  We’ve always said we don’t want different countries to be having conversations over the head of the government in Kyiv about Ukraine’s future.  So we do, as a matter of principle, think that it’s important for there to be that type of dialogue -- again, not necessarily at a ceremony in Normandy, but as a general matter.

Secondly, I think one of the points we want to make tonight, which we’ve always made at the G7 and in our conversations with our European allies, is that we all have to speak with one voice; that insofar as President Putin is having any discussions, we should be aligned in our support for Ukraine, our insistence that there be a reduction of tensions, that Russia not support the type of destabilizing activities that we see from these separatists.  So tonight will be an important opportunity to try to advance that alignment. 

And we’ve had a very good alignment since the crisis in Ukraine began in both the G7 and with our key European allies.  That’s the type of dynamic that we want to see in place.  And then we’ll let you know as there are any additional developments, but we don’t have a meeting planned with President Putin.

QYou talk about the importance of speaking with one voice and not speaking over Kyiv’s head, but yet France and Britain and Germany are all having bilaterals with Putin.  How does the United States feel about that?  And will the President be raising that concern tonight with his G7 partners?

MR. RHODES:  No, look, we’re not concerned.  We’ve maintained dialogue with President Putin.  The President has spoken on the phone a number of times.  So the question is not whether they’re meeting; the question is what people are saying in those meetings.  And our belief is that there needs to be a unified message that supports the right of the Ukrainian people to make their own decisions, that makes clear to Russia that there will be a cost if they do not take this opportunity to reduce tensions, and, frankly, also lifts up the fact that we have a moment of opportunity here, that you always look for opportunities in crisis situations like this for there to be a change in direction.  And now there’s been an election.  There’s been a clear mandate for the President-elect Poroshenko.  There will be an inauguration on Saturday.  And with that new administration coming in, Russia has the opportunity to change course in terms of supporting stability in Ukraine rather than destabilizing and intervening within Ukraine’s borders.  So that’s what we’d like to see. 

And we’ve been very focused on making sure our allies are in solidarity here.  So we started in Eastern Europe, met with not just Poland but Central and Eastern European leaders, reassured our commitment to NATO; met with President-elect Poroshenko today, made clear to him directly the support that he has from the United States of America in terms of Ukraine making its decisions.  Now we’ll meet with the G7 leaders.  Again, we’d like them aligned around that same core message.  And then that leads to the inauguration in Kyiv this weekend. 

So there’s a good opportunity here for the world to take advantage of a new administration.  President Putin can take that opportunity.  If he doesn’t, though, he has to know that he’ll face continued isolation.

QWhat’s the state of the talks on the sectoral sanctions?  It doesn’t sound as much like you’ve set a new trigger for those.  Are those going to be on the table, and what would be the new trigger?

MR. RHODES:  I think they’ll be discussing tonight what the approach will be going forward on different types of sanctions, including sectoral sanctions.  We’ve always made clear that Russian military forces moving across the border would be a clear trigger.  We also said that the election -- Russia preventing the election from going forward would be a clear trigger.  The election has now gone forward. 

So I think we do need to evaluate going forward what are the additional triggers for different types of sanctions, and we have a spectrum with sectoral being the most significant.  And I think that would be reviewing whether or not Russia is continuing to destabilize eastern Ukraine, continuing to provide support to separatist groups.  But I think the leaders will want to have a discussion tonight about how to convey what the different types of actions are that would bring additional costs to Russia.  So that will be a subject of the dinner.

QA German prosecutor has announced a launching of an inquiry into NSA tapping of Merkel’s phone.  Does the United States believe that that’s a legitimate inquiry for them to be making, or do you have any response to that?

MR. RHODES:  We believe that the best way to address the concerns that Germany has had about NSA’s activities is through a direct dialogue with us.  And we’ve been able to have a dialogue at the level of heads of state but also in intelligence channels, as well, to provide information and exchange information about our intelligence activities and our intelligence cooperation with Germany.  So we believe that’s the best way for us to build trust within the bilateral relationship.

Obviously, the German Bundestag will be making its own decisions about its own inquiries, but we believe we have an open line and good communication with the Chancellor and her team, and that’s where we’re going to continue to focus our efforts.

QThere are also reports that France is selling a warship to the Russians in a way that’s not approved by the U.S., not supported by the U.S. and others.  Can you address that?

MR. RHODES:  We have said that given the current context that it’s not the right timing for those types of transactions to move forward.  We, ourselves, have put restrictions on certain high-tech materials that could go towards the Russian defense industry.  So that’s something that we’ve continued to make clear that Russia has to understand that they are going to face some isolation. 

We understand that France has a longstanding commercial relationship, including in the defense industry, but at the same time we think it’s important for France and all of the G7 countries and our European allies to keep in mind the current context as they make decisions about whether to go forward with deals like that.

QThe President goes to Warsaw today and says the NATO Alliance is standing firm in defense of Poland and Eastern Europe at the same time that a key member of that Alliance, France, is selling war-making materials to Russia, the primary concern.  Doesn’t that undermine that argument to some degree?

MR. RHODES:  I don’t think it undermines the argument that we’re standing firm in support of our Eastern allies.  We’ve seen not just the United States provide additional resources to Eastern Europe, but France has sent additional resources to the Baltics, for instance.  So that message is very clear.

The fact is there are many different countries with commercial and defense relationships with Russia.  And those are the types of things that I think people should review in the current context.  That doesn’t mean that there’s going to be a cessation of any commercial relationships with Russia; it just means that I think these things need to be looked at carefully on a case-by-case basis.

I do think the point the President would underscore is that NATO can show its commitment not just through the sanctions that Europeans and G7 countries put on Russia, but also through increasing their defense spending so as to have more resources to both reassure Eastern Europe and meet NATO’s other missions.  And that will be a message the President will continue to make.

QSo is the President going to bring up that sale when he meets with President Hollande tomorrow night?  And can you preview that meeting for us a little bit?  Are there these varieties of business tensions that are going to hang over the meeting with GE, Alstom, and the French bank --

MR. RHODES:  We’ve been raising this particular issue with the French for some time.  I don’t expect it to be a focal point, the specific transaction that was referenced.

In terms of the meeting, I think they’ll focus on Ukraine, building on the conversations that happened at the G7.  So I think it will follow very naturally out of the meetings in Brussels.  They’ll focus on, I think, the situation in the Iran negotiations, where France is a member of the P5-plus-1 that is pursuing an agreement with July 20th as a deadline for those negotiations.  I think they’ll be discussing the President’s recent announcements about Afghanistan and counterterrorism, given that France is a close partner in supporting the Syrian opposition and also in confronting terrorism in North Africa and in Mali, and they’ve been a partner on Nigeria in trying to recover the girls who were taken by Boko Haram.

On the French bank, we’ve made very clear that this is a matter for the Department of Justice.  So at a political level it’s not something that we intervene in.  We respect the process that our judicial system undertakes, and that’s I think what we’d say to the -- what we have said to the French and will continue to say.

QBut are there tensions between the U.S. and French that have grown as a result of a combination of some of these proposed mergers or business issues plus the tensions with Russia?  And is that affecting your ability to work as a diplomatic partner with France?

MR. RHODES:  I don’t think so.  I think -- look, as a general matter, France has been quite assertive on foreign policy in a way that is very in line with our interests.  They’ve been with us on counterterrorism.  They’ve taken the leading role in Mali.  With Syria, they were with us on the chemical weapons issue.  They’ve been with us in support for the opposition.  On Iran talks, they’ve taken a very firm line in negotiations, which is in sync with ours.  So, generally -- and on Ukraine, they have moved to sanctions with us.  So, generally, I think we feel very in line with France.

Look, on these issues with Russia, as we’ve said before to you guys, different European countries have different areas where they have particular relationships with Russia.  For Germany, it’s energy.  For the United Kingdom, it’s in finance.  For France, it’s in the defense sector.  So there are these types of issues as we pursue sanctions and impose costs.  There are complications for every country involved.

We had, obviously, companies that do business in Russia, too.  So these are things that we can work through, and we try to coordinate our sanctions in a way that we’re all sharing some of the burden but also imposing sufficient costs on Russia and forecasting that there are greater measures available to us if necessary.

QOn Bergdahl, can you give us an update on his status?  And also, what does the White House have to say to the charges that six to eight Americans were killed in the process of trying to look for him?

MR. RHODES:  On the first question, my understanding is he’s still in Germany.  He’s still receiving care there.  And the military is in the best position to give updates.  Their first priority after a recovery effort like this is for the health and well-being of the Sergeant Bergdahl, and so they will assure that he gets the care he needs before he can reunited with his family.

On the second question, I’ve seen these reports.  These are the types of questions that the military would have to answer.  Again, we would not render judgment about military operations, the root of military operations.  That’s something that the Defense Department can speak to better than us.

QHas the President seen that video?

MR. RHODES:  Not that I’m aware of.

QAre you surprised that it came out?  Or did you know that they might release it?

MR. RHODES:  I mean, we didn’t tape a video to release ourselves, but this was a very transparent exchange, carefully negotiated, and went off without surprises in terms of how it was executed.  So we’re not surprised by the content of the video.  It was not our decision to put it out, so, again, I think in terms of its authenticity, the Defense Department can speak to that, but it certainly is consistent with how we understand the exchange to have taken place.

QBen, the President in his remarks today extended his talk a little bit to talk about democratic movements around the world.  And I was wondering if you could address the fact that over the past few years you’ve actually seen authoritarianism rise a lot in Russia, Syria, Azerbaijan.  And the U.S. is often forced to not fully engage in the democratic argument because of counterterrorism and other interests.  So can you talk a little bit about how the President balances those interests?

MR. RHODES:  Well, look, I think we’ve made democracy a central part of our approach in every region that we operate.  When we’ve gone to Asia we’ve gone out of our way to support emerging democracies in places like Indonesia but also in places like Burma that are undergoing transitions.  In the Middle East and North Africa, we are working very hard to provide support so that a country like Tunisia can have a successful transition.  And we’ve made clear that for traditional partners like Egypt there are going to be consequences in our relationship if we don’t see continued progress in terms of movement towards democracy.

In Africa, we’ve invested a significant amount of resources in supporting those countries that are investing in democratic institutions.  So I think globally we have been focused on what can we do to empower democratic transitions, what can we do to push back on closing space for civil society which has been a concern.

I think what you do see is some of the authoritarian trends that you point to are in places that have just not moved forward. So in Russia or in China, we see a lack of progress.  And what we’ve always said is that we’re going to be very clear about when we have differences with those countries even as we are going to work with them on some issues of mutual interest -- whether it’s Iran negotiations, for instance, or moving Syria’s chemical weapons. 

But I would say that democracy is a fundamental interest of the United States.  The advance of democracy serves our interest, as Poland demonstrates.  Poland is stable, it’s secure, it’s prosperous, and that’s because it has strong democratic institutions.  So democracies tend to be our best friends, as Poland is, and we are going to stand up for democracy in every region.  It’s just people have to recognize that in some closed societies that is going to be a long-term effort, but we have to stick with it.  And that was part of the message of the President’s speech.

Q-- election results?

MR. RHODES:  I would not use the word “democracy” to describe the Syrian election results.  I think that was essentially a farce.  Not only were many Syrians completely unable to vote, but they were also unable to vote because they’re under bombardment from a dictator who has done everything he can to restrict the ability of the Syrian people to determine their own future.

So we see it as nothing more than a farce in service of the regime’s propaganda goals.  It will have no impact on our continued support for the opposition and for a political process that can bring about an actual transition in Syria.

QOne more, quick.  The President sat across from Lech Wałęsa last night at the dinner.  They have an interesting history in the sense that Lech Wałęsa has openly criticized the President before.  The President had some kind words to say about him today.  Can you give us any color about what they talked about at dinner, whether there is a warming of a friendship between the two of them?

MR. RHODES:  I didn’t speak at length to the President about it, but they definitely exchanged words at the dinner.  And, look, the President did say to us that Lech Wałęsa is a man who did as much as anybody to help bring about freedom and democracy in Eastern Europe.  And the fact that he has occasionally criticized certain policies of the President in no way diminishes the respect we have for his extraordinary achievements.  In fact, the fact that we all have different views on different issues in Europe and the United States is part of our democratic transition.  So he was very glad he could pay tribute to him in his speech today.

And again, I think the central message of his speech, in addition to our strong message of support for Poland and its security, was, number one, the notion that what’s happening in Ukraine is a direct line to what we saw in Poland in that it’s free people standing up to make decisions about their own future.  And, number two, that we can never take for granted our democracy, that a country like Poland knows more than any that there needs to be a real security commitment to protect democratic institutions, and we can’t grow complacent.  And so, again, Lech Wałęsa is at the heart of that legacy and the President was happy to pay tribute to him.

QOn the VA, can you confirm the report that the administration is considering the head of the Cleveland clinic?  And how soon does the President want to make a decision about the next Secretary?

MR. EARNEST:  Well, to paraphrase a popular line in this administration, I don’t have any personnel announcements to make at this point.  Certainly, your interest in the process of filling this very important Cabinet position is understandable.  At this point, I’m not able to confirm any details of that process.  But suffice it to say that there’s ongoing work to fill that very important position, but I’m not in a position to shed any additional light about our progress at this point.

END
2:45 P.M. CET

Remarks by President Obama and President-elect Petro Poroshenko of Ukraine After Bilateral Meeting

Warsaw Marriott Hotel
Warsaw, Poland

10:45 A.M. CET

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, it is a great pleasure for me to have the opportunity to have my first extended meeting with President-elect Poroshenko and to hear about his plans for a peaceful and prosperous Ukraine.  Obviously, Ukraine has gone through a very challenging time.  And what we have seen has been a incredible outpouring of democracy in the face of actions by Russia as well as armed militias in certain portions of the east that violate international law, violate sovereignty, and have spurred great violence.

Despite all that, what the Ukrainians said in the election that resulted in President-elect Poroshenko’s inauguration on Saturday is that they reject that past.  They reject violence.  They reject corruption.  And what they’re interested in is the opportunity for Ukrainians to make their own decisions about their own future -- a future in which if people work hard, if they are willing to educate themselves and apply themselves, that they can succeed and that they can choose their own representatives, and that those representatives will look out for their interests and not the interests of only those in power. 

That’s the hope that President-elect Poroshenko represents.  And in my discussions with him today it’s clear that he understands the aspirations and the hopes of the Ukrainian people.  And when I say the Ukrainian people, I mean all the Ukrainian people.  I think that President-elect Poroshenko recognizes that his mandate is not just to help certain portions of his country succeed, but all portions of his country succeed.

We had the opportunity to discuss President-elect Poroshenko’s plans for bringing peace and order to the east that is still experiencing conflict.  We discussed his economic plans and the importance of rooting out corruption, increasing transparency, and creating new models of economic growth.  We discussed issues of energy -- making sure that Ukraine becomes a more energy-efficient economy but also one that is less dependent solely on energy sources from Russia.  And I have been deeply impressed by his vision, in part because of his experience as a businessman, in understanding what’s required to help Ukraine grow and to be effective. 

The challenge now for the international community is to make sure that we are supporting Petro’s efforts.  And the United States has already stepped up in a number of ways.  We’re supplementing the assistance that the IMF is providing with $1 billion in additional loan guarantees, and we’ve discussed additional steps that we might take to help during this reform and transition process.  We’ve discussed additional steps that we can take to help train and professionalize the Ukrainian law enforcement and military so they can deal with some of the challenges that are still taking place in certain portions of the country.  And, in fact, today we announced some additional non-lethal assistance that we can provide -- things like night vision goggles that will help a professional Ukrainian military force do its job. 

And finally, we discussed how in my meetings today with the G7 and tomorrow with the G7, as well as conversations that I’m having with other European leaders, it’s important for the international community to stand solidly behind the efforts of Petro to broker with the Russians a process whereby Russia no longer is financing or supporting or arming separatists on Ukraine’s sovereign territory, and that a unified international community that is clear that that is a violation of international law and that is willing to back up those principles with consequences for Russia should Mr. Putin not seize this opportunity to develop a lawful and better relationship with his neighbors -- that that has to be part of our mission over the next several days. 

So I’m excited about the opportunities.  I think that the Ukrainian people made a wise selection in somebody who has the ability to lead them through this difficult period.  And the United States is absolutely committed to standing behind the Ukrainian people and their aspirations not just in the coming days and weeks but in the coming years, because we’re confident that Ukraine can, in fact, be a thriving, vital democracy that has strong relationships with Europe and has strong relationships with Russia.  But that can only happen if we stand clearly behind them during this difficult time.

Thank you so much for taking the time to meet.

PRESIDENT-ELECT POROSHENKO:  I want to thank President Obama, the United States people, the United States government and Congress for the continuous support demonstrating for the fight, the Ukrainian people, for freedom, for democracy, for building up independent sovereign European state.  This is crucially important for us, and now we feel a friend in need is a friend indeed.  The American position of the American people is very, very important for us.  

Point number two is that from the very beginning, from the first day of inauguration, we are ready to present the plan for peaceful relation, the situation in the east.  And we think that the next several days will be very important, crucial, for the Ukrainian -- history of Ukrainian perspective.  We pay very much attention about the G7 meeting, about the statement, about the possibility for finding out the position for peaceful process on Normandy, when we have -- first Ukraine were invited as a member of anti-Hitler coalition and celebration of the D-Day.  And I think this will be very symbolic because exactly in Normandy we can start to find out this peaceful process in Ukraine.

I want to thank the President for the support in our initiative in the reforming in the energy sector.  I’m very satisfied about our future cooperation in the anti-corruption deal that I think this is crucially important points for the modernization of the country.  I think that our top two very important issue -- we thank you for supporting Ukraine in solving our Crimea problem.  We demonstrate that -- the whole world demonstrate the solidarity in Ukraine in not accepting the aggression in Crimea, in not accepting this whole fake referendum, and not accepting the annexing of the part of Ukrainian territory.  And all the time we will demand restoring law and order, and withdraw the foreign troops from the Crimean territory.

And also, I think it is very important that the United States support the European aspiration of the Ukrainian people.  That is half a year Ukrainian people, millions of Ukrainian people on the street fighting for now and signing a association agreement for the European perspective for my country.  And I think that the modernization of the country, providing the reform of the -- creating the good investment climate, building on the independent coal system, providing the energy efficiency and energy diversification helps Ukrainian people to receive membership perspective for the European Union in very near future after successful program for the modernization, with the strong assistance of the United States of America.

I thank you very much for that.  And I think this was very fruitful and effective negotiation.

END
10:55 A.M. CET

Remarks by President Obama at at 25th Anniversary of Freedom Day -- Warsaw, Poland

Castle Square
Warsaw, Poland

12:10 P.M. CET

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Hello, Warsaw!  (Applause.)  Witaj, Polsko!  (Applause.)    

Mr. President; Mr. Prime Minister; Madam Mayor; heads of state and government, past and present -- including the man who jumped that shipyard wall to lead a strike that became a movement, the prisoner turned president who transformed this nation -- thank you, Lech Walesa, for your outstanding leadership.  (Applause.)   

Distinguished guests, people of Poland, thank you for your extraordinary welcome and for the privilege of joining you here today.  I bring with me the greetings and friendship of the American people -- and of my hometown of Chicago, home to so many proud Polish Americans.  (Applause.)  In Chicago, we think of ourselves as a little piece of Poland.  In some neighborhoods, you only hear Polish.  The faithful come together at churches like Saint Stanislaus Kostka.  We have a parade for Polish Constitution Day.  And every summer, we celebrate the Taste of Polonia, with our kielbasa and pierogies, and we’re all a little bit Polish for that day.  (Applause.)  So being here with you, it feels like home.  (Applause.) 

Twenty-five years ago today, we witnessed a scene that had once seemed impossible -- an election where, for the first time, the people of this nation had a choice.  The Communist regime thought an election would validate their rule or weaken the opposition.  Instead, Poles turned out in the millions.  And when the votes were counted, it was a landslide victory for freedom.  One woman who voted that day said, “There is a sense that something is beginning to happen in Poland.  We feel the taste of Poland again.”  She was right.  It was the beginning of the end of Communism -- not just in this country, but across Europe.

The images of that year are seared in our memory.  Citizens filling the streets of Budapest and Bucharest.  Hungarians and Austrians cutting the barbed wire border.  Protestors joining hands across the Baltics.  Czechs and Slovaks in their Velvet Revolution.  East Berliners climbing atop that wall.  And we have seen the extraordinary progress since that time.  A united Germany.  Nations in Central and Eastern Europe standing tall as proud democracies.  A Europe that is more integrated, more prosperous and more secure.  We must never forget that the spark for so much of this revolutionary change, this blossoming of hope, was lit by you, the people of Poland.  (Applause.) 

History was made here.  The victory of 1989 was not inevitable.  It was the culmination of centuries of Polish struggle, at times in this very square.  The generations of Poles who rose up and finally won independence.  The soldiers who resisted invasion, from the east and the west.  The Righteous Among the Nations -- among them Jan Karski -- who risked all to save the innocent from the Holocaust.  The heroes of the Warsaw Ghetto who refused to go without a fight.  The Free Poles at Normandy and the Poles of the Home Army who -- even as this city was reduced to rubble -- waged a heroic uprising. 

We remember how, when an Iron Curtain descended, you never accepted your fate.  When a son of Poland ascended to the Chair of Saint Peter, he returned home, and here, in Warsaw, he inspired a nation with his words -- “there can be no just Europe without the independence of Poland.”  (Applause.)  And today we give thanks for the courage of the Catholic Church and the fearless spirit of Saint John Paul II.  (Applause.)   

We also recall how you prevailed 25 years ago.  In the face of beatings and bullets, you never wavered from the moral force of nonviolence.  Through the darkness of martial law, Poles lit candles in their windows.  When the regime finally agreed to talk, you embraced dialogue.  When they held those elections -- even though not fully free -- you participated.  As one Solidarity leader said at the time, “We decided to accept what was possible.”  Poland reminds us that sometimes the smallest steps, however imperfect, can ultimately tear down walls, can ultimately transform the world.  (Applause.)  

But of course, your victory that June day was only the beginning.  For democracy is more than just elections.  True democracy, real prosperity, lasting security -- these are neither simply given, nor imposed from the outside.  They must be earned and built from within.  And in that age-old contest of ideas -- between freedom and authoritarianism, between liberty and oppression, between solidarity and intolerance -- Poland’s progress shows the enduring strength of the ideals that we cherish as a free people.

Here we see the strength of democracy:  Citizens raising their voices, free from fear.  Here we see political parties competing in open and honest elections.  Here we see an independent judiciary working to uphold the rule of law.  Here in Poland we see a vibrant press and a growing civil society that holds leaders accountable -- because governments exist to lift up their people, not to hold them down.  (Applause.)   

Here we see the strength of free markets and the results of hard reforms -- gleaming skyscrapers soaring above the city, and superhighways across this country, high-tech hubs and living standards that previous generations of Poles could only imagine. This is the new Poland you have built -- an economic “Miracle on the Vistula” -- Cud nad Wisłą.  (Applause.)

Here we see the strength of free nations that stand united. Across those centuries of struggle, Poland’s fate too often was dictated by others.  This land was invaded and conquered, carved up and occupied.  But those days are over.  Poland understands as few other nations do that every nation must be free to chart its own course, to forge its own partnerships, to choose its own allies.  (Applause.)

This year marks the 15th anniversary of Poland’s membership in NATO.  We honor Polish service in the Balkans, in Iraq and Afghanistan.  And as Americans, we are proud to call Poland one of our strongest and closest allies.  (Applause.)  

This is the Poland we celebrate today.  The free and democratic Poland that your forebears and some who are here today dreamed of and fought for and, in some cases, died for.  The growing and secure Poland that you -- particularly the young people who are here today -- have enjoyed for your entire lives.

It’s a wonderful story, but the story of this nation reminds us that freedom is not guaranteed.  And history cautions us to never take progress for granted.  On the same day 25 years ago that Poles were voting here, tanks were crushing peaceful democracy protests in Tiananmen Square on the other side of the world.  The blessings of liberty must be earned and renewed by every generation -- including our own.  This is the work to which we rededicate ourselves today.  (Applause.) 

Our democracies must be defined not by what or who we’re against, but by a politics of inclusion and tolerance that welcomes all our citizens.  Our economies must deliver a broader prosperity that creates more opportunity -- across Europe and across the world -- especially for young people.  Leaders must uphold the public trust and stand against corruption, not steal from the pockets of their own people.  Our societies must embrace a greater justice that recognizes the inherent dignity of every human being.  And as we’ve been reminded by Russia’s aggression in Ukraine, our free nations cannot be complacent in pursuit of the vision we share -- a Europe that is whole and free and at peace.  We have to work for that.  We have to stand with those who seek freedom.  (Applause.)   

I know that throughout history, the Polish people were abandoned by friends when you needed them most.  So I’ve come to Warsaw today -- on behalf of the United States, on behalf of the NATO Alliance -- to reaffirm our unwavering commitment to Poland’s security.  Article 5 is clear -- an attack on one is an attack on all.  And as allies, we have a solemn duty -- a binding treaty obligation -- to defend your territorial integrity.  And we will.  We stand together -- now and forever -- for your freedom is ours. (Applause.)  Poland will never stand alone.  (Applause.)  But not just Poland -- Estonia will never stand alone.  Latvia will never stand alone.  Lithuania will never stand alone.  Romania will never stand alone.  (Applause.)  

These are not just words.  They’re unbreakable commitments backed by the strongest alliance in the world and the armed forces of the United States of America -- the most powerful military in history.  (Applause.)  You see our commitment today. In NATO aircraft in the skies of the Baltics.  In allied ships patrolling the Black Sea.  In the stepped-up exercises where our forces train together.  And in our increased and enduring American presence here on Polish soil.  We do these things not to threaten any nation, but to defend the security and territory of ourselves and our friends. 

Yesterday, I announced a new initiative to bolster the security of our NATO allies and increase America’s military presence in Europe.  With the support of Congress, this will mean more pre-positioned equipment to respond quickly in a crisis, and exercises and training to keep our forces ready; additional U.S. forces -- in the air, and sea, and on land, including here in Poland.  And it will mean increased support to help friends like Ukraine, and Moldova and Georgia provide for their own defense.  (Applause.) 

Just as the United States is increasing our commitment, so must others.  Every NATO member is protected by our alliance, and every NATO member must carry its share in our alliance.  This is the responsibility we have to each other.

Finally, as free peoples, we join together, not simply to safeguard our own security but to advance the freedom of others. Today we affirm the principles for which we stand. 

We stand together because we believe that people and nations have the right to determine their own destiny.  And that includes the people of Ukraine.  Robbed by a corrupt regime, Ukrainians demanded a government that served them.  Beaten and bloodied, they refused to yield.  Threatened and harassed, they lined up to vote; they elected a new President in a free election -- because a leader’s legitimacy can only come from the consent of the people.

Ukrainians have now embarked on the hard road of reform.  I met with President-elect Poroshenko this morning, and I told him that, just as free nations offered support and assistance to Poland in your transition to democracy, we stand with Ukrainians now.  (Applause.)  Ukraine must be free to choose its own future for itself and by itself.  (Applause.)  We reject the zero-sum thinking of the past -- a free and independent Ukraine needs strong ties and growing trade with Europe and Russia and the United States and the rest of the world.  Because the people of Ukraine are reaching out for the same freedom and opportunities and progress that we celebrate here today -- and they deserve them, too.

We stand together because we believe that upholding peace and security is the responsibility of every nation.  The days of empire and spheres of influence are over.  Bigger nations must not be allowed to bully the small, or impose their will at the barrel of a gun or with masked men taking over buildings.  And the stroke of a pen can never legitimize the theft of a neighbor’s land.  So we will not accept Russia’s occupation of Crimea or its violation of Ukraine’s sovereignty.  (Applause.)   Our free nations will stand united so that further Russian provocations will only mean more isolation and costs for Russia. (Applause.)  Because after investing so much blood and treasure to bring Europe together, how can we allow the dark tactics of the 20th century to define this new century?

We stand together because we know that the spirit of Warsaw and Budapest and Prague and Berlin stretches to wherever the longing for freedom stirs in human hearts, whether in Minsk or Caracas, or Damascus or Pyongyang.  Wherever people are willing to do the hard work of building democracy -- from Tbilisi to Tunis, from Rangoon to Freetown -- they will have a partner in our nations.  For in the struggles of these citizens we recall our own struggles.  In their faces we see our own.  And few see this more clearly than the people of Poland.

The Ukrainians of today are the heirs of Solidarity -- men and women like you who dared to challenge a bankrupt regime.  When your peaceful protests were met with an iron fist, Poles placed flowers in the shipyard gate. 

Today, Ukrainians honor their fallen with flowers in Independence Square.  We remember the Polish voter who rejoiced to “feel the taste of Poland again.”  Her voice echoes in the young protestor in the Maidan who savored what she called “a taste of real freedom.”  “I love my country,” she said, and we are standing up for “justice and freedom.”  And with gratitude for the strong support of the Polish people, she spoke for many Ukrainians when she said, “Thank you, Poland.  We hear you and we love you.”  (Applause.)   

Today we can say the same.  Thank you, Poland -- thank you for your courage.  Thank you for reminding the world that no matter how brutal the crackdown, no matter how long the night, the yearning for liberty and dignity does not fade away.  It will never go away.  Thank you, Poland, for your iron will and for showing that, yes, ordinary citizens can grab the reins of history, and that freedom will prevail -- because, in the end, tanks and troops are no match for the force of our ideals. 

Thank you, Poland -- for your triumph -- not of arms, but of the human spirit, the truth that carries us forward. There is no change without risk, and no progress without sacrifice, and no freedom without solidarity.  (Applause.) 

Dziękuję, Polsko!  God bless Poland.  (Applause.)  God bless America.  God bless our unbreakable alliance.  Thank you very much.  (Applause.)

END
12:28 P.M. CET