Weekly Wrap Up: "Building This Country's Future"

Watch West Wing Week here.

NCAA Champions: On Tuesday, President Obama welcomed the NCAA Champion Louisville Cardinals to the White House. President Obama, an avid basketball fan, celebrated the team’s accomplishments both on and off the court – praising their cumulative 3.3 grade-point-average, the thousands of dollars they helped raise for charity, and their determination, despite physical obstacles, to win the men’s NCAA title.

Vice President and Dr. Biden in India: The Vice President and Dr. Biden traveled to India and Singapore, as part of their six-day trip – meeting with leaders and visiting schools and aid workers to discuss the important opportunity to strengthen our partnerships within the region. The Vice President also reaffirmed our commitment to rebalancing U.S. foreign policy toward the Asia-Pacific. When they arrived in New Delhi on Monday, they visited Mahatma Gandhi’s granddaughter and toured the Gandhi Smriti museum.

On Tuesday, the Vice President met with Indian Prime Minist Dr. Manmohan Singh, President Pranab Mukherjee, and Vice President Hamid Ansair where they discussed the relationship between the United States and India. Later, Vice President Biden spoke at a dinner hosted by Indian Vice President Hamid Ansari, where provided remarks about the importance partnership between the two countries. During the day, Dr. Biden visited the settlement of Kachhpura, where USAID Health and the Urban Poor Program has been stationed since 2011.

Speaking from the Bombay Stock Exchange on Wednesday, the Vice President spoke about moving both the U.S. and Indian economies forward – noting that American interests were very similar to Indian interests. Dr. Biden hosted a roundtable discussion to hear more about how groups are working to improve nutrition in India and visited The Dilaasa Crisis Intervention Department for Women, a center for female survivors of domestic violence.

Women at the Indian Institute of Technology met with Vice President Biden on Thursday for a roundtable discussion. The Vice President spoke about the importance of engaging women in science, technology, and engineering and explained what the U.S. is doing to promote STEM in the United States. Dr. Biden visited an all-girls school, where she taught a grammar lesson

West Wing Week: 07/26/13 or "Becoming A More Perfect Union"

This week, the President hosted the NCAA Champion Louisville Cardinals, the President of Vietnam, pressed for the passage of comprehensive immigration reform, and laid out his vision of growing the economy from the middle class out, while traveling to Illinois, Missouri, and Florida. 

President Obama Lays Out a Better Bargain for the Middle Class

Watch this video on YouTube

Today President Obama returned to Knox College in Illinois to kick off a series of speeches about his vision for rebuilding an economy that puts the middle class -- and those fighting to join it – front and center.

In his remarks, President Obama laid out the progress we’ve made together in the five years since the start of the recession that cost millions of Americans their jobs, their homes, and their savings

Thanks to the grit and resilience and determination of the American people -- of folks like you -- we’ve been able to clear away the rubble from the financial crisis. We started to lay a new foundation for stronger, more durable economic growth.

As a country, we’ve recovered faster and gone further than most other advanced nations in the world. With new American revolutions in energy and technology and manufacturing and health care, we're actually poised to reverse the forces that battered the middle class for so long, and start building an economy where everyone who works hard can get ahead.

President Barack Obama delivers a speech on the economy at Knox College in Galesburg, Ill

President Barack Obama delivers a speech on the economy at Knox College in Galesburg, Ill., July 24, 2013. (Official White House Photo by Lawrence Jackson)

But, he said, “I’m here to tell you today that we're not there yet.”

Raising the Minimum Wage Is Good for the Economy

Today, low-wage workers and their advocates are gathering together as part of a national day of action for an increase in the minimum wage. Marking four years since the last increase, Americans across the country are making the case for why raising the minimum wage is good for workers and the economy.

Raising the minimum wage was also part of the economic vision that President Obama laid out in Galesburg, Illinois today, as he described what we need to do to support the middle class and those who are trying to join it. In his own words, “because no one who works full-time in America should have to live in poverty, I will keep making the case that we need to raise a minimum wage that in real terms is lower than it was when Ronald Reagan took office. “

Indeed, in his State of the Union earlier this year, President Obama called for bringing the minimum wage back up to the same value it had at the beginning of the Reagan Administration and for permanently indexing it to inflation, so it does not experience the same erosion in purchasing power that has happened over the past three decades. And he called for increasing the minimum wage received by workers who rely mostly on tips – which hasn’t been raised for over two decades.

Gene Sperling is the Director of the National Economic Council. Alan Krueger is Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers.

White House Photographer Pete Souza Joins Instagram

Pete Souza, the Chief Official White House Photographer, is now on Instagramand it's an account worth following. Through his Instagram account, you'll get a unique look at the presidency with behind-the-scenes photos from the road and around the White House.

Take a look at Pete's first day on Instagram (so far), as President Obama traveled to Knox College in Galesburg, IL to lay out his economic vision where everyone who works hard can get ahead. Then, head on over to Instagram to follow Pete Souza (and to check out our other official Instagram accounts for the White House and First Lady Michelle Obama).

For more photos from Pete Souza and the White House photo office, follow @PeteSouza on Twitter, and visit Flickr.com/WhiteHouse and WH.gov/photos.

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by the President in a Town Hall Meeting in Alpha, Illinois

Country Corner Farm
Alpha, Illinois

4:51 P.M. CDT

THE PRESIDENT: Hello, everybody! (Applause.) Oh, it is good to be back home. (Applause.) Everybody have a seat, relax, take a load off there.

We’ve got some special guests here I want to just acknowledge. First of all, an outstanding public servant, a great governor, Pat Quinn is in the house. (Applause.) Your former congressman, now my Secretary of Transportation, great friend of mine, Ray LaHood is here. (Applause.)

We’ve got another member of Congress who obviously took a wrong turn somewhere. (Laughter.) Thought he was heading back to the West Side of Chicago -- turned out he’s in Alpha. (Laughter.) Danny Davis is here. (Applause.)

We’ve got the mayor of Alpha, Marvin Watters is here. Where’s Mr. Mayor? There he is back there. Good to see you, sir. (Applause.)

Two great friends of mine -- Senator John Sullivan. Where’s John? There he is. (Laughter.) And Dave Koehler is here. Good to see you, Dave. (Applause.)

And finally, I want to thank the owners of this great facility, Bruce and Charlie Curry, owners of Country Corner. (Applause.)

I need to confess something to Bruce and Charlie. One of my speechwriters, it’s his birthday today, so we let him ride on the little cow pull over there. (Laughter.) It said birthday parties available, so we had him sit in there. He’s only 29, and he still fit. So he had a great time there.

This is a town hall meeting. Some of you remember I used to do these when I was your senator instead of your President. I don’t want to do a lot of talking at the front, but I just want to talk to you a little bit about what I’ve been seeing over the last couple of days and what’s been going on in Washington.
 
Obviously we’ve been going through as tough of a time as we’ve seen in my lifetime and in most people’s lifetimes these last two and a half years. We went through the worst financial crisis since the Great Depression. When I took office we had already lost 4 million jobs and we lost another 4 million just in the few months right after I took office. And we’ve been fighting our way back over the last two and half months -- or last two and a half years.

We were on the verge of going into a Great Depression, and we were able to yank ourselves out. The economy is now growing again. Over the last 17 months we’ve created over 2 million jobs in the private sector. We saved an auto industry that was on the brink. (Applause.) We have -- we’ve made investments in clean energy, in rebuilding our roads and our bridges.

And thanks to the great work of Secretary LaHood, we’ve been getting started on the process of making sure we’ve got the best infrastructure around. Thanks to the great work of our Secretary of Agriculture, Tom Vilsack, we’ve tried to strengthen rural communities and farming communities all across the country and all across the Midwest.

And so despite the fact that we’ve gone through tough times, I want everybody to remember we still have the best universities on Earth, the best workers on Earth, the best entrepreneurs on Earth, the best system on Earth. There’s not a country in the world that wouldn’t trade places with the United States of America. (Applause.)

Now, the fact is, though, times are still tough. And some of the reasons times are still tough we don’t have complete control over. The economy was predicted to be growing at about 3.5 percent at the beginning of this year, partly because we had worked a bipartisan package of tax cuts and investment credits to encourage businesses to invest. But then you had the Arab Spring, and that shot gas prices and fuel prices up. And I know a lot of farmers here experienced that spike. And then we had the tsunami in Japan, and that disrupted supply lines and that affected American manufacturing. And then we had the situation in Europe and the debt crisis there, and that started lapping up onto our shores.

And so there are some things we don’t have control over, and the question is, how do we meet these challenges? But there are things that we do have control over. And the biggest challenge we have is in Washington. There’s nothing wrong with our country, but there’s a lot wrong with our politics right now. (Applause.) And that’s what I aim to fix. That’s what we have to fix.

When you look at this recent debt ceiling debacle and the downgrade, that was a self-inflicted wound, completely unnecessary. The truth of the matter is we’ve got a real challenge with debt and deficits. We had a balanced budget in 2000, then we fought two wars without paying for them. We ended up creating a prescription drug plan for seniors, which is the right thing to do, but we didn’t pay for it. Tax cuts we didn’t pay for.

And then the recession hit, and so a lot of money was going out to help local communities keep their firefighters and police officers and teachers on staff -- and Pat Quinn knows how important that was to prevent massive layoffs at the state level. Unemployment insurance to help folks get back on their feet, but that all meant a lot of money was going out, less tax revenue was going in because businesses weren’t doing as well. So combined we’ve got a big debt and deficit challenge that we’ve got to meet.

But what’s frustrating is that two months ago, three months ago, six months ago we could have met that challenge. We could have decided we’re going to come together with a balanced package where we’re closing corporate loopholes and we’re closing tax breaks for the very wealthy, and we’re cutting spending on things we don’t need.

And if we had come together on a bipartisan basis, we could have avoided all this drama over the last two and half months. But that’s not what we did, because what’s happened in Washington these days is there is a group of folks who think that, I’d rather see my opponent lose than see America win. (Applause.) There are folks who are willing to engage in political brinksmanship even if it costs the country.

And I know you’re frustrated. And I want you to know I’m frustrated. And you should be frustrated. The last two and a half days I’ve been traveling all across the Midwest through Iowa and Minnesota and now back home in Illinois. And everywhere I go, what I see are people who are working hard. They’re looking after their families. They’re farming and feeding people not just here in America, but all around the world. They’re going to church. They’re helping out at the food pantry. They’re coaching Little League.

We just came to visit the football team over at Galesburg. They’ve got their new coach. (Applause.) And I think to myself, you know what, if folks in Washington were carrying out their responsibilities the way you’re carrying out your responsibilities, we’d be just fine. We would be just fine. (Applause.)

So the question is, what do we do going forward? Look, even though private sector job growth is good, we’ve still got a long way to go before we put everybody back to work. We need to go ahead and act right now on some proposals that are before Congress, ready to be voted on. We should extend the payroll tax cut that we passed in December, put $1,000 in the typical family’s pocket -- we need to extend that into next year. (Applause.) Because if you’ve got more money in your pockets, that means businesses have more customers, they’re more likely to hire. There’s no reason why we can’t do that right now.

There’s no reason why, as Ray LaHood knows, we’ve got over $2 trillion worth of repairs that need to be made around the country, and I know there are some right here in this county and right here in this state. And we’ve got a lot of construction workers that are out of work when the housing bubble went bust, and interest rates are low, and contractors are ready to come in on time, under budget -- this is a great time for us to rebuild our roads and our bridges, and locks in the Mississippi, and our seaports and our airports. We could be doing that right now, if Congress was willing to act. (Applause.)

Right now, we could pass trade deals that we negotiated that not only have the support of business, but have the support of the UAW. That doesn’t happen very often. And the reason is, is because folks know that not only is that good for agricultural America -- opening up markets, because we’ve got the best farmers in the world -- but it’s also good for manufacturing. There are a whole bunch of Kias and Hyundais being driven around here; that’s great. But I want some Fords and Chevys being driven in Korea. (Applause.) We should pass that bill right now.

We’ve got legislation right now that we call the American Invents Act -- basically, make patents easier so when people come up with a new product or a new service or a new invention, they’re able to turn it around without a lot of red tape and bureaucracy and start businesses that could be hiring. There’s no reason to wait. It should be passed right now.

The fact is this: All these things I just mentioned, historically they’ve had bipartisan support. I mean, if Ray LaHood was still in there -- Ray was a Republican -- he’d vote for every single one of these; he’d be sponsoring them all. (Laughter.) You’ve got a Democratic President who supports these things. There’s no reason for us not to act right now.

And over the course of the next few weeks, I’m going to be putting out more proposals to put people to work right now. And some of them -- yes, some of them cost money. And the way we pay for it is by doing more on deficit reduction than the plan that we had to come up with right at the last minute in order to avoid default. We didn’t do as much as we could have.

When folks tell you that we’ve got a choice between jobs now or dealing with our debt crisis, they’re wrong. They’re wrong. We can’t afford to just do one or the other. We’ve got to do both. And the way to do it is to make some -- reform the tax code, close loopholes, make some modest modifications in programs like Medicare and Social Security so they’re there for the next generation, stabilize those systems. And you could actually save so much money that you could actually pay for some of the things like additional infrastructure right now.

We can close the deficit and put people to work, but what’s required is that folks work together. That’s the big challenge. That’s the big challenge. (Applause.)

So the main thing is I’m here to enlist you in this fight for America’s future. I need you to send a message to your members of Congress, to your representatives that we’re tired of the games. We’re tired of the posturing. We don’t want more press releases. We want action. We want everybody to work together and stop drawing lines in the sand and saying, we’re so rigid, we’re not going to do this or we’re not going to do that, no matter what. Think about country ahead of party. Think about the next generation instead of the next election. (Applause.)

I had some interviews with some reporters, and they said, why don’t you call Congress back right now? And I said, you know what, I hope Congress goes back to their districts. And I want them to listen to how frustrated people are, how angry they are with our politics at a time when we’ve got so much work to do.

Because the last thing we need is Congress to show up back in Congress and do the exact same thing they’ve been doing. They’ve got to think differently about how we’re approaching problems. So I want them to be doing the same thing I’m doing, just talking to ordinary folks and try to remember why they got into public service in the first place. It’s not supposed to be to get attention. It’s not supposed to be so you get interviewed on cable TV. It’s not supposed to be so you have a fancy title.

You’re supposed to be in public service to serve the public. And that means that, yes, you don’t get your way 100 percent of the time. It means that you compromise. It means you apply common sense. And that’s what I’m hoping that everybody takes from visiting their district again and getting out of Washington for a while.

I can tell you nothing is more inspiring to me than the kind of trip that I’ve been taking over the last few days. We’re driving on this big bus and it’s all -- you can’t see out except when you’re standing in front, so I’m out in front. And having breakfast in a diner and going to a football practice; you’re passing rows of kids with flags and grandparents in their lawn chairs and mechanics out in front of their shops and farmers waving from their fields. And it inspires you, because it reminds you about what makes this country so great, why I love this country so much, and why we’ve got to be doing every single thing we can every minute of every day to make sure that you can continue to achieve your American Dream and pass it on to your kids and your grandchildren.

That’s why I ran for President. That’s why a whole bunch of you voted for me to be a U.S. senator and then to be President. (Applause.)

So I need your help, everybody. Thank you. Thank you. (Applause.)

All right, let’s see if this mic is working. It is. All right, what I’m going to do is I’m just going to call on folks as they raise their hands. The only rule is we’re going to go girl, boy, girl, boy -- (laughter) -- so everybody gets a chance. And there are folks in the audience with microphones. So please stand up and introduce yourself before you ask your question. And I’ll start with this young lady right here in the front.

Here we go. You’ve got a gentleman coming up with a mic.

Q Thank you, Mr. President, for being here today in Henry County. My name is Karen Urich (ph). I’m a multigenerational farmer, member of the Henry County Board and Henry County Farm Bureau. My question that I have today is I have a concern over estate taxes.

In 2013, if the Senate and the Congress fails to act, we will have our estate taxes go back to the 2001 level. We have family farms that are experiencing having to sell their land in order to pay the property taxes. And I was wondering what you see for the future of the estate tax. Thank you.

THE PRESIDENT: Well, there’s no reason why we have to go all the way back to the 2001 level. There is a compromise that has been discussed where you’d essentially have a $7 million exemption per family. There are some folks who just want to eliminate the estate tax all together. There are others who want to hike it up back to 2001.

There’s a mid-level proposal that would exempt most -- almost all family farms and nevertheless would still hit folks like Warren Buffett and make sure that he is able to pay what he wants to pay in terms of passing on something not only to his family, but also to the country that has blessed him so much.

So this is going to be part of the larger debate we have about the tax code. And the one thing I want to emphasize, a lot of folks don’t realize this, but there are only 3 percent of the population that has an annual income of more than $200,000 a year. Think about that, 97 percent of folks, their annual income is less than $200,000. And there are only less than 1 percent who are making millions of dollars. And then there’s less than one one-hundredth of 1 percent who are in the Warren Buffett category. That top 1 percent -- in fact, that top one-tenth of 1 percent, those are the main folks who have seen their incomes skyrocket over the last 10, 15 years. Ordinary families, including family farmers, basically your incomes and your wages have flatlined over the last decade.

And so when we think about tax reform we should be thinking about fairness. What’s fair? Nobody likes paying taxes. I promise you, I don’t like paying taxes. But I do believe in paying what I use -- paying for what I use. And if I want good roads, and if I want good schools for kids, and if I want the best universities in the world and I want to make sure that we’re continuing to invest in agricultural research at places like University of Illinois that have helped to make us the most productive farmers in the world, then I think I should have to pay for it. And if I’m better able to pay for it than a waitress who is making $25,000 a year, I don’t mind paying a slightly higher rate. There’s nothing socialist about that. That’s just basic fairness.

And, by the way, when you hear folks saying, well, you know what, that’s job killing -- that’s not job killing. When Bill Clinton was President we created 22 million jobs with a tax rate that was much higher across the board than it is now. We don’t have to go all the way back up there on the estate tax or any other taxes for us to close our deficit and our debt, but we should ask oil and gas companies that are making record profits that they don’t benefit from a special tax loophole that the mom-and-pop store in Alpha doesn’t get. And I don’t think there’s anything wrong with asking me to pay a little more so our senior citizens don’t have to pay an extra $5,000, $6,000 a year for their Medicare. (Applause.) That’s what we’re looking for, is balance in terms of our tax policy. (Applause.)

All right. Who’s next? This is an old friend of mine right here. Introduce yourself for everybody.

Q Phillip Nelson (ph). Welcome back to Illinois, Mr. President.

THE PRESIDENT: Good to see you, Phil.

Q And I just want to say on behalf of Illinois agriculture, we’re glad that you’re in the heartland. And as you know, Illinois agriculture is the major economic driver in this state that employs close to a million people. And my concern is this: As a fourth-generation farmer, we’re very concerned with some of the regulatory challenges that are coming our way as it relates to the Clean Air Act, the Clean Water Act. We’re concerned with what’s going in the Chesapeake Bay, and the fears that that might come to the Mississippi River Basin. And I guess my challenge, Mr. President, is that you work with the EPA Administrator to put some common sense back into some of these regulatory discussions so we don’t regulate farmers out of business.

THE PRESIDENT: Well, let me say this about -- (applause) -- because I got this question when I was in Atkinson. Some of these regulatory concerns that people have, frankly, are unfounded in the sense that if somebody even has an idea or a thought about some regulation, then right away the message is sent out, they’re coming and they’re going to make it impossible for you to farm and this and that and the other. And this thing may still be completely in a theoretical stage, where folks are trying to figure out how do we make sure that our streams and our rivers aren’t messed up. And there may not even be a regulation in place before people are already getting worried about what’s coming down the pipe.

There is not a rule or regulation that we don’t do a complete cost-benefit analysis at this point, and that we don’t have intensive discussions with those who would potentially be affected. Now, what I do think is true is that, in the past -- I’ll say not under my administration, but I think in the past historically -- there have been times where the EPA or other regulatory agencies don’t listen to farmers and figure out how can we provide them flexibility in meeting some of their goals.

So I was talking to Tom Vilsack yesterday, and he was using as an example that, in the state of Washington -- maybe it was Oregon; it was in the Pacific Northwest -- there was concern about some of the runoff was making it harder for salmon in those regions, which is also a big industry in Washington. And the problem was -- it wasn’t pollution, it was actually heating. Some of the runoff from some of the plants in the area were getting too hot, and that was inhibiting salmon. So instead of just coming up with a regulation that prohibited these industries, what they came up with was, working with farmers and conservationists, planting trees along the rivers that cooled the waters so that the salmon were unaffected.

Well, that’s the kind of creative approach where, if you’re listening to folks on the ground and you say, here, we’ve got a problem that we do need to solve, but is there a smarter way to doing it that ends up being a win-win instead of end up being a lose-lose? Let’s work together. And that’s the kind of approach that we need to take.

Don’t be fooled. I think if somebody goes out and says, we can’t afford clean air and clean water, that’s wrong. I don’t believe that. And I don’t think most farmers would agree with that, because, ultimately, nobody is better stewards of the land. And the reason we’ve got these incredible farms all around us is because we’ve got incredibly rich soil. We’ve got to make sure that we’re conserving that soil. We’ve got to make sure that our air and water continues to be healthy for our kids. And I think farmers care about that more than anybody.

So we’ve got the same goal. The question is, are we able to work together to figure out a smart way to achieve these goals? And that’s what my administration is going to be committed to doing, all right?

Right there. Yes.

Q Thank you, President Obama, and welcome to this area. My name is Judy Gunzeth (ph), and I’m director of tourism for Galesburg and Knox County. So thank you for coming for --

THE PRESIDENT: This is a great tourist location right here, County Corner.

Q Exactly.

THE PRESDIENT: Bring your families. (Applause.)

Q I also want to congratulate you on recently turning 50. I passed that milestone recently, and it’s not as bad as what people think.

THE PRESIDENT: How come you look so much better than me? (Laughter.)

Q I live in Galesburg. (Laughter.)

THE PRESIDENT: That’s why. Okay. All right. That makes sense, that makes sense.

Q I also want to commend your wife, our First Lady, on her efforts to encourage healthy eating.

THE PRESIDENT: Yes.

Q I believe that people who eat healthy are healthy, and a healthy nation is a productive nation. And I think a lot about our children, our school children, and people who are on food stamps -- and just the entire nation needs to live healthy. But it also, in the long term, it reduces health care costs, and we’re thinking about short-term health care costs, but we’re also thinking in long-term health care costs.

THE PRESIDENT: Right.

Q So what I’d like to hear is maybe just your philosophy from your administration -- ways to expound upon what your wife is doing and encouraging -- and positive incentives to encourage people to eat healthy, to live healthy, especially for our schoolchildren.

THE PRESIDENT: Well, it’s a great question. And first of all, thank you for what you’re doing to promote tourism here in Galesburg. I want to point out that America as a whole needs to do a better job of promoting tourism, because -- it used to be we just took for granted everybody wanting to come here. Now countries all around the world are promoting their countries, and we want tourism dollars to come here. And so I’ve set up a tourism council to make sure that they visit not just San Francisco and Manhattan, but they also understand what an incredible travel opportunity there is here in the Midwest and in small towns all across America.

Michelle has done a great job with a combination of nutrition facts, but also exercise. And you’re right, the reason she thought it was so important is she’s a mom with two kids. And she knows that Malia and Sasha, if they start off with healthy habits now, they’re going to be healthier when they get older. And it turns out -- we were just talking about the budget -- about a third of our increase in health care cost is directly attributable to obesity and illnesses like diabetes that are entirely preventable and curable if folks got back into the same habits that our parents and our grandparents had.

Now, a lot of it is just movement and exercise and getting kids off the couch. And that’s why you see Michelle, she goes to these events, and I will tell you, she is in very good shape. And she was running routes with the -- running routes with NFL players and throwing in first pitches and doing double-dutch and -- I can’t keep up with her.

But food is an important component of it, and this is something that actually can benefit farmers, particularly family farmers. We want more produce -- more vegetables and more fruit -- consumed all across the country. And a lot of times, farmers are not making all the money from their products because it goes through this chain of shipping and processing and distribution, and there are a lot of middlemen between the farmer and the end user. And so there’s an economic component as well as a health component, where if we can get farmers more directly linked to consumers, they’re selling their products more directly, they’re getting more fresh vegetables, more fresh fruit, then everybody can benefit.

And the way we’re trying to do it -- Michelle is doing it not by regulation, not by telling folks they have to do something, but by just information. And they’ve been able to get a lot of agreements with companies. You had Wal-Mart, for example, realizing that more and more people were asking for healthier products in their stores. Voluntarily, they and a whole bunch of other big retailers have said, we’re going to start linking up with family farmers; we’re going to start setting up better grocery stores in underserved communities, like in Danny’s district where you can go for miles without seeing a fresh vegetable; and linking up -- setting up farmers markets in urban areas where people can sell produce. And a lot of this stuff we’ve been able to do voluntarily without legislation.

Now, there are still some legislative elements to this thing. So, for example, we passed the Child Nutrition Act just to make sure that our meals in schools are a little bit healthier, so that kids are getting not just processed food, but they’re also getting fresh produce as well. And some of the time that’s a little bit more expensive in the schools. So the question is, are there some things we can cut out in order to pay to make sure that our kids are healthier? But they’ll learn more, they’ll be healthier in the long term, and in the long term we will save money, and it’s good for farmers as well.

Thanks for the great question. All right. The gentleman right here. You just stood up. There you go.

Q Thank you, Mr. President. My name is Alfred Ramirez. I’m president of the Hispanic Chamber in the Quad Cities area, and an employee of Group O in Moline. I’m going to -- this is one of the most painful places I think our country has been in decades or centuries, where we have those in power and influence who are literally tearing our country apart between the haves and the have-nots. We are willing to dismantle programs that they call entitlement programs, and those recipients or beneficiaries of those programs don’t have a mind of their own and are merely asking for a handout. And as we look for our adjustments to the budget and our cuts, could you please speak to some of those very programs that are not necessarily sacred but must stay in place to even have a ripple effect for those who benefit from them?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, first of all, let me separate out some of these programs. And I’m going to start with Social Security. People pay into Social Security. It’s a social insurance program. They’re not getting it for free. It’s not a handout. It’s taken out of your check. It’s been taken out of your check for a lifetime. And it provides you a floor when you retire.

Now, hopefully, people have other savings that help supplement their incomes in their golden years. But we’ve got to make sure Social Security is there not just for this generation but for the next generation. (Applause.) Now, Social Security is not posing a huge problem with respect to our debt and our deficit. There is a problem that if we don’t make any modifications at all, then in a few years what will start happening is, is that the amount of money going out is more than the amount coming -- amount of money going in. And people debate how soon, but in a couple of decades you’d start having a situation where you’d only get 75 cents on the dollar that you expected on Social Security.

If we make some modest changes now, the kind of changes that Ronald Reagan and Tip O’Neill agreed to back in 1983, we can preserve Social Security, make sure it’s there for the future 75 years out. So Social Security is something that we can solve relatively easily. It doesn’t mean that we don’t make any changes at all, because there may be some tweaks that we can make to the program, but we can assure that Social Security is there for future generations.

The bigger problem is Medicare and Medicaid. And the reason that’s a problem is because health care costs keep on going up faster than inflation, people’s wages, people’s incomes at the same as folks are getting older, so we’ve got more people into the system. And if we didn’t do anything, then Medicare and Medicaid would gobble up basically the entire federal budget -- and we couldn’t pay for our schools, we couldn’t pay for fixing our airports, we couldn’t pay for basic research. All the things that we expect out of our federal government we couldn’t do. All we’d be doing is just paying doctors and hospitals and nursing home facilities. That would take up the whole budget. That’s no way to run a country.

The health care bill that I passed begins the process of trying to reduce the cost of health care, reforming the cost of health care by, for example, telling providers instead of having five tests that you charge for each one, have one test and email to the five specialists who may need the test. (Applause.) Start using electronic medical records. Instead of reimbursing you for how many procedures you do, we’re going to reimburse you for how well you help the patient get well overall. We’re going to say to hospitals, how good are you at reducing infection rates in your hospital so that people aren’t being readmitted getting sick all the time.

So there are a whole bunch of things we can do to make the health care system more efficient. But even if we do all those things, we’re still going to have a problem with Medicare and Medicaid. And my basic principle is, let’s make sure that we keep this program intact, both programs -- Medicare and Medicaid -- for people in need: for our seniors, for disabled kids, for folks who’ve got a parent who’s severely ill and they’ve only got a certain capacity to support them and help them. But let’s also make sure that we’re making some common-sense changes that allows the program to be there in the future. This is in contrast to the approach that’s been taken, I’ve got to admit, by the House of Representatives when they passed their budget.

They passed a budget that basically called for voucherizing the Medicare system. This is the Republicans in the House of Representatives. And basically what they say is, here’s a flat rate that you get for Medicare, and you know what, if it turns out that it doesn’t buy you enough insurance, that’s your problem; that’s not our problem.

Now, this will cut the deficit. It will save the government money, but it does so by shifting the costs from the government to individual seniors. It doesn’t solve the problem by actually reducing health care costs. So I think that’s the wrong approach to take. I think that’s the wrong approach to take. (Applause.)

But I want to be honest with folks: We are going to have to make some modifications to Medicare and Medicaid. They don’t have to be radical, but we’re going to have to make some modifications to them in order for them to be there for the next generation. That’s part of our obligation, because we can’t just be not thinking about our kids and our grandkids as we move forward.

But we can do it in a way where the average senior is still protected, is still getting all the help that they need. It’s not a voucher program. It is guaranteed health care, because I think that’s a core principle that we’ve got to preserve. All right? (Applause.)

All right. It’s getting a little warm out here, huh? You guys doing all right? You guys hanging in there? All right. It’s a young woman’s turn. Right over there in the striped shirt. You. Yes.

Q Our family does a lot of --

THE PRESIDENT: What’s your name?

Q Allie Hand (ph).

THE PRESIDENT: Hey, Allie.

Q Our family does a lot of farming and stuff. And we’ve noticed the county fairs are shrinking. Is there anything you’re going to do about that?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, one thing I’m going to do -- I went to a county fair today and they were showing some cows. And I didn’t judge them. (Laughter.) They all looked pretty good to me. (Laughter.)

But I think the county fair tradition is so important, not only because it’s an economic attraction for the community, but also because it brings the community together. It’s a focal point for a county and it reminds people of what holds America together and the heartland together.

And so, working with the state of Illinois, working with tourism bureaus, we want to continue to promote county fairs all across Illinois. One of the things I’d like to see is -- and Danny may agree with this, coming from Chicago. There are kids in Danny’s district -- in fact, the overwhelming majority of kids in Danny’s district, they’ve never seen a cornfield like this. They’ve never seen a cow. If you asked them what does a tomato plant look like, they’d have no idea.

So part of what I’d like to see is actually more tourism maybe organized through school trips and others for people from outside of rural areas to appreciate what’s happening in rural areas. Where are they getting their food from? It doesn’t just show up in cellophane in a supermarket. Somebody is growing that. And part of the challenge is America has become so productive agriculturally that you now only have a couple percent of the people who are actively involved in farming. Ninety-eight percent of people, they just eat. (Laughter.) And I think a county fair can be a powerful education tool, and I’d like to see more kids just coming out here and be able to appreciate all the hard work that goes into the food on their table. And so maybe that’s something that your outstanding governor might want to work on. All right? (Applause.)

I got time for two more questions. Two more questions. Young man in the green, right there. Well, there are two young men in green, but I was calling on this guy right here. Yes.

Q Hello. My name is Eric Palmer (ph) and I go to Augustana College.

THE PRESIDENT: Great school.

Q Yes, it is. First of all, I just want to let you know of one thing: I am not disappointed in you like Michele Bachmann wants everyone to believe. (Applause.)

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. I appreciate that.

Q My question is about Social Security. I know that one of your ideas to fix the solvency of it is to reevaluate the equation that determines the COLA, the cost-of-living adjustment. But as the law stands right now, we are only taxed on the first $107,000 that we make.

THE PRESIDENT: Right.

Q That means every dime that I make is taxed for Social Security.

THE PRESIDENT: Right.

Q I don’t make $107,000. (Laughter.) But that means that --

THE PRESIDENT: Somebody said you will --

Q Someday, I hope.

THE PRESIDENT: Yes, you sound pretty smart. It sounds like you’re going to do just great.

Q Thanks. But that means that people like Mitt Romney only pay into Social Security on the first one-tenth of 1 percent of what they make.

THE PRESIDENT: Right.

Q Can we look forward to you telling the Republicans that it’s time that the wealthy pay their fair share? (Applause.)

THE PRESIDENT: Well, first -- this is a very well-informed young man here. (Laughter.) You’re exactly right that the way the Social Security system works, there’s what’s called -- there’s basically a cap on your Social Security, which there isn’t, by the way, on Medicare. But Social Security, it only goes up to the first $107,000; and you’re right, somebody who makes -- who has net assets of $250 million and are making maybe $5 million a year just on interest or capital gains or something, just a fraction of it’s going to Social Security. I think there’s a way for us to make adjustments on the Social Security tax that would be fairer than the system that we use right now.

I do think, in terms of how we calculate inflation, that’s important as well. By the way, seniors -- a bunch of them were upset over the last couple years because some of -- because seniors didn’t get a cost-of-living adjustment. I got a lot of letters -- “Mr. President, how come I didn’t get a COLA this year for my Social Security?” And I answered this question at the previous town hall; I figured I’d clear something up now. The way the system works is you automatically get a cost-of-living adjustment based on the inflation rate. The President doesn’t make that decision; it’s based on a formula.

And when the economy was really in the drink in 2009 and 2010, there was basically no inflation -- prices were actually going down. That’s why seniors did not get the cost-of-living adjustment. That doesn’t mean that they weren’t still having a hard time because food prices or gas prices or what have you might have been going up, or the cost of medicine. So as a consequence, we actually proposed -- and I’m sure Danny was one of the co-sponsors of this -- legislation that would have given an extra $250 to seniors just to help make ends meet. We couldn’t get Republican support for it. But seniors who are still upset about not getting your COLA -- or if they’re not here, but when you go back and you’re talking to your grandma and they’re still mad at me about it, I just want you guys to set the record straight, okay?

All right, I’ve got one last question, and I’m going -- I’ve got to ask this young lady right here, the next generation -- she gets the last word.

Q Mr. President, my name is Jordan Vinolcavak (ph), and my stepdad is the sheriff of Henry County. This year could set a record on the number of law enforcement officers killed in the line of duty. Does your administration have any plans that would include better equipping, training, or anything else that would help keep all officers safe?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, it’s a great question. How old are you, Jordan?

Q Thirteen.

THE PRESIDENT: Thirteen -- you’re Malia’s age. So you’re going into 8th grade?

Q Yes.

THE PRESIDENT: Did you already start?

Q Yes.

THE PRESIDENT: Yes? How’s school going so far?

Q Good. Today was my first day. (Laughter.)

THE PRESIDENT: Yes? No wonder you look so cheerful. (Laughter.) Well, thank you for the question, Jordan, and tell your stepdad we’re proud of him for his service. This is an example of what we have to pay for. You’re right, we’ve seen -- even though the crime rate overall and the violent crime rate has been going down, fatalities among law enforcement have actually been going up. And part of it is because criminals are getting more powerful weapons than they ever have before.

And so we’ve got to help our law enforcement -- provide them with better protection, provide them with better crime-fighting strategies. That’s true in big cities; it’s also true in rural communities. We’ve got to do a better job of tracing weapons that are going to criminals.

I’m a big believer in the Second Amendment. And I’m a big believer in hunting and sportsmen. But I also think that making sure that we’re keeping guns out of the hands of criminals is something all of us should be able to agree on. (Applause.)

But, Jordan, let me tell you something. We actually have been doing a lot. We’ve been giving a lot of money to local law enforcement, partly to prevent layoffs, partly to ensure they’ve got better equipment, things like interoperable radios so that when something happens -- let’s say you’ve got all power out, one of these tornadoes hit like hit in Joplin -- that they’re able to come together and still communicate effectively.

We’ve got things called Burn Grants that are very important to local law enforcement in dealing with, for example, methamphetamine production here in the Midwest. But all that costs money. And that’s why I want everybody to remember you’re going to hear a lot of stuff over the next year and a half, just like you have for the last two and half years, people attacking government and saying government is the problem.

And I think Jordan just reminded us government are our police officers and our firefighters. Government is all those young men and women who have been serving, protecting us in Afghanistan and Iraq. (Applause.) Government are the folks who work for FEMA, who when there’s a flood come in and help communities get back on their feet. Government is our astronauts. Government are the folks who are helping make sure that our food is properly inspected.

So don’t buy into this notion that somehow all our problems would be solved if we eliminate government. Part of the reason we had this financial crisis was because we didn’t have government doing a good enough job looking over the shoulders of the banks to make sure that they weren’t taking crazy risks. (Applause.)

And part of what happens is that people get so frustrated with politics that they just get fed up and they kind of lump government together with politics. Well, no, government needs to improve. It needs to get more efficient. We’ve got to be smarter about how we regulate issues. We’ve got to make sure that we’re not wasting taxpayer money.

But there’s a difference between politics and government. And what’s really broken is a politics that doesn’t reflect the core values and the decency and the neighborliness of the American people. (Applause.)

And that’s what I’m fighting for, and that’s what I need you fighting for. Thank you very much, Alpha. Love you. Appreciate you. (Applause.)

END
5:40 P.M. CDT

Tina Tchen Delivers Commencement Address at Knox College

Early Saturday morning, Tina Tchen, Director of the Office of Public Engagement and Executive Director of the Council on Women and Girls, addressed the Knox College graduating class of 2010. Knox was founded in 1837 by anti-slavery social reformers, led by George Washington Gale, and today ranks as one of the top private liberal arts colleges. Tchen adds to a list of distinguished keynote speakers at Knox, which has included Bill Clinton, Madeleine Albright, and in 2005, then-junior senator Barack Obama.

In her speech, Tchen acknowledged the college’s strong tradition of public service while stressing the necessity of change, both personally and politically: “Change takes you out of your comfort zone… But that's the essence of change. If you aren't challenged, if you aren't nervous, if you aren't even scared then you're not changing enough. And if you aren't changing, you aren't growing."

Tchen candidly touched on a handful of personal life lessons to encourage patience and persistence when faced with the challenges of change. She called on the graduating class to “lead the change we need to build the America of the 21st century” by ensuring equality and equal opportunity for all Americans, specifically the protection of the women and girls of the world who continue to face discrimination.  The Knox graduates were told to “go forth into the world and be a part of change… Change is important. It is worth it.”

Jenny Kaplan is the Deputy Director of the White House Council on Women and Girls.

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks by the President in State of the Union Address

U.S. Capitol

9:11 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT:  Madam Speaker, Vice President Biden, members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:

Our Constitution declares that from time to time, the President shall give to Congress information about the state of our union.  For 220 years, our leaders have fulfilled this duty. They've done so during periods of prosperity and tranquility.  And they've done so in the midst of war and depression; at moments of great strife and great struggle.

It's tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our progress was inevitable -– that America was always destined to succeed.  But when the Union was turned back at Bull Run, and the Allies first landed at Omaha Beach, victory was very much in doubt.  When the market crashed on Black Tuesday, and civil rights marchers were beaten on Bloody Sunday, the future was anything but certain.  These were the times that tested the courage of our convictions, and the strength of our union.  And despite all our divisions and disagreements, our hesitations and our fears, America prevailed because we chose to move forward as one nation, as one people. 

Again, we are tested.  And again, we must answer history's call.

One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by a severe recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse, and a government deeply in debt.  Experts from across the political spectrum warned that if we did not act, we might face a second depression.  So we acted -– immediately and aggressively.  And one year later, the worst of the storm has passed.

But the devastation remains.  One in 10 Americans still cannot find work.  Many businesses have shuttered.  Home values have declined.  Small towns and rural communities have been hit especially hard.  And for those who'd already known poverty, life has become that much harder.

This recession has also compounded the burdens that America's families have been dealing with for decades –- the burden of working harder and longer for less; of being unable to save enough to retire or help kids with college. 

So I know the anxieties that are out there right now.  They're not new.  These struggles are the reason I ran for President.  These struggles are what I've witnessed for years in places like Elkhart, Indiana; Galesburg, Illinois.  I hear about them in the letters that I read each night.  The toughest to read are those written by children -– asking why they have to move from their home, asking when their mom or dad will be able to go back to work.

For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast enough.  Some are frustrated; some are angry.  They don't understand why it seems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded, but hard work on Main Street isn't; or why Washington has been unable or unwilling to solve any of our problems.  They're tired of the partisanship and the shouting and the pettiness.  They know we can't afford it.  Not now.  

So we face big and difficult challenges.  And what the American people hope -– what they deserve -– is for all of us, Democrats and Republicans, to work through our differences; to overcome the numbing weight of our politics.  For while the people who sent us here have different backgrounds, different stories, different beliefs, the anxieties they face are the same. The aspirations they hold are shared:  a job that pays the bills; a chance to get ahead; most of all, the ability to give their children a better life. 

You know what else they share?  They share a stubborn resilience in the face of adversity.  After one of the most difficult years in our history, they remain busy building cars and teaching kids, starting businesses and going back to school. They're coaching Little League and helping their neighbors.  One woman wrote to me and said, "We are strained but hopeful, struggling but encouraged." 

It's because of this spirit -– this great decency and great strength -– that I have never been more hopeful about America's future than I am tonight.  (Applause.)  Despite our hardships, our union is strong.  We do not give up.  We do not quit.  We do not allow fear or division to break our spirit.  In this new decade, it's time the American people get a government that matches their decency; that embodies their strength.  (Applause.)   
And tonight, tonight I'd like to talk about how together we can deliver on that promise.   

It begins with our economy. 

Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the same banks that helped cause this crisis.  It was not easy to do. And if there's one thing that has unified Democrats and Republicans, and everybody in between, it's that we all hated the bank bailout.  I hated it -- (applause.)  I hated it.  You hated it.  It was about as popular as a root canal.  (Laughter.)  

But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldn't just do what was popular -– I would do what was necessary.  And if we had allowed the meltdown of the financial system, unemployment might be double what it is today.  More businesses would certainly have closed.  More homes would have surely been lost. 

So I supported the last administration's efforts to create the financial rescue program.  And when we took that program over, we made it more transparent and more accountable.  And as a result, the markets are now stabilized, and we've recovered most of the money we spent on the banks.  (Applause.)  Most but not all.

To recover the rest, I've proposed a fee on the biggest banks.  (Applause.)  Now, I know Wall Street isn't keen on this idea.  But if these firms can afford to hand out big bonuses again, they can afford a modest fee to pay back the taxpayers who rescued them in their time of need.  (Applause.)

Now, as we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps to get our economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible, and help Americans who had become unemployed. 

That's why we extended or increased unemployment benefits for more than 18 million Americans; made health insurance 65 percent cheaper for families who get their coverage through COBRA; and passed 25 different tax cuts.

Now, let me repeat:  We cut taxes.  We cut taxes for 95 percent of working families.  (Applause.)  We cut taxes for small businesses.  We cut taxes for first-time homebuyers.  We cut taxes for parents trying to care for their children.  We cut taxes for 8 million Americans paying for college.  (Applause.)

I thought I'd get some applause on that one.  (Laughter and applause.)

As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas and food and other necessities, all of which helped businesses keep more workers.  And we haven't raised income taxes by a single dime on a single person.  Not a single dime.  (Applause.)

Because of the steps we took, there are about two million Americans working right now who would otherwise be unemployed.  (Applause.)  Two hundred thousand work in construction and clean energy; 300,000 are teachers and other education workers.  Tens of thousands are cops, firefighters, correctional officers, first responders.  (Applause.)  And we're on track to add another one and a half million jobs to this total by the end of the year.

The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to the jobs, is the Recovery Act.  (Applause.)  That's right -– the Recovery Act, also known as the stimulus bill.  (Applause.)  Economists on the left and the right say this bill has helped save jobs and avert disaster.  But you don't have to take their word for it.  Talk to the small business in Phoenix that will triple its workforce because of the Recovery Act.  Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he used to be skeptical about the Recovery Act, until he had to add two more work shifts just because of the business it created.  Talk to the single teacher raising two kids who was told by her principal in the last week of school that because of the Recovery Act, she wouldn't be laid off after all. 

There are stories like this all across America.  And after two years of recession, the economy is growing again.  Retirement funds have started to gain back some of their value.  Businesses are beginning to invest again, and slowly some are starting to hire again.   

But I realize that for every success story, there are other stories, of men and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing where their next paycheck will come from; who send out resumes week after week and hear nothing in response.  That is why jobs must be our number-one focus in 2010, and that's why I'm calling for a new jobs bill tonight.  (Applause.)  

Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always be America's businesses.  (Applause.)  But government can create the conditions necessary for businesses to expand and hire more workers. 

We should start where most new jobs do –- in small businesses, companies that begin when -- (applause) -- companies that begin when an entrepreneur -- when an entrepreneur takes a chance on a dream, or a worker decides it's time she became her own boss.  Through sheer grit and determination, these companies have weathered the recession and they're ready to grow.  But when you talk to small businessowners in places like Allentown, Pennsylvania, or Elyria, Ohio, you find out that even though banks on Wall Street are lending again, they're mostly lending to bigger companies.  Financing remains difficult for small businessowners across the country, even those that are making a profit.

So tonight, I'm proposing that we take $30 billion of the money Wall Street banks have repaid and use it to help community banks give small businesses the credit they need to stay afloat. (Applause.)  I'm also proposing a new small business tax credit
-– one that will go to over one million small businesses who hire new workers or raise wages.  (Applause.)  While we're at it, let's also eliminate all capital gains taxes on small business investment, and provide a tax incentive for all large businesses and all small businesses to invest in new plants and equipment.  (Applause.) 

Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure of tomorrow.  (Applause.)  From the first railroads to the Interstate Highway System, our nation has always been built to compete.  There's no reason Europe or China should have the fastest trains, or the new factories that manufacture clean energy products.

Tomorrow, I'll visit Tampa, Florida, where workers will soon break ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act.  (Applause.)  There are projects like that all across this country that will create jobs and help move our nation's goods, services, and information.  (Applause.) 

We should put more Americans to work building clean energy facilities -- (applause) -- and give rebates to Americans who make their homes more energy-efficient, which supports clean energy jobs.  (Applause.)  And to encourage these and other businesses to stay within our borders, it is time to finally slash the tax breaks for companies that ship our jobs overseas, and give those tax breaks to companies that create jobs right here in the United States of America.  (Applause.)

Now, the House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these steps.  (Applause.)  As the first order of business this year, I urge the Senate to do the same, and I know they will.  (Applause.)  They will.  (Applause.)  People are out of work.  They're hurting.  They need our help.  And I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay.  (Applause.)

But the truth is, these steps won't make up for the seven million jobs that we've lost over the last two years.  The only way to move to full employment is to lay a new foundation for long-term economic growth, and finally address the problems that America's families have confronted for years.  

We can't afford another so-called economic "expansion" like the one from the last decade –- what some call the "lost decade" -– where jobs grew more slowly than during any prior expansion; where the income of the average American household declined while the cost of health care and tuition reached record highs; where prosperity was built on a housing bubble and financial speculation. 

From the day I took office, I've been told that addressing our larger challenges is too ambitious; such an effort would be too contentious.  I've been told that our political system is too gridlocked, and that we should just put things on hold for a while. 

For those who make these claims, I have one simple question: How long should we wait?  How long should America put its future on hold?  (Applause.)

You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades, even as the problems have grown worse.  Meanwhile, China is not waiting to revamp its economy.  Germany is not waiting.  India is not waiting.  These nations -- they're not standing still.  These nations aren't playing for second place.  They're putting more emphasis on math and science.  They're rebuilding their infrastructure.  They're making serious investments in clean energy because they want those jobs.  Well, I do not accept second place for the United States of America.  (Applause.) 

As hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the debates may become, it's time to get serious about fixing the problems that are hampering our growth.

Now, one place to start is serious financial reform.  Look, I am not interested in punishing banks.  I'm interested in protecting our economy.  A strong, healthy financial market makes it possible for businesses to access credit and create new jobs. It channels the savings of families into investments that raise incomes.  But that can only happen if we guard against the same recklessness that nearly brought down our entire economy. 

We need to make sure consumers and middle-class families have the information they need to make financial decisions.  (Applause.)  We can't allow financial institutions, including those that take your deposits, to take risks that threaten the whole economy.  

Now, the House has already passed financial reform with many of these changes.  (Applause.)  And the lobbyists are trying to kill it.  But we cannot let them win this fight.  (Applause.)  And if the bill that ends up on my desk does not meet the test of real reform, I will send it back until we get it right.  We've got to get it right.  (Applause.)

Next, we need to encourage American innovation.  Last year, we made the largest investment in basic research funding in history -– (applause) -- an investment that could lead to the world's cheapest solar cells or treatment that kills cancer cells but leaves healthy ones untouched.  And no area is more ripe for such innovation than energy.  You can see the results of last year's investments in clean energy -– in the North Carolina company that will create 1,200 jobs nationwide helping to make advanced batteries; or in the California business that will put a thousand people to work making solar panels.

But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more production, more efficiency, more incentives.  And that means building a new generation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country.  (Applause.)  It means making tough decisions about opening new offshore areas for oil and gas development.  (Applause.)  It means continued investment in advanced biofuels and clean coal technologies.  (Applause.)  And, yes, it means passing a comprehensive energy and climate bill with incentives that will finally make clean energy the profitable kind of energy in America.  (Applause.)

I am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year.  (Applause.)  And this year I'm eager to help advance the bipartisan effort in the Senate.  (Applause.) 

I know there have been questions about whether we can afford such changes in a tough economy.  I know that there are those who disagree with the overwhelming scientific evidence on climate change.  But here's the thing -- even if you doubt the evidence, providing incentives for energy-efficiency and clean energy are the right thing to do for our future -– because the nation that leads the clean energy economy will be the nation that leads the global economy.  And America must be that nation.  (Applause.)

Third, we need to export more of our goods.  (Applause.)  Because the more products we make and sell to other countries, the more jobs we support right here in America.  (Applause.)  So tonight, we set a new goal:  We will double our exports over the next five years, an increase that will support two million jobs in America.  (Applause.)  To help meet this goal, we're launching a National Export Initiative that will help farmers and small businesses increase their exports, and reform export controls consistent with national security.  (Applause.)

We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors are.  If America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign trade deals, we will lose the chance to create jobs on our shores.  (Applause.)  But realizing those benefits also means enforcing those agreements so our trading partners play by the rules.  (Applause.)  And that's why we'll continue to shape a Doha trade agreement that opens global markets, and why we will strengthen our trade relations in Asia and with key partners like South Korea and Panama and Colombia.  (Applause.)

Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people.  (Applause.)

Now, this year, we've broken through the stalemate between left and right by launching a national competition to improve our schools.  And the idea here is simple:  Instead of rewarding failure, we only reward success.  Instead of funding the status quo, we only invest in reform -- reform that raises student achievement; inspires students to excel in math and science; and turns around failing schools that steal the future of too many young Americans, from rural communities to the inner city.  In the 21st century, the best anti-poverty program around is a world-class education.  (Applause.)  And in this country, the success of our children cannot depend more on where they live than on their potential. 

When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will work with Congress to expand these reforms to all 50 states.  Still, in this economy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a good job.  That's why I urge the Senate to follow the House and pass a bill that will revitalize our community colleges, which are a career pathway to the children of so many working families.  (Applause.) 

To make college more affordable, this bill will finally end the unwarranted taxpayer subsidies that go to banks for student loans.  (Applause.)  Instead, let's take that money and give families a $10,000 tax credit for four years of college and increase Pell Grants.  (Applause.)  And let's tell another one million students that when they graduate, they will be required to pay only 10 percent of their income on student loans, and all of their debt will be forgiven after 20 years –- and forgiven after 10 years if they choose a career in public service, because in the United States of America, no one should go broke because they chose to go to college.  (Applause.) 

And by the way, it's time for colleges and universities to get serious about cutting their own costs -– (applause) -- because they, too, have a responsibility to help solve this problem. 

Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing the middle class.  That's why last year I asked Vice President Biden to chair a task force on middle-class families.  That's why we're nearly doubling the child care tax credit, and making it easier to save for retirement by giving access to every worker a retirement account and expanding the tax credit for those who start a nest egg.  That's why we're working to lift the value of a family's single largest investment –- their home.  The steps we took last year to shore up the housing market have allowed millions of Americans to take out new loans and save an average of $1,500 on mortgage payments.     

This year, we will step up refinancing so that homeowners can move into more affordable mortgages.  (Applause.)  And it is precisely to relieve the burden on middle-class families that we still need health insurance reform.  (Applause.)  Yes, we do.  (Applause.)

Now, let's clear a few things up.  (Laughter.)  I didn't choose to tackle this issue to get some legislative victory under my belt.  And by now it should be fairly obvious that I didn't take on health care because it was good politics.  (Laughter.)  I took on health care because of the stories I've heard from Americans with preexisting conditions whose lives depend on getting coverage; patients who've been denied coverage; families –- even those with insurance -– who are just one illness away from financial ruin.

After nearly a century of trying -- Democratic administrations, Republican administrations -- we are closer than ever to bringing more security to the lives of so many Americans.  The approach we've taken would protect every American from the worst practices of the insurance industry.  It would give small businesses and uninsured Americans a chance to choose an affordable health care plan in a competitive market.  It would require every insurance plan to cover preventive care. 

And by the way, I want to acknowledge our First Lady, Michelle Obama, who this year is creating a national movement to tackle the epidemic of childhood obesity and make kids healthier. (Applause.)  Thank you.  She gets embarrassed.  (Laughter.)

Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have insurance to keep their doctor and their plan.  It would reduce costs and premiums for millions of families and businesses.  And according to the Congressional Budget Office -– the independent organization that both parties have cited as the official scorekeeper for Congress –- our approach would bring down the deficit by as much as $1 trillion over the next two decades.  (Applause.)

Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the more skeptical people became.  I take my share of the blame for not explaining it more clearly to the American people.  And I know that with all the lobbying and horse-trading, the process left most Americans wondering, "What's in it for me?"

But I also know this problem is not going away.  By the time I'm finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health insurance.  Millions will lose it this year.  Our deficit will grow.  Premiums will go up.  Patients will be denied the care they need.  Small business owners will continue to drop coverage altogether.  I will not walk away from these Americans, and neither should the people in this chamber.  (Applause.)

So, as temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look at the plan we've proposed.  There's a reason why many doctors, nurses, and health care experts who know our system best consider this approach a vast improvement over the status quo.  But if anyone from either party has a better approach that will bring down premiums, bring down the deficit, cover the uninsured, strengthen Medicare for seniors, and stop insurance company abuses, let me know.  (Applause.)  Let me know.  Let me know.  (Applause.)  I'm eager to see it. 

Here's what I ask Congress, though:  Don't walk away from reform.  Not now.  Not when we are so close.  Let us find a way to come together and finish the job for the American people.  (Applause.)  Let's get it done.  Let's get it done.  (Applause.)

Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, it's not enough to dig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we find ourselves.  It's a challenge that makes all others that much harder to solve, and one that's been subject to a lot of political posturing.  So let me start the discussion of government spending by setting the record straight. 

At the beginning of the last decade, the year 2000, America had a budget surplus of over $200 billion.  (Applause.)  By the time I took office, we had a one-year deficit of over $1 trillion and projected deficits of $8 trillion over the next decade.  Most of this was the result of not paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an expensive prescription drug program.  On top of that, the effects of the recession put a $3 trillion hole in our budget.  All this was before I walked in the door.  (Laughter and applause.)

Now -- just stating the facts.  Now, if we had taken office in ordinary times, I would have liked nothing more than to start bringing down the deficit.  But we took office amid a crisis.  And our efforts to prevent a second depression have added another $1 trillion to our national debt.  That, too, is a fact.

I'm absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do.  But families across the country are tightening their belts and making tough decisions.  The federal government should do the same.  (Applause.)  So tonight, I'm proposing specific steps to pay for the trillion dollars that it took to rescue the economy last year.

Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze government spending for three years.  (Applause.)  Spending related to our national security, Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will not be affected.  But all other discretionary government programs will.  Like any cash-strapped family, we will work within a budget to invest in what we need and sacrifice what we don't.  And if I have to enforce this discipline by veto, I will.  (Applause.)  

We will continue to go through the budget, line by line, page by page, to eliminate programs that we can't afford and don't work.  We've already identified $20 billion in savings for next year.  To help working families, we'll extend our middle-class tax cuts.  But at a time of record deficits, we will not continue tax cuts for oil companies, for investment fund managers, and for those making over $250,000 a year.  We just can't afford it.  (Applause.) 

Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we'll still face the massive deficit we had when I took office.  More importantly, the cost of Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will continue to skyrocket.  That's why I've called for a bipartisan fiscal commission, modeled on a proposal by Republican Judd Gregg and Democrat Kent Conrad.  (Applause.)  This can't be one of those Washington gimmicks that lets us pretend we solved a problem.  The commission will have to provide a specific set of solutions by a certain deadline. 

Now, yesterday, the Senate blocked a bill that would have created this commission.  So I'll issue an executive order that will allow us to go forward, because I refuse to pass this problem on to another generation of Americans.  (Applause.)  And when the vote comes tomorrow, the Senate should restore the pay-as-you-go law that was a big reason for why we had record surpluses in the 1990s.  (Applause.) 
 
Now, I know that some in my own party will argue that we can't address the deficit or freeze government spending when so many are still hurting.  And I agree -- which is why this freeze won't take effect until next year -- (laughter) -- when the economy is stronger.  That's how budgeting works.  (Laughter and applause.)  But understand –- understand if we don't take meaningful steps to rein in our debt, it could damage our markets, increase the cost of borrowing, and jeopardize our recovery -– all of which would have an even worse effect on our job growth and family incomes. 

From some on the right, I expect we'll hear a different argument -– that if we just make fewer investments in our people, extend tax cuts including those for the wealthier Americans, eliminate more regulations, maintain the status quo on health care, our deficits will go away.  The problem is that's what we did for eight years.  (Applause.)  That's what helped us into this crisis.  It's what helped lead to these deficits.  We can't do it again.

Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated Washington for decades, it's time to try something new.  Let's invest in our people without leaving them a mountain of debt.  Let's meet our responsibility to the citizens who sent us here.  Let's try common sense.  (Laughter.)  A novel concept.

To do that, we have to recognize that we face more than a deficit of dollars right now.  We face a deficit of trust -– deep and corrosive doubts about how Washington works that have been growing for years.  To close that credibility gap we have to take action on both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue -- to end the outsized influence of lobbyists; to do our work openly; to give our people the government they deserve.  (Applause.)

That's what I came to Washington to do.  That's why -– for the first time in history –- my administration posts on our White House visitors online.  That's why we've excluded lobbyists from policymaking jobs, or seats on federal boards and commissions.

But we can't stop there.  It's time to require lobbyists to disclose each contact they make on behalf of a client with my administration or with Congress.  It's time to put strict limits on the contributions that lobbyists give to candidates for federal office. 

With all due deference to separation of powers, last week the Supreme Court reversed a century of law that I believe will open the floodgates for special interests –- including foreign corporations –- to spend without limit in our elections.  (Applause.)  I don't think American elections should be bankrolled by America's most powerful interests, or worse, by foreign entities.  (Applause.)  They should be decided by the American people.  And I'd urge Democrats and Republicans to pass a bill that helps to correct some of these problems.

I'm also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark reform.  Applause.)  Democrats and Republicans.  (Applause.)  Democrats and Republicans.  You've trimmed some of this spending, you've embraced some meaningful change.  But restoring the public trust demands more.  For example, some members of Congress post some earmark requests online.  (Applause.)  Tonight, I'm calling on Congress to publish all earmark requests on a single Web site before there's a vote, so that the American people can see how their money is being spent. (Applause.)

Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we don't also reform how we work with one another.  Now, I'm not naïve.  I never thought that the mere fact of my election would usher in peace and harmony -- (laughter) -- and some post-partisan era.  I knew that both parties have fed divisions that are deeply entrenched.  And on some issues, there are simply philosophical differences that will always cause us to part ways. These disagreements, about the role of government in our lives, about our national priorities and our national security, they've been taking place for over 200 years.  They're the very essence of our democracy.

But what frustrates the American people is a Washington where every day is Election Day.  We can't wage a perpetual campaign where the only goal is to see who can get the most embarrassing headlines about the other side -– a belief that if you lose, I win.  Neither party should delay or obstruct every single bill just because they can.  The confirmation of -- (applause) -- I'm speaking to both parties now.  The confirmation of well-qualified public servants shouldn't be held hostage to the pet projects or grudges of a few individual senators.  (Applause.) 

Washington may think that saying anything about the other side, no matter how false, no matter how malicious, is just part of the game.  But it's precisely such politics that has stopped either party from helping the American people.  Worse yet, it's sowing further division among our citizens, further distrust in our government.

So, no, I will not give up on trying to change the tone of our politics.  I know it's an election year.  And after last week, it's clear that campaign fever has come even earlier than usual.  But we still need to govern. 

To Democrats, I would remind you that we still have the largest majority in decades, and the people expect us to solve problems, not run for the hills.  (Applause.)  And if the Republican leadership is going to insist that 60 votes in the Senate are required to do any business at all in this town -- a supermajority -- then the responsibility to govern is now yours as well.  (Applause.)  Just saying no to everything may be good short-term politics, but it's not leadership.  We were sent here to serve our citizens, not our ambitions.  (Applause.)  So let's show the American people that we can do it together.  (Applause.)

This week, I'll be addressing a meeting of the House Republicans.  I'd like to begin monthly meetings with both Democratic and Republican leadership.  I know you can't wait.  (Laughter.)

Throughout our history, no issue has united this country more than our security.  Sadly, some of the unity we felt after 9/11 has dissipated.  We can argue all we want about who's to blame for this, but I'm not interested in re-litigating the past. I know that all of us love this country.  All of us are committed to its defense.  So let's put aside the schoolyard taunts about who's tough.  Let's reject the false choice between protecting our people and upholding our values.  Let's leave behind the fear and division, and do what it takes to defend our nation and forge a more hopeful future -- for America and for the world.  (Applause.)

That's the work we began last year.  Since the day I took office, we've renewed our focus on the terrorists who threaten our nation.  We've made substantial investments in our homeland security and disrupted plots that threatened to take American lives.  We are filling unacceptable gaps revealed by the failed Christmas attack, with better airline security and swifter action on our intelligence.  We've prohibited torture and strengthened partnerships from the Pacific to South Asia to the Arabian Peninsula.  And in the last year, hundreds of al Qaeda's fighters and affiliates, including many senior leaders, have been captured or killed -- far more than in 2008.

And in Afghanistan, we're increasing our troops and training Afghan security forces so they can begin to take the lead in July of 2011, and our troops can begin to come home.  (Applause.)  We will reward good governance, work to reduce corruption, and support the rights of all Afghans -- men and women alike.  (Applause.)  We're joined by allies and partners who have increased their own commitments, and who will come together tomorrow in London to reaffirm our common purpose.  There will be difficult days ahead.  But I am absolutely confident we will succeed.

As we take the fight to al Qaeda, we are responsibly leaving Iraq to its people.  As a candidate, I promised that I would end this war, and that is what I am doing as President.  We will have all of our combat troops out of Iraq by the end of this August.  (Applause.)  We will support the Iraqi government -- we will support the Iraqi government as they hold elections, and we will continue to partner with the Iraqi people to promote regional peace and prosperity.  But make no mistake:  This war is ending, and all of our troops are coming home.  (Applause.)   

Tonight, all of our men and women in uniform -- in Iraq, in Afghanistan, and around the world –- they have to know that we -- that they have our respect, our gratitude, our full support.  And just as they must have the resources they need in war, we all have a responsibility to support them when they come home.  (Applause.)  That's why we made the largest increase in investments for veterans in decades -- last year.  (Applause.)   That's why we're building a 21st century VA.  And that's why Michelle has joined with Jill Biden to forge a national commitment to support military families.  (Applause.)

Now, even as we prosecute two wars, we're also confronting perhaps the greatest danger to the American people -– the threat of nuclear weapons.  I've embraced the vision of John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan through a strategy that reverses the spread of these weapons and seeks a world without them.  To reduce our stockpiles and launchers, while ensuring our deterrent, the United States and Russia are completing negotiations on the farthest-reaching arms control treaty in nearly two decades.  (Applause.)  And at April's Nuclear Security Summit, we will bring 44 nations together here in Washington, D.C. behind a clear goal:  securing all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world in four years, so that they never fall into the hands of terrorists.  (Applause.)

Now, these diplomatic efforts have also strengthened our hand in dealing with those nations that insist on violating international agreements in pursuit of nuclear weapons.  That's why North Korea now faces increased isolation, and stronger sanctions –- sanctions that are being vigorously enforced.  That's why the international community is more united, and the Islamic Republic of Iran is more isolated.  And as Iran's leaders continue to ignore their obligations, there should be no doubt:  They, too, will face growing consequences.  That is a promise.  (Applause.)

That's the leadership that we are providing –- engagement that advances the common security and prosperity of all people. We're working through the G20 to sustain a lasting global recovery.  We're working with Muslim communities around the world to promote science and education and innovation.  We have gone from a bystander to a leader in the fight against climate change. We're helping developing countries to feed themselves, and continuing the fight against HIV/AIDS.  And we are launching a new initiative that will give us the capacity to respond faster and more effectively to bioterrorism or an infectious disease -– a plan that will counter threats at home and strengthen public health abroad.

As we have for over 60 years, America takes these actions because our destiny is connected to those beyond our shores.  But we also do it because it is right.  That's why, as we meet here tonight, over 10,000 Americans are working with many nations to help the people of Haiti recover and rebuild.  (Applause.)  That's why we stand with the girl who yearns to go to school in Afghanistan; why we support the human rights of the women marching through the streets of Iran; why we advocate for the young man denied a job by corruption in Guinea.  For America must always stand on the side of freedom and human dignity.  (Applause.)  Always.  (Applause.)

Abroad, America's greatest source of strength has always been our ideals.  The same is true at home.  We find unity in our incredible diversity, drawing on the promise enshrined in our Constitution:  the notion that we're all created equal; that no matter who you are or what you look like, if you abide by the law you should be protected by it; if you adhere to our common values you should be treated no different than anyone else.    

We must continually renew this promise.  My administration has a Civil Rights Division that is once again prosecuting civil rights violations and employment discrimination.  (Applause.)  We finally strengthened our laws to protect against crimes driven by hate.  (Applause.)  This year, I will work with Congress and our military to finally repeal the law that denies gay Americans the right to serve the country they love because of who they are.  (Applause.)  It's the right thing to do.  (Applause.)  

We're going to crack down on violations of equal pay laws -– so that women get equal pay for an equal day's work.  (Applause.) And we should continue the work of fixing our broken immigration system -– to secure our borders and enforce our laws, and ensure that everyone who plays by the rules can contribute to our economy and enrich our nation.  (Applause.)

In the end, it's our ideals, our values that built America  -- values that allowed us to forge a nation made up of immigrants from every corner of the globe; values that drive our citizens still.  Every day, Americans meet their responsibilities to their families and their employers.  Time and again, they lend a hand to their neighbors and give back to their country.  They take pride in their labor, and are generous in spirit.  These aren't Republican values or Democratic values that they're living by; business values or labor values.  They're American values.  

Unfortunately, too many of our citizens have lost faith that our biggest institutions -– our corporations, our media, and, yes, our government –- still reflect these same values.  Each of these institutions are full of honorable men and women doing important work that helps our country prosper.  But each time a CEO rewards himself for failure, or a banker puts the rest of us at risk for his own selfish gain, people's doubts grow.  Each time lobbyists game the system or politicians tear each other down instead of lifting this country up, we lose faith.  The more that TV pundits reduce serious debates to silly arguments, big issues into sound bites, our citizens turn away.  

No wonder there's so much cynicism out there.  No wonder there's so much disappointment. 

I campaigned on the promise of change –- change we can believe in, the slogan went.  And right now, I know there are many Americans who aren't sure if they still believe we can change –- or that I can deliver it. 

But remember this –- I never suggested that change would be easy, or that I could do it alone.  Democracy in a nation of 300 million people can be noisy and messy and complicated.  And when you try to do big things and make big changes, it stirs passions and controversy.  That's just how it is.

Those of us in public office can respond to this reality by playing it safe and avoid telling hard truths and pointing fingers.  We can do what's necessary to keep our poll numbers high, and get through the next election instead of doing what's best for the next generation. 

But I also know this:  If people had made that decision 50 years ago, or 100 years ago, or 200 years ago, we wouldn't be here tonight.  The only reason we are here is because generations of Americans were unafraid to do what was hard; to do what was needed even when success was uncertain; to do what it took to keep the dream of this nation alive for their children and their grandchildren.

Our administration has had some political setbacks this year, and some of them were deserved.  But I wake up every day knowing that they are nothing compared to the setbacks that families all across this country have faced this year.  And what keeps me going -– what keeps me fighting -– is that despite all these setbacks, that spirit of determination and optimism, that fundamental decency that has always been at the core of the American people, that lives on.   

It lives on in the struggling small business owner who wrote to me of his company, "None of us," he said, "…are willing to consider, even slightly, that we might fail."

It lives on in the woman who said that even though she and her neighbors have felt the pain of recession, "We are strong.  We are resilient.  We are American."

It lives on in the 8-year-old boy in Louisiana, who just sent me his allowance and asked if I would give it to the people of Haiti. 

And it lives on in all the Americans who've dropped everything to go someplace they've never been and pull people they've never known from the rubble, prompting chants of "U.S.A.! U.S.A.!  U.S.A!" when another life was saved. 

The spirit that has sustained this nation for more than two centuries lives on in you, its people.  We have finished a difficult year.  We have come through a difficult decade.  But a new year has come.  A new decade stretches before us.  We don't quit.  I don't quit.  (Applause.)  Let's seize this moment -- to start anew, to carry the dream forward, and to strengthen our union once more.  (Applause.)

Thank you.  God bless you.  And God bless the United States of America.  (Applause.)

                                         END                   10:20 P.M. EST
 

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Declaraciones del Presidente en Discurso sobre el Estado del la Unión

9:11 P.M. EST

EL PRESIDENTE: Señora Presidenta de la Cámara de Representantes, Vicepresidente Biden, miembros del Congreso, distinguidos invitados y conciudadanos:

Nuestra Constitución declara que, cada cierto tiempo, el Presidente debe proporcionarle al Congreso información sobre el estado de nuestra nación. Durante doscientos veinte años, nuestros líderes han cumplido con este deber. Lo han hecho durante tiempos de prosperidad y tranquilidad. Y lo han hecho en tiempos de guerra y depresión, en tiempos de gran discordia y gran pugna.

Es tentador hacer una retrospectiva de esos tiempos y suponer que nuestro progreso fue inevitable, que Estados Unidos siempre estuvo destinado a tener éxito. Pero después de la derrota de la Unión en la Batalla de Bull Run y del desembarco inicial de los Aliados en playa Omaha, el desenlace estaba muy en duda. Cuando el mercado colapsó el Martes Negro y quienes marcharon por derechos civiles fueron golpeados el Domingo Sangriento, el futuro no tenía nada de cierto. Esos fueron tiempos que sometieron a prueba la valentía de nuestras convicciones, y la fortaleza de nuestra nación. Y a pesar de todas nuestras divisiones y desacuerdos; nuestras dudas y nuestros temores; Estados Unidos prevaleció porque optamos por avanzar como una nación y un pueblo.

Nuevamente, nos hemos visto sometidos a prueba. Y nuevamente, debemos responder al llamado de la historia.

Hace un año, asumí la presidencia en medio de dos guerras, una economía conmocionada por una severa recesión, un sistema financiero al borde del colapso y un gobierno sumamente endeudado. Expertos de todo el espectro político advirtieron que si no hacíamos algo al respecto, posiblemente enfrentaríamos una segunda depresión. Por lo tanto, actuamos inmediata y enérgicamente. Y un año más tarde, lo peor de la tormenta ya pasó.

Pero quedan los daños. Uno de cada diez estadounidenses aún no puede encontrar trabajo. Muchas empresas han cerrado. La vivienda se ha devaluado. Pueblos pequeños y comunidades rurales se han visto particularmente afectados. Y para quienes ya conocían la pobreza, la vida es mucho más dura.

Esta recesión también ha hecho más pesada la carga que las familias de Estados Unidos soportan desde hace décadas: se ven obligados a trabajar más arduamente y por más tiempo por menos dinero; no pueden ahorrar suficiente para jubilarse o ayudar a los hijos con la matrícula universitaria.

O sea que estoy consciente de las ansiedades que los agobian en este momento. No son nada nuevo. Esas dificultades son el motivo por el cual me postulé a la presidencia. Estas dificultades las he presenciado durante años en lugares como Elkhart, Indiana y Galesburg, Illinois. Me entero de ellas en las cartas que leo todas las noches. Las más difíciles de leer son las que escriben los niños preguntando por qué se tienen que mudar de casa, preguntando cuándo su mamá o papá podrá volver a trabajar.

Para estos estadounidenses y tantos otros, los cambios no se han producido lo suficientemente rápido. Algunos se sienten frustrados y otros furiosos. No comprenden por qué parece que se recompensa la conducta inapropiada de Wall Street pero no el arduo trabajo de la gente promedio; o por qué Washington no ha podido o no está dispuesto a resolver ninguno de nuestros problemas. Están hartos del partidismo, el griterío y la mezquindad. Saben que no podemos darnos el lujo de hacer eso. No en este momento.

Entonces, enfrentamos importantes y difíciles desafíos. Y lo que los estadounidenses esperan –lo que merecen– es que todos nosotros, demócratas y republicanos, resolvamos nuestras diferencias y superemos el peso muerto de nuestra política. Pues si bien las personas que nos trajeron aquí provienen de diferentes esferas, y tienen historias y credos distintos, sienten la misma ansiedad. Comparten las mismas aspiraciones. Un empleo que pague las cuentas. La oportunidad de salir adelante. Más que nada, la capacidad de darles a sus hijos una vida mejor.

¿Saben qué más tienen en común? Una resistencia obstinada ante la adversidad. Tras uno de los años más difíciles en nuestra historia, siguen ocupados fabricando autos y enseñando a niños; montando empresas y retomando sus estudios. Son entrenadores de las ligas menores y ayudan a sus vecinos. Una señora me escribió, “Estamos ajustados pero tenemos esperanza, estamos pasando dificultades, pero tenemos ánimo”.

Es por este espíritu –esta gran decencia y gran fortaleza– que nunca he sentido más optimismo respecto al futuro de Estados Unidos que esta noche. (Aplausos.) A pesar de nuestras dificultades, nuestra nación es fuerte. No nos damos por vencidos. No nos rendimos. No permitimos que el temor o las divisiones nos quiten el ánimo. En esta nueva década, es hora de que los estadounidenses tengan un gobierno tan decente como ellos; que encarne su fuerza. (Aplausos.)

Y esta noche, esta noche quiero hablar sobre cómo podemos realizar esa promesa juntos.

Comienza con nuestra economía.

Nuestra tarea más urgente tras asumir el cargo fue reforzar a los mismos bancos de Wall Street cuya imprudencia ayudó a causar esta crisis. No fue fácil hacerlo. Y si hay algo que ha unido a demócratas y republicanos, y a todos los demás, es que todos odiamos el rescate de los bancos. Yo lo detesté. (Aplausos.) Yo lo detesté. Ustedes lo detestaron. Fue tan popular como una endodoncia. (Risas.)

Pero cuando me postulé a la presidencia, prometí que no solamente tomaría medidas que fueran populares. Tomaría las medidas necesarias. Y si hubiéramos permitido el colapso del sistema financiero, el desempleo posiblemente habría sido el doble de lo que es ahora. Con toda certeza, más empresas habrían cerrado. Sin duda, se habrían perdido más viviendas.

Por lo tanto, apoyé los esfuerzos del gobierno pasado de crear un programa de rescate financiero. Y cuando asumimos el programa, lo hicimos más transparente y responsable. Como resultado, los mercados ahora están estables y hemos recuperado gran parte del dinero que gastamos en los bancos. (Aplausos.) Gran parte, pero no todo.

Para recuperar el resto, he propuesto una cuota para los bancos más grandes. (Aplausos.) Bueno ya sé que a Wall Street no le gusta mucho esta idea, pero si estas firmas pueden darse el lujo de volver a dar grandes bonificaciones, pueden pagar una cuota modesta para reembolsarles a los contribuyentes que los rescataron en su momento de necesidad. (Aplausos.)
 
Ahora a medida que le dimos estabilidad al sistema financiero, también tomamos medidas para hacer que nuestra economía vuelva a crecer, preservar el mayor número posible de empleos y ayudar a los estadounidenses que se habían quedado sin empleo.

Por eso extendimos o aumentamos los beneficios de desempleo para más de 18 millones de estadounidenses; redujimos el costo del seguro médico en 65% para las familias que reciben su cobertura por medio de COBRA, y aprobamos 25 distintos recortes tributarios.

Ahora permítanme repetir: disminuimos los impuestos. Disminuimos los impuestos de 95% de las familias trabajadoras. (Aplausos.) Disminuimos los impuestos de las pequeñas empresas. Disminuimos los impuestos de quienes compran casa por primera vez. Disminuimos los impuestos de los padres que están tratando de cuidar a sus hijos. Disminuimos los impuestos de 8 millones de estadounidenses que pagan matrícula universitaria.

Pensé que lograría aplausos por eso. (Risas y aplausos.)

Como resultado, millones de estadounidenses tuvieron más dinero para gastar en gasolina y comida y otras necesidades, todo lo cual ayudó a las empresas a conservar más empleados. Y no hemos aumentado ni un centavo el impuesto a la renta de nadie. Ni un centavo. (Aplausos.)

Debido a las medidas que tomamos, aproximadamente dos millones de estadounidenses están trabajando en este momento que de otra manera estarían desempleados. (Aplausos.) 200,000 trabajan en construcción y energía limpia. 300,000 son maestros y otros trabajadores del sector educación. Decenas de miles son policías, bomberos, empleados en penitenciarías y socorristas. (Aplausos.) Y estamos por agregar 1 millón y medio de empleos adicionales a este total para fines de año.

El plan que hizo posible todo esto, desde los recortes tributarios hasta los empleos, es la Ley para la Recuperación. (Aplausos.) Correcto: la Ley para la Recuperación, también conocida como la Ley de Estímulo. (Aplausos.) Economistas de izquierda y derecha dicen que este proyecto de ley ayudó a preservar empleos y evitar catástrofes. Pero no tiene que creerles a los expertos.

Hablen con la pequeña empresa en Phoenix que aumentará el número de empleados al triple gracias a la Ley para la Recuperación.

Hablen con el fabricante de ventanas en Filadelfia que dijo que solía tener sus dudas sobre la Ley para la Recuperación, hasta que tuvo que agregar dos turnos más sólo por la demanda generada.

Hablen con la maestra que está criando sola a dos hijos a quien su directora le dijo la última semana de clases que, al fin y al cabo, no se le despediría, gracias a la Ley para la Recuperación.

Hay casos como éste en todo Estados Unidos. Y tras dos años de recesión, la economía está creciendo nuevamente. Los fondos de jubilación han comenzado a recuperar un poco de su valor.

Las empresas están comenzando a invertir nuevamente, y poco a poco, algunas están comenzando a contratar nuevamente.

Pero estoy consciente de que por cada caso de éxito, hay otros casos más de hombres y mujeres que se despiertan con la angustia de no saber de dónde vendrá su próximo cheque de pago; que mandan su currículo semana tras semana y no tienen respuesta alguna. Por eso, el empleo debe ser nuestra primera prioridad en el 2010, y por eso estoy proponiendo esta noche un nuevo proyecto de ley de empleos. (Aplausos.)

Pues bien, el verdadero motor de generación de empleo en este país siempre serán las empresas de Estados Unidos. (Aplausos.) Pero el gobierno puede crear las condiciones necesarias para que las empresas se expandan y contraten a más trabajadores.

Debemos comenzar donde se produce la mayoría de los empleos: en las pequeñas empresas, negocios que se montan cuando -- (Aplausos.) -- negocios que se montan cuando un empresario – cuando un empresario intenta toma el riesgo de hacer realidad un sueño o una empleada decide que es hora de ser su propia jefa.

     A fuerza de valor y determinación, estas empresas han resistido los embates de la recesión y están listas para el crecimiento. Pero cuando uno habla con dueños de pequeñas empresas en lugares como Allentown, Pensilvania o Elyria, Ohio, se entera de que aunque los bancos en Wall Street están otorgando préstamos nuevamente, en la mayoría de los casos es a empresas más grandes. Los dueños de pequeñas empresas en todo el país tienen dificultad para obtener financiamiento.

Entonces, esta noche propongo que tomemos $30,000 millones del dinero que los bancos de Wall Street han devuelto y lo usemos para ayudar a los bancos comunitarios a otorgarles a las pequeñas empresas el crédito que necesitan para mantenerse a flote. (Aplausos.) También estoy proponiendo un nuevo crédito tributario para pequeñas empresas que se otorgará a más de un millón de compañías pequeñas que contraten a nuevos trabajadores o aumenten sus salarios. (Aplausos.) Y aprovechemos la ocasión para eliminar también todo impuesto sobre ganancias de capital producto de inversiones de pequeñas empresas, y proporcionar un incentivo tributario para que todas las empresas, grandes o pequeñas, inviertan en nuevas plantas y equipo. (Aplausos.)

Luego, podemos poner ahora mismo a estadounidenses a trabajar construyendo la infraestructura del futuro. (Aplausos.) Desde las primeras vías ferroviarias hasta el sistema interestatal de carreteras, nuestra nación siempre se ha caracterizado por ser competitiva. No hay motivo por el cual Europa o China tengan los trenes más rápidos o las plantas más nuevas que fabrican productos de energía limpia.

Mañana, iré a Tampa, Florida, donde trabajadores pronto pondrán la primera piedra de un nuevo tren de alta velocidad financiado por la Ley para la Recuperación. (Aplausos.) Hay proyectos como ése en todo el país que generarán empleos y ayudarán a trasladar los bienes, servicios e información de nuestra nación. (Aplausos.) Debemos poner a más estadounidenses a trabajar construyendo instalaciones de energía limpia -- (Aplausos.) -- y dándoles reembolsos a los estadounidenses que hacen que su casa utilice energía más eficientemente, lo que apoya empleos de energía limpia. (Aplausos.) Y para alentar a éstas y otras empresas a permanecer dentro de nuestras fronteras, es hora de finalmente eliminar los recortes tributarios otorgados a las empresas que envían nuestros empleos al extranjero y darles dichos recortes a las empresas que generan empleos en Estados Unidos de Norteamérica. (Aplausos.)

La Cámara de Representantes ha aprobado un proyecto de ley de empleos que incluye algunas de estas medidas. (Aplausos.) Insto al Senado a que haga lo mismo como su primer acto del año, y sé que lo harán. (Aplausos.) Lo harán. (Aplausos.)La gente está sin trabajo. Está sufriendo. Necesita nuestra ayuda. Y quiero un proyecto de ley sobre empleos en mi despacho sin demora. (Aplausos.)

Pero la verdad es que estas medidas no son suficientes para recuperar los siete millones de empleos que perdimos en los últimos dos años. La única manera de pasar al pleno empleo es sentar una nueva base para el crecimiento económico a largo plazo y finalmente hacerles frente a los problemas que las familias de Estados Unidos enfrentan desde hace años.

No podemos darnos el lujo de tener una presunta “expansión” económica como la de la última década –la que algunos llaman la “década perdida”– en la que el empleo creció más lentamente que en ningún otro periodo de expansión; en la que los ingresos de la familia estadounidense promedio bajaron mientras el costo del cuidado de salud y las matrículas alcanzó niveles récord; en la que la prosperidad se basó en una burbuja de vivienda y especulación financiera.

Desde el día que asumí el mando, me han dicho que hacerles frente a nuestros grandes desafíos es demasiado ambicioso, que dichos esfuerzos serían demasiado polémicos. Me han dicho que nuestro sistema político está demasiado estancado y que deberíamos simplemente postergarlos por un tiempo.

A quienes afirman esto, les hago una simple pregunta:

¿Hasta cuándo debemos esperar? ¿Hasta cuándo debemos dejar el futuro de Estados Unidos en vilo? (Aplausos.)

Miren, desde hace décadas Washington nos viene diciendo que esperemos, incluso cuando los problemas empeoraban. Mientras tanto, China no está esperando para revitalizar su economía. Alemania no está esperando. India no está esperando. Estos países no se están cruzando de brazos. Estos países no se conforman con un segundo lugar. Están poniendo más énfasis en matemáticas y ciencias. Están reconstruyendo su infraestructura. Están haciendo inversiones importantes en energía limpia porque quieren esos empleos. Pues yo no acepto un segundo lugar para los Estados Unidos de Norteamérica. (Aplausos.)

Aunque sea difícil, aunque sea incómodo y aunque los debates sean enardecidos, es hora de dedicarnos seriamente a resolver los problemas que están entorpeciendo nuestro crecimiento.

Ahora, un lugar para comenzar es una verdadera reforma financiera. Miren, no me interesa castigar a los bancos, me interesa proteger nuestra economía. Un mercado financiero sólido y saludable hace posible que las empresas obtengan crédito y generen nuevos empleos. Convierte los ahorros de las familias en inversiones que aumentan ingresos. Pero eso sólo puede suceder si nos protegemos de la misma imprudencia que casi trajo toda nuestra economía abajo.

Es necesario que nos aseguremos de que los consumidores y las familias de clase media cuenten con la información que necesitan para tomar decisiones financieras. (Aplausos.)No podemos permitir que las instituciones financieras, entre ellas las que reciben los depósitos de ustedes, asuman riesgos que amenazan a toda la economía.

Ahora, la Cámara de Representantes ya ha aprobado una reforma financiera con muchos de estos cambios. (Aplausos.) Y los cabilderos ya están tratando de eliminarla. Pero, no podemos permitir que ganen esta batalla. (Aplausos.) Y si el proyecto de ley que termina en mi despacho no es una reforma real, lo devolveré hasta que lo hagamos correctamente. Tenemos que hacerlo correctamente. (Aplausos.)

Luego, debemos fomentar la innovación estadounidense. El año pasado, hicimos la mayor inversión en investigación básica de la historia -- (Aplausos.) -- una inversión que podría producir las celdas solares más económicas del mundo, o un tratamiento que mate las células carcinógenas sin afectar las sanas. Y ningún campo está más listo para dicha innovación que la energía. Pueden ver los resultados de la inversión del año pasado en energía limpia en la compañía de Carolina del Norte que generará 1200 empleos a nivel nacional ayudando a producir baterías avanzadas; o en la compañía de California que pondrá a mil personas a trabajar fabricando paneles solares.

Pero para generar más de estos empleos de energía limpia, necesitamos más producción, más eficiencia y más incentivos. Y eso significa construir una nueva generación de plantas nucleares seguras y no contaminantes en este país. (Aplausos.) Significa tomar decisiones difíciles sobre permitir la explotación del gas y el petróleo en zonas nuevas mar adentro. (Aplausos.) Significa la inversión continua en biocombustibles avanzados y tecnología de carbón limpio. (Aplausos.) Y sí, significa aprobar una medida integral de energía y clima con incentivos que finalmente harán que la energía limpia sea del tipo rentable en Estados Unidos. (Aplausos.)

Estoy agradecido con la Cámara de Representantes por aprobar un proyecto de ley así el año pasado. (Aplausos.) Y este año, estoy deseoso de ayudar a promover el esfuerzo bipartidista en el Senado. Sé que se ha cuestionado si podemos pagar estos cambios durante un difícil momento económico; y sé que hay quienes aún no están de acuerdo con la abrumadora evidencia científica sobre el cambio climático. Pero esta es la realidad, incluso si ustedes cuestionan la evidencia, otorgar incentivos para la eficiencia energética y energía limpia es lo acertado para nuestro futuro, porque el país que sea líder en la economía de energía limpia será el país líder en la economía mundial. Y Estados Unidos debe ser ese país. (Aplausos.)

En tercer lugar, necesitamos exportar más de nuestros bienes. (Aplausos.) Porque mientras más productos fabriquemos y vendamos a otros países, más empleos respaldaremos aquí en Estados Unidos. (Aplausos.) Por eso, esta noche, nos proponemos una nueva meta: Aumentaremos al doble nuestras exportaciones en los próximos cinco años, un aumento que respaldará dos millones de empleos en Estados Unidos. (Aplausos.) Para alcanzar este objetivo, estamos iniciando el Programa Nacional de Exportaciones, que ayudará a los agricultores y pequeñas empresas a aumentar sus exportaciones y reformará los controles de exportación de manera acorde con la seguridad nacional. (Aplausos.)

Tenemos que buscar nuevos mercados tan enérgicamente como nuestros competidores lo están haciendo. Si Estados Unidos permanece al margen mientras otros países firman tratados comerciales, perderemos la oportunidad de generar empleo y prosperidad en nuestro territorio. (Aplausos.) Para obtener esos beneficios también debemos ratificar esos acuerdos para que nuestros socios comerciales se atengan a las normas. (Aplausos.) Y por eso, este año seguiremos trabajando para formular un acuerdo comercial de Doha que abra mercados en todo el mundo, y continuaremos fortaleciendo nuestros acuerdos comerciales en Asia y aliados clave como Corea del Sur, y Panamá y Colombia. (Aplausos.)

En cuarto lugar, debemos invertir en la capacitación y educación de nuestra gente. (Aplausos.)

Este año, hemos superado el impasse entre la izquierda y derecha al iniciar una competencia nacional para mejorar nuestras escuelas. La idea aquí es simple: en vez de recompensar el fracaso, sólo recompensamos el éxito. En vez de financiar el status quo, sólo invertiremos en reformas que mejoren el desempeño académico, inspiren a los estudiantes a sobresalir en matemáticas y ciencias, y hagan que repunten las escuelas deficientes que les roban su futuro a demasiados jóvenes estadounidenses de comunidades rurales y barrios pobres urbanos. En el siglo XXI, el mejor programa para combatir la pobreza es una educación de primera calidad. (Aplausos.) Y en este país, el éxito de nuestros hijos no debe depender más de dónde viven que de su potencial.

Cuando renovemos la Ley de Educación Primaria y Secundaria, trabajaremos con el Congreso para ampliar estas reformas a todos los cincuenta estados. Sin embargo, en esta economía, un diploma de secundaria ya no garantiza un buen trabajo. Es por eso que hago un llamado al Senado para que siga los pasos de la Cámara de Representantes y apruebe un proyecto de ley que revitalice nuestras instituciones comunitarias de enseñanza superior, que son un sendero vocacional para los hijos de muchas familias trabajadoras. (Aplausos.)

 Para hacer que los estudios universitarios sean más económicos, este proyecto de ley finalmente acabará con los innecesarios subsidios, con dinero de los contribuyentes, a los bancos que otorgan préstamos estudiantiles. (Aplausos.) En vez, usemos ese dinero para darles a las familias $10,000 en créditos tributarios por cuatro años de universidad y aumentemos las becas Pell. (Aplausos.) Y digámosle además a otro millón de estudiantes que cuando se gradúen, sólo se requerirá que paguen préstamos estudiantiles hasta con diez por ciento de sus ingresos, y condonaremos toda la deuda tras veinte años, y la condonaremos en diez años si optan por el servicio público. Porque en Estados Unidos de Norteamérica, nadie debe irse a la ruina porque opta por ir a la universidad. (Aplausos.)

Y a propósito, es hora de que las universidades de dos y cuatro años tomen en serio los recortes de sus propios costos -- (Aplausos) -- porque ellos también tienen la responsabilidad de ayudar a resolver este problema.

Ahora, el precio de las matrículas universitarias es apenas una de las cargas que enfrenta la clase media. Por eso, el año pasado le pedí al Vicepresidente Biden que presidiera un Grupo de Trabajo sobre las Familias de la Clase Media. Por eso estamos aumentando a casi el doble el crédito tributario por cuidado infantil este año y facilitando los ahorros de jubilación al darle a todo trabajador acceso a una cuenta de jubilación y expandiendo el crédito tributario a quienes comienzan a ahorrar. Por eso estamos esforzándonos por aumentar el valor de la principal inversión de una familia: su vivienda. Las medidas que tomamos el año pasado para apuntalar el mercado inmobiliario han permitido que millones de estadounidenses obtengan nuevos préstamos y ahorren un promedio de $1,500 en pagos hipotecarios.

Este año, intensificaremos el refinanciamiento para que los propietarios de vivienda puedan hacer la transición a préstamos hipotecarios más al alcance de sus bolsillos. (Aplausos.) Y precisamente para aliviar la carga sobre las familias de clase media que todavía necesitamos la reforma del seguro médico. (Aplausos.) Si la necesitamos. (Aplausos.)

Ahora aclaremos algunos cosas. (Risas.) Yo no escogí enfrentar este tema para lograr una victoria legislativa para halagarme a mi mismo. Y a estas alturas se debe apreciar facilmente que no emprendí la reforma del cuidado médico por que sería algo bueno desde el punto de vista de la política. (Risas.) Emprendí la reforma por las historias que he escuchado de estadounidenses con condiciones pre-existentes cuyas vidas dependen de conseguir cobertura; pacientes a quienes se les ha negado la cobertura; y familias – aún las que tienen seguro – que están a una sola enfermedad de la ruina financiera.

Despues de casi un siglo de tratar -- gobiernos Demócratas, gobiernos Republicanos -- estamos más cerca que nunca de ofrecerle mayor seguridad en sus vidas a tantos estadounidenses. El enfoque que adoptamos protegería a todo estadounidense de las peores prácticas de la industria de seguros. Le brindaría a las pequeñas empresas y a los estadounidenses sin seguro la oportunidad de escoger una póliza al alcanze de sus bolsillos en un mercado especializado competitivo. Requeriría que toda póliza ofrezca cuidado preventivo.

Y a propósito, quiero reconocer a nuestra Primera Dama Michelle Obama, quien este año está creando un movimiento nacional para atacar la epidemia de la obesidad juvenil y lograr que nuestros hijos sean más saludables. (Aplausos.) Gracias. A ella le da pena. (Risas.)

Nuestro plan protegería el derecho de estadounidenses que tienen seguro de quedarse con su doctor y su póliza. Reduciría los costos y las primas para millones de familias y empresas. Y de acuerdo a la Oficina Congresional del Presupuesto – la organización independiente que ha sido citada por ambos partidos como el árbitro oficial del Congreso – nuestro plan reduciría el déficit por apróximadamente $1 billón durante las próximas dos décadas. (Aplausos.)

Bueno, sé que éste es un tema complejo, y en cuanto más tardó el debate, fue aumentando el escepticismo entre el público. Y yo acepto mi parte de la culpa por no haberlo explicado al pueblo estadounidense con mayor claridad. Yo se que con todas las peleas y el cabildeo y las prebendas, este proceso dejo a la mayoría de los estadounidenses preguntandose, “¿en qué me beneficio yo?”

Pero también sé que este problema no va a desaparecer. Para cuando termine de hablar esta noche, más estadounidenses habrán perdido su seguro médico. Millones lo perderán este año. Nuestro déficit aumentará.  Las primas aumentarán. Los copagos aumentarán. Se les negará a los pacientes el cuidado que necesitan. Los dueños de pequeñas empresas continuarán cancelando toda cobertura. No abandonaré a estos estadounidenses. Tampoco debe hacerlo la gente en esta cámara. (Aplausos.)

En la medida en que se calmen los ánimos, quiero que todos le den una segunda mirada al plan que hemos propuesto. Hay una razón por la cual quienes conocen mejor nuestro sistema, muchos doctores, enfermeras, y expertos en el cuidado de salud, consideran que comparado al status quo este plan sería un gran mejoramiento.  Pero si alguien de cualquier partido tiene un plan mejor que reduzca las primas, reduzca el déficit, cubra a quienes no tienen seguro, afiance el medicare para nuestras personas mayores, y acabe con los abusos de las compañías de seguro, dejenme saber. (Aplausos.) Dejenme saber. Dejenme saber. (Aplausos.) Estoy ansioso de verlo.

Esto es lo que le pido al Congreso: No le den la espalda a la reforma. No ahora. No cuando estamos tan cerca. Econtremos la manera de unirnos y terminemos el trabajo por el pueblo estadounidense. (Aplausos.) Hagámoslo. Hagámoslo. (Aplausos.)

Ahora, a pesar de que la reforma de salud reduciría nuestro déficit, no es suficiente para sacarnos del hoyo fiscal masivo en el que nos encontramos. Es un reto que hace mucho más dificil solucionar todos los otros, y que ha sido el enfoque de mucha politiquería.

Así que permitanme comenzar la discusión sobre los gastos del gobierno diciendo las cosas como son. Al comienzo de la última década, los Estados Unidos tenía un superávit presupuestal de más de $200,000 millones. (Aplausos.) Para cuando asumí la presidencia, teníamos un déficit de un año de más de $1 billón y las proyecciones durante la próxima década eran de $8 billones. La mayor parte de esto era el resultado de no haber pagado los costos de dos guerras, dos reducciones de impuestos, y un programa caro de recetas médicas. Encima de eso, los efectos de la recesión dejaron un hoyo de $3 billones en nuestro presupuesto. Todo eso fue antes de que yo entrara en funciones. (Risas y aplausos.)

Solo estoy declarando los hechos. Ahora, si hubieramos entrado en funciones durante tiempos regulares, no hubiera preferido nada más que comenzar con la reducción del déficit. Pero entramos en funciones en medio de una crisis, y nuestros esfuerzos para prevenir una segunda depresión han sumado $1 billón más a nuestra deuda nacional. Eso también es un hecho.

Estoy absolutamente convencido de que fue lo acertado. Pero familias de todo el país están ajustándose el cinturón y tomando decisiones difíciles. El gobierno federal debe hacer lo mismo. (Aplausos.) Por lo tanto, esta noche, estoy proponiendo medidas específicas para pagar el billón de dólares que fue necesario para rescatar la economía el año pasado.

A partir del 2011, estamos preparados a congelar el gasto gubernamental por tres años. (Aplausos.) El gasto relacionado con nuestra seguridad nacional, Medicare, Medicaid y el Seguro Social no se verá afectado. Pero todos los demás programas discrecionales del gobierno sí. Como cualquier familia a la que no le alcanza el dinero, trabajaremos conforme a un presupuesto para invertir en lo que necesitamos y sacrificar lo que no. Y si tengo que utilizar el veto para que nos ciñamos a esta disciplina, lo haré. (Aplausos.)

Continuaremos analizando el presupuesto, partida por partida, hoja por hoja, para eliminar programas que no podemos pagar y que no son eficaces. Ya hemos identificado $20,000 millones en ahorros para el próximo año. Para ayudar a las familias trabajadoras, extenderemos nuestros recortes tributarios para la clase media. Pero en tiempos de un déficit récord, no continuaremos los recortes tributarios para las empresas petroleras, los administradores de fondos de inversión y quienes ganan más de $250,000 al año. Simplemente no podemos darnos ese lujo. (Aplausos.)

Ahora, incluso después de pagar lo que gastamos durante mi periodo, enfrentaremos el enorme déficit que teníamos cuando asumí la presidencia. Lo que es más importante aun, los costos de Medicare, Medicaid y el Seguro Social continuarán aumentando vertiginosamente. Por eso he propuesto una Comisión Fiscal bipartidista, basada en una propuesta del republicano Judd Gregg y el demócrata Kent Conrad. (Aplausos.) Éste no puede ser uno de esos artilugios de Washington que nos permite aparentar que resolvimos un problema. La comisión tendrá que ofrecer un conjunto específico de soluciones para cierta fecha límite.

Ayer, el Senado bloqueó el proyecto de ley que habría creado esta comisión. Por lo tanto, aprobaré un decreto ejecutivo que nos permitirá proseguir, pues me rehúso a heredarle este problema a otra generación de estadounidenses. (Aplausos.) Y cuando sea hora de votar el día de mañana, el Senado debe hacer que vuelva a tener vigencia la ley que exige el pago de gastos cuando se incurre en ellos, una de las principales razones por las que tuvimos un superávit récord en los años noventa. (Aplausos.)
 
Ahora, sé que hay miembros de mi propio partido que alegan que no podemos acometer el déficit o congelar el gasto del gobierno cuando tantos aún sufren. Y estoy de acuerdo, razón por la cual esta congelación no entrará en vigor sino hasta el próximo año -- (risas) -- cuando la economía tenga mayor solidez. Así funcionan los presupuestos. (Risas y aplausos.) Pero comprendan -- comprendan: si no tomamos medidas significativas para frenar nuestra deuda, podría perjudicar nuestro mercado, aumentar el costo de los préstamos y comprometer nuestra recuperación, todo lo cual tendría un efecto aun peor en la generación de empleo y el aumento de los ingresos familiares.

De algunos de derecha, espero oír un argumento diferente: que si simplemente hacemos menos inversiones en nuestra gente, les otorgamos recortes tributarios incluyendo a los estadounidenses más acaudalados, eliminamos más normas y mantenemos el status quo en el cuidado de salud, nuestro déficit desaparecerá. El problema es que eso fue lo que hicimos durante ocho años. (Aplausos.) Eso fue lo que ayudó a llevarnos a esta crisis. Es lo que ayudó a producir este déficit. No podemos volver a hacerlo.

En vez de luchar las mismas trilladas batallas que han dominado Washington durante décadas, es hora de algo nuevo. Invirtamos en nuestro pueblo sin dejarle una montaña de deudas. Cumplamos con nuestra responsabilidad para con la gente que nos trajo aquí. Probemos usar sentido común. (Risas.) Un concepto novedoso.

Para hacer eso, debemos reconocer que enfrentamos más que un déficit de dinero en este momento. Enfrentamos un déficit de confianza: dudas profundas y corrosivas sobre la manera en que opera Washington que se vienen gestando desde hace años. A fin de cerrar esa brecha de credibilidad, debemos tomar medidas en ambos extremos de Pensilvania Avenue para acabar con la influencia desproporcionada de los cabilderos; para hacer nuestra labor a la vista de todos, y para darle a nuestro pueblo el gobierno que se merece. (Aplausos.)

Para eso vine a Washington. Por eso –por primera vez en la historia– mi gobierno publica en Internet quién visita la Casa Blanca. Y por eso hemos excluido a los cabilderos de puestos o escaños en juntas y comisiones federales que dictan política.

Pero no podemos parar allí. Es hora de requerir que los cabilderos informen de cada contacto que tienen con mi gobierno o el Congreso a favor de un cliente. Es hora de poner límites estrictos a las contribuciones que los cabilderos les dan a los candidatos a cargos federales.

Con todo el respeto debido a la separación de poderes, la semana pasada, la Corte Suprema anuló un siglo de leyes que yo creo permitirán que oleadas de intereses especiales –incluidas las empresas extranjeras– inunden nuestras elecciones con gastos ilimitados. (Aplausos.) Yo no creo que las elecciones en Estados Unidos deben ser financiadas por los intereses más poderosos de Estados Unidos, y peor aun, por entidades extranjeras. Deben ser decididas por el pueblo estadounidense. Y estoy instando a los demócratas y republicanos a que aprueben una medida para corregir algunos de estos problemas.
 
También estoy haciendo un llamado al Congreso para que continúe la reforma de asignaciones para proyectos especiales. (Aplausos.) Demócratas y Republicanos. (Aplausos.) Demócratas y Republicanos. Ustedes han recortado algunos de estos gastos y ustedes han aceptado ciertos cambios significativos. Pero se requiere hacer más para recuperar la confianza del público. Por ejemplo, algunos miembros del Congreso publican en Internet las solicitudes de asignaciones especiales. (Aplausos.) Esta noche, insto al Congreso a que publique todas las solicitudes de asignaciones especiales en un solo sitio de Internet antes de que se someta a votación para que el pueblo estadounidense pueda ver cómo se está gastando su dinero. (Aplausos.)
 
Por supuesto que ninguna de estas reformas siquiera tendrá lugar si no reformamos también la manera en que trabajamos unos con otros.

No, no soy ingenuo. Nunca pensé que el simple hecho de mi elección daría paso a la paz y la armonía -- (risas) -- y a una era de post partidismo. Sabía que ambos partidos han alimentado divisiones que están profundamente arraigadas. Y en algunos casos, simplemente hay diferencias filosóficas que siempre nos dividirán. Estos desacuerdos sobre la función del gobierno en nuestra vida, sobre nuestras prioridades nacionales y nuestra seguridad nacional vienen ocurriendo desde hace más de doscientos años. Son la esencia de nuestra democracia.

Pero lo que frustra a los estadounidenses es un Washington donde todos los días son días de elecciones. No podemos librar una campaña perpetua en la que el único objetivo es ver quién puede lograr los titulares más vergonzosos sobre el opositor, la noción de que si tú pierdes, yo gano. Ningún partido debe retrasar ni obstruir todo proyecto de ley simplemente porque puede hacerlo. La confirmación de -- (aplausos) -- le hablo a ambos partidos ahora, la confirmación de funcionarios públicos muy competentes no debe estar atada a los proyectos preferidos o los resentimientos de unos pocos senadores. (Aplausos.)

Washington quizá piense que decir cualquier cosa sobre la otra parte, por más falso que sea, no obstante el nivel de malicia, es simplemente parte del juego. Pero es precisamente ese tipo de política lo que ha evitado que partido alguno ayude a los estadounidenses. Peor aun, está creando mayor división entre nuestros ciudadanos y mayor desconfianza en nuestro gobierno.

Entonces, no, no me daré por vencido con respecto a tratar de cambiar el tono de nuestra política. Sé que es un año de elecciones. Y tras la semana pasada, está claro que la fiebre electoral ha llegado incluso antes de lo acostumbrado. Pero aún debemos gobernar.

A los demócratas les recuerdo que aún tenemos la mayoría más numerosa en varias décadas, y la gente espera que resolvamos problemas, no que salgamos corriendo. (Aplausos.) Y si los líderes republicanos insisten en que se requieren sesenta votos en el Senado para lograr cualquier cosa en esta ciudad -- una super mayoría -- entonces la responsabilidad de gobernar ahora es de ustedes también. (Aplausos.) Quizá sea bueno para la política a corto plazo simplemente decirle no a todo, pero no es liderazgo. Nos trajeron aquí para ponernos al servicio de nuestros ciudadanos, no nuestras ambiciones. (Aplausos.) Entonces, mostrémosles a los estadounidenses que podemos lograrlo juntos. (Aplausos.)

Esta semana, hablaré en una reunión de los republicanos de la Cámara de Representantes. Y me gustaría comenzar a tener reuniones mensuales con líderes tanto demócratas como republicanos. Sé que las esperan ansiosamente. (Risas.)

En toda nuestra historia, ningún asunto ha unido a este país más que nuestra seguridad. Lamentablemente, parte de la unidad que sentimos tras el 11 de septiembre se ha disipado. Podemos discutir todo lo que queramos sobre quién tiene la culpa de esto, pero no me interesa tener otro pleito sobre el pasado. Sé que todos nosotros amamos a este país. Todos nosotros estamos comprometidos con su defensa. Entonces, pongamos de lado los insultos de colegiales sobre quién es más recio. Rechacemos la falsa opción entre proteger a nuestro pueblo y defender nuestros valores. Dejemos atrás el temor y el divisionismo, y hagamos lo necesario para defender a nuestra nación y forjar un futuro más lleno de esperanza, para Estados Unidos y el mundo. (Aplausos.)

Ésa es la labor que iniciamos el año pasado. Desde el primer día de mi presidencia, hemos renovado nuestra atención a los terroristas que amenazan a nuestra nación. Hicimos considerables inversiones en nuestra seguridad nacional e interrumpimos complots que amenazaban vidas estadounidenses. Estamos llenando brechas inaceptables que delató el frustrado atentado de Navidad, con mejor seguridad en el transporte aéreo y respondiendo más rápido a nuestra información de inteligencia. Hemos prohibido la tortura y forjado alianzas más estrechas desde el Pacífico hasta el sur de Asia y la Península Arábiga. Y el año pasado, cientos de combatientes y afiliados a Al Qaida, incluidos muchos de sus principales líderes, han sido capturados o eliminados, muchos más que en el 2008.

Y en Afganistán, estamos aumentando nuestra presencia militar y capacitando a las Fuerzas de Seguridad afganas para que puedan comenzar a asumir la delantera en julio del 2011, y que nuestros soldados puedan comenzar a regresar a casa. (Aplausos.) Recompensaremos el buen gobierno, trabajar para reducir la corrupción y apoyaremos los derechos de todos los afganos, tanto hombres como mujeres. (Aplausos.) Están de nuestro lado aliados y socios que han aumentado su propio compromiso y que se congregarán mañana en Londres para reiterar nuestro propósito común. Se avecinan días difíciles. Pero estoy absolutamente seguro de que tendremos éxito.

Al llevar la lucha donde Al Qaida, estamos dejando responsablemente a Irak en manos de su pueblo. Como candidato, prometí que llevaría esta guerra a su fin, y eso es lo que estoy haciendo como Presidente. Todas nuestras tropas de combate habrán salido de Irak para fines de agosto. (Aplausos.) Apoyaremos al gobierno de Irak -- Apoyaremos al gobierno de Irak cuando tenga elecciones y continuaremos asociándonos con los iraquíes para promover la paz y prosperidad regional. Pero que no quepa la menor duda: esta guerra está concluyendo, y todos nuestros soldados regresarán a casa.  (Aplausos.)

Esta noche, todos nuestros hombres y mujeres de uniforme –en Irak, Afganistán y alrededor del mundo– deben saber que nosotros -- que cuentan con nuestro respeto, nuestra gratitud y nuestro pleno respaldo. Y así como deben contar con los recursos que necesitan en la guerra, todos tenemos la responsabilidad de apoyarlos cuando regresen. (Aplausos.) Por eso hemos hecho el mayor aumento en inversión para veteranos en varias décadas. El año pasado. (Aplausos.) Por eso estamos construyendo una Dirección de Veteranos del siglo XXI. Y por eso Michelle ha unido fuerzas con Jill Biden para forjar un compromiso nacional a fin de apoyar a las familias militares. (Aplausos.)

Ahora, incluso al librar dos guerras, también enfrentamos lo que posiblemente sea el mayor peligro para los estadounidenses: la amenaza de las armas nucleares. Me he acogido a la visión de John F. Kennedy y Ronald Reagan con una estrategia que revierte el proceso de proliferación de dichas armas y procura eliminarlas del mundo. Para reducir nuestro arsenal y lanzadores a la vez que aseguramos nuestros elementos de disuasión, Estados Unidos y Rusia estarán concluyendo negociaciones del tratado de control de armas de mayor envergadura en casi dos décadas. (Aplausos.) Y en la Cumbre sobre la Seguridad Nuclear de abril, congregaremos a cuarenta y cuatro países aquí en Washington, D.C. con un objetivo claro: el depósito seguro de todos los materiales nucleares vulnerables alrededor del mundo en cuatro años, para que nunca caigan en manos de terroristas. (Aplausos.)

Ahora, estos esfuerzos diplomáticos también nos han dado más influencia al tratar con aquellos países que insisten en trasgredir los acuerdos internacionales para obtener armas nucleares. Por eso, Corea del Norte enfrenta ahora más aislacionismo y sanciones más fuertes, las cuales se están aplicando vigorosamente. Por eso la comunidad internacional está más unida, y la República Islámica de Irán está más aislada. Y si los líderes de Irán continúan ignorando sus obligaciones, no debe haber la menor duda: ellos también enfrentarán consecuencias cada vez mayores. Eso es una promesa. (Aplausos.)

Ése es el liderazgo que estamos aportando, relaciones que promueven la seguridad y prosperidad común de todos los pueblos. Estamos trabajando por medio del G-20 para mantener una recuperación mundial perdurable. Estamos trabajando con comunidades musulmanas en todo el mundo para promover las ciencias, educación e innovación. Hemos pasado de ser espectadores a líderes en la lucha contra el cambio climático. Estamos ayudando a los países en desarrollo a alimentarse y continuamos la lucha contra el VIH/SIDA. Y estamos iniciando un nuevo programa que nos dará la capacidad de responder más rápido y eficazmente al bioterrorismo o una enfermedad infecciosa, un plan que combatirá amenazas dentro del país y mejorará la salud pública en el extranjero.

Como lo hemos hecho durante más de sesenta años, Estados Unidos está tomando estas medidas porque nuestro destino está conectado a quienes viven más allá de nuestras fronteras. Pero también lo hacemos porque es lo correcto. Por eso, al reunirnos esta noche aquí, más de 10,000 estadounidenses están trabajando con muchos países para ayudar a la gente de Haití a recuperarse y reconstruir. (Aplausos.) Por eso, apoyamos a la niña que anhela ir a la escuela en Afganistán; apoyamos los derechos humanos de las mujeres que marchan por las calles de Irán, y abogamos por el joven a quien se le negó un empleo debido a la corrupción en Guinea. Estados Unidos siempre debe estar de lado de la libertad y dignidad humana. (Aplausos.) Siempre. (Aplausos.)

En el extranjero, nuestros ideales siempre han sido la mayor fuente del poderío de Estados Unidos. Lo mismo ocurre dentro del país. Encontramos unidad en nuestra gran diversidad, en base a la promesa consagrada en nuestra Constitución: la noción de que todos somos creados iguales, que independientemente de quién eres o qué apariencia tienes, si obedeces la ley, ésta te debe proteger; que si te ciñes a nuestros valores comunes, deben tratarte igual que a todos los demás.  

Debemos renovar continuamente esta promesa. Mi gobierno cuenta con una División de Derechos Civiles que nuevamente está procesando violaciones de derechos civiles y discriminación laboral. (Aplausos.) Finalmente contamos con leyes más estrictas para protegernos de los crímenes alimentados por el odio. (Aplausos.) Este año, trabajaré con el Congreso y nuestras Fuerzas Armadas para finalmente abolir la ley que les niega a los estadounidenses homosexuales, por ser como son, el derecho de servir a la patria que aman. (Aplausos.) Es lo correcto y lo que se debe hacer. (Aplausos.)

 Vamos a tomar medidas estrictas contra las infracciones de las leyes de remuneración equitativa, para que las mujeres puedan recibir la misma paga por la misma jornada de trabajo. (Aplausos.) Y debemos continuar el trabajo de arreglar nuestro sistema dañado de inmigración; para reforzar nuestras fronteras, velar por el cumplimiento de nuestras leyes y asegurar que todos aquellos que se acojan a las reglas puedan contribuir a nuestra economía y enriquecer a nuestra nación. (Aplausos.)

A fin de cuentas, son nuestros ideales, nuestros valores los que propiciaron el desarrollo de Estados Unidos; valores que nos permitieron forjar una nación compuesta por inmigrantes de todos los rincones del mundo; valores que aún guían a nuestros ciudadanos. Todos los días, los estadounidenses cumplen con sus responsabilidades para con sus familias y sus empleadores. Una y otra vez, les dan una mano a sus vecinos y hacen aportes a su país. Se enorgullecen de su trabajo y son generosos de espíritu. Los valores que guían su vida no son valores republicanos o demócratas. Son valores estadounidenses. 

Desafortunadamente, demasiados de nuestros ciudadanos han perdido la fe en que nuestras principales instituciones –nuestras corporaciones, nuestros medios y, sí, nuestro gobierno– aún reflejan los mismos valores. Cada una de estas instituciones está repleta de hombres y mujeres honorables que realizan un trabajo importante que ayuda a que nuestro país prospere. Pero cada vez que un alto ejecutivo se otorga a sí mismo una recompensa por fracasos o un banquero arriesga lo nuestro por lucrar egoístamente, las dudas de la gente aumentan. Cada vez que los cabilderos explotan el sistema o los políticos se atacan unos a otros en vez de hacer mejoras en este país, perdemos la fe. Mientras los comentaristas de televisión más reduzcan debates serios a argumentos tontos y los temas importantes a citas jugosas, nuestros ciudadanos más se distanciarán. 

No es de extrañar que haya tanto cinismo por allí.

No es de extrañar que haya tanta decepción.

Hice campaña con la promesa de hacer cambios, cambios en los que podemos creer, decía el eslogan. Y en este momento, sé que hay muchos estadounidenses que no están seguros de si aún creen que podemos cambiar, o por lo menos, de si puedo cumplir lo ofrecido.

Pero recuerden lo siguiente: nunca insinué que el cambio sería fácil o que lo podía hacer yo solo. La democracia en una nación de trescientos millones de personas puede ser bulliciosa y confusa y complicada. Y cuando tratas de hacer cosas importantes y hacer cambios importantes, se despiertan pasiones y controversia. Simplemente es así.

Quienes ocupamos cargos públicos podemos responder a esta realidad yendo a lo seguro y evitando decir verdades que duelen, y culpando a otros. Podemos hacer lo necesario para mantener nuestra popularidad en las encuestas y llegar a las siguientes elecciones en vez de hacer lo que es mejor para la próxima generación.

Pero también sé lo siguiente: si la gente hubiese actuado de esa manera hace cincuenta años o cien años o doscientos años, no estaríamos aquí esta noche. La única razón por la cual estamos aquí es porque generaciones de estadounidenses no tuvieron temor de hacer lo difícil; de hacer lo que era necesario incluso cuando el éxito era incierto; de hacer lo necesario para mantener vivo el sueño de esta nación para sus hijos y nietos.

Nuestro gobierno ha tenido ciertos reveses políticos este año, y algunos de ellos merecidos. Pero me despierto todos los días sabiendo que no son nada comparados con los reveses que algunas familias en el país han enfrentado este año. Y lo que hace que siga adelante –lo que hace que siga luchando– es que a pesar de todos estos reveses, ese espíritu de determinación y optimismo, esa decencia de fondo que siempre ha sido central en los estadounidenses, eso sigue existiendo. 

Sigue existiendo en el dueño de una pequeña empresa en dificultades que me escribió lo siguiente sobre su compañía, “Ninguno de nosotros”, dijo, “…está dispuesto a considerar ni por un minuto que podríamos fracasar”.

Sigue existiendo en la señora que dijo que aunque ella y sus vecinos han sentido el dolor de la recesión, “Somos fuertes. Somos capaces de superar problemas. Somos estadounidenses”.

Sigue existiendo en el niño de 8 años de Luisiana, quien me acaba de enviar su mesada y me pidió que se la dé a la gente de Haití. Y sigue existiendo en todos los estadounidenses que dejaron todo lo que estaban haciendo para ir a un lugar en el que nunca han estado y sacan a personas que nunca conocieron de los escombros, provocando vítores de “¡U.S.A.! ¡U.S.A.! ¡U.S.A!” cada vez que se salva otra vida.

Ese espíritu que ha sostenido a esta nación durante más de dos siglos continúa existiendo en ustedes, su pueblo.

Hemos concluido un año difícil. Hemos pasado por una década difícil. Pero ha llegado un año nuevo. Tenemos una década nueva por delante. No nos damos por vencidos. Yo no me doy por vencido. Aprovechemos el momento, para volver a empezar, para llevar el sueño adelante y para fortalecer a nuestra nación una vez más.

Gracias. Que Dios los bendiga. Y que Dios bendiga a Estados Unidos de Norteamérica. (Aplausos.)